Pictures and Illustrations.

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Plate 1. Indian Seer Attempting to Destroy a Female with Enchanted Sunbeams.

Plate 2. Nocturnal Grave Light.

Plate 3. Menstrual Lodge.

Plate 4. Nude Females Performing a Charmed Circuit at Night to Protect the Cornfield.

Plate 5. Medais and Prophets Revealing to Each Other their Necromantic Arts.

Plate 6. Sacrifice of a Female Captive by the Pawnees in 1838.

Plate 7. Basket-making by California tribes.

Plate 8. Antique Sepulchral Stone of Onondaga.

Plate 8. Antique Sepulchral Stone of Onondaga.

Plate 9. Comparison of North and South American Mounds.

Plate 10. Antiquities from a Peruvian Guaca.

Plate 11. Ancient Copper Axe, and Awl of a Cactus Thorn.

Plate 12. Circular Temple of Cayambe, Fig. 1.

Plate 12. Ancient House of the Incas at Quito, Fig. 2.

Plate 13. Primitive Water-craft of the Indians — Balza, Fig. 1.

Plate 13. Primitive Water-craft of the Indians — Ottowa Canoe, Fig. 2.

Plate 14. Remains of a Sioux Fortification on the Missouri River.

Plate 15. Antique Pictographs Discovered on the Silurian Sand Rocks, Beneath the Soil and Forest, on the South Banks of Lake Erie, at Independence, Ohio.

Plate 16. Ancient Mode of Mining on Lake Superior.

Plate 17. Chippewa Belle in Costume.

Plate 18. Manabosho's Hieroglyphics.

Plate 19. Manabosho's Hieroglyphics.

Plate 20. Manabosho's Hieroglyphics.

Plate 21. Manabosho's Hieroglyphics.

Plate 22. Manabosho's Hieroglyphics.

Plate 23. Iroquois Scenery.

Plate 24. Present Position of the Oneida Palladium, or Beacon-Stone, in the Utica Cemetery.

Plate 25. Scarifications during Mourning.

Plate 26. California Females Cleaning Grass Seed.

Plate 27. California Females Engaged in Gathering Food.

Plate 28. California Females Transporting Seeds and Water.

Plate 29. Map of the Creek Country in 1790.

Plate 30. Normal Types of Indian Art in Building.

Plate 31. Pictorial Inscription of Warlike Exploits on a Buffalo Skin.

Plate 32. Religious Edifices: — 1. Oracular Lodge for Incantations

Plate 33. Religious Edifices: — 2. Temple-like Enclosure for the Medawin Society,

Plate 34. Indian Doctor Preparing a Pot of Medicine.

Plate 35. Portrait of Occom.

Plate 36. Female Snow-shoe.


To the Hon. William L. Marcy, Secretary of State.


In dedicating this work to you, I indulge an appreciating sense of your original approval of its plan and prosecution; and your friendly consideration in placing the investigation in my hands.

The "poor Indian" has been the theme of poets and philanthropists for centuries. Europe has vied with America on the subject. It has been the aim of one class of writers as much to exalt his character above, as of another to depress it below, the proper standard. But, as in all other themes, whose advocates have contented themselves with the expression of wishes and sentiments, the Indian has, in the meantime, lived on in his position of overrated glory and underrated misery, till time has brought him to the middle of the nineteenth century, with increased claims, as he has shown an increased title, to sympathy.

The jus civile and their territorial right are not here alluded to, having ever been inviolate under the Constitution. It was not, however, till the twenty-ninth Congress, under your administration of the War-Department, that inquiries into their mental and moral character, industrial means, and social position and prospects, were publicly instituted.

Many questions of high political moment were presented to that CONGRESS. The invasion of the rights of Texas; the determination of the boundaries of Oregon; and the overthrow by armies of volunteers, of the ancient empire of Montezuma, were the subjects of warm discussion and grave consideration. And if the present theme


be infinitely small, compared with acts that tried the energy of statesmen, and the valour of warriors, there is some gratification in thinking that the crisis threw the minds of exalted men in our public councils with increased intensity on the ancient and widespread Indian race, — a race who were the normal sovereigns of the country, and of whose fate and fortunes no good man, certainly, can reproach himself for having thought kindly, or acted generously.

I have the honor to be,

Most respectfully,

Your obedient servant,



Fifth Report.


WASHINGTON, June 30, 1855.


I VERY respectfully submit the fifth report of my investigations under a provision of the act of 3d March, 1847. By this act the Department is directed "to collect and digest such statistics and materials as may illustrate the history, the present condition, and the future prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States."

To attain objects which are at once so definite and comprehensive, from so large a geographical area, and such a diversity of tribes, required an amount and felicity of research which could hardly be supposed ever to fall to the lot of a single individual, however favourably situated, without concurrent aid of inquirers in the field. Each of the forty families of tribes who occupy the American continent, north of the mouth of the Rio Grande del Norte, between sea and sea, have more or less claims to nationality in history and languages, condition and prospects.

There are many traits of manners and customs, and their physical and mental aspects, in which the tribes agree. But differences of climate and the countries they inhabit, and modes of procuring subsistence, create diversities which, without referring to those of language, demand notice, in any comprehensive view of them. Not to denote these tribal developments in the generic stocks which spread over such vast spaces of latitude and longitude, would be to disappoint expectation, even where such expectation is not directed to the higher requisitions of a peculiar and characteristic race. To discriminate between the large and small, the important and unimportant, the near and remote tribes, requires attention. Generally, those tribes whom we have longest known, and who have most appreciated civilization, require fuller notices;


while the attempt to give prominence to unimportant and barbarous tribes, with whom we have scarcely opened any relations, would not commend itself. At Home, Paris, or London, those generic traits of a North American Indian, which satisfy an ethnologist or a philologist, may seem all that is required; but to the American statist, historian, or moralist, not to discriminate between the traditions, history, languages, or tribal organizations of an Iroquois, a Cherokee, a Chickasaw, a Choctaw, a Chippewa, a Shawnee, Shoshone, or Delaware, would be to leave the knowledge that is sought without precision.

In the preceding volumes, (I, II, III, IV,) a body of information has been published, entirely authentic in its character, and vital in its purport. Research has been concentrated on the several topics into which the subject naturally divides itself. Their manners and customs, tradition, religion and language, have been kept separate. In the present volume, the digest and generalization of these topics is commenced. If the Indian character has not heretofore been understood, it is apprehended to have resulted from the fact that there has been no attempt at elementary investigation. His character has not been analyzed. He has been regarded only in the concrete.

Nothing has had so great a tendency to reveal the tangled thread of his history as the study of the aboriginal languages. Mr. Jefferson, in 1787, called attention to this subject. "A knowledge of their several languages," he observes, "would be the most certain evidence of their derivation which could be produced. In fact, it is the best proof of the affinity of nations which ever can be referred to. How many ages have elapsed since the English, the Dutch, the Germans, the Swiss, Norwegians, Danes and Swedes, have separated from their common stock? Yet, how many more must elapse, before the proofs of their common origin, which exist in their several languages, will disappear?"

It is to be lamented, then — very much to be lamented, that we have suffered so many of the Indian tribes already to extinguish, without our having previously collected and deposited in the records of literature, the general rudiments, at least, of the languages they spoke. Were vocabularies to be formed of all the languages spoken in North and South America, preserving their appellations of the most common objects


in nature — of those which must be present to every nation, barbarous or civilized, with the inflections of their nouns and verbs, — their principles of regimen and concord, and then deposited in all the public libraries, it would furnish opportunities to those skilled in the languages of the old world, to compare them with those now, or at any future time, and hence to construct the best evidence of the derivation of this part of the human race."

The modern history of the United States' tribes it is, indeed, quite within our power to recover, — for it dates back but about two and a half centuries, assuming as the date the first effectual settlement of Virginia (1607). Yet how little reliance is there on Indian tradition for this short period. The striking events of it, on the aboriginal mind, have been thrown back, and faded away in that historical oblivion which hides the origin of these, as of the other tribes, from the world. De Soto landed in Florida in 1540, spending two years in marches and countermarches, conflicts and battles, between the sources of the Altamaha, Savannah, and the Lower Mississippi, and the St. Francis and Arkansas west of it; and yet there is not a trace left of the events in the traditions of the Choctaws, Chickasaws, Cherokees or Muscogees, against whose united power he strove.

The Delawares have preserved a tradition of the first arrival of a foreign ship at the confluence of the Hudson; but it could not be told from their traditions whether the vessel which had excited their wonderment was of Italian, Scandinavian, Celtic, or Belgian origin. The Algonquins of the North preserve the tradition of the first arrival of the French in the St. Lawrence, whose nationality they have, however, commemorated in the term Uamitigצz. But were these fragmentary traditions entirely lost, together with all our own records of the times, except those relating to the languages, we should know that one generic mother stock, with dialectic differences, characterized the tribes along the Atlantic from the St. Lawrence to the Roanoke. All researches respecting the Indian, which tend to reveal intellectual traits, and serve to denote him to be a man of thought and affections, enlarge his hold on our sympathies, national and personal. By constituting a substratum for the man, such details increase the interest felt in his history, condition, and prospects. They give vitality to the Indian cause and fate. Such, I apprehend, were the views which dictated the act of Congress, to which I have referred. This act makes statistics the nucleus around which the facts illustrative of their history, condition and prospects, are to be thrown. To denote the progress which has been made in the census and the collection of statistical data,


together with the means which, in my view, are necessary to complete the investigation, I beg leave to refer to my report of the 18th of October last, — the substance of which is given at p. 535.

To form points of comparison, the view of the Indian population has been carried back a century. One conclusion has been strongly enforced by these tables and estimates of their former population — namely, that the tribes have maintained a singular parity of numbers from remote epochs, neither rising nor falling much in the comparison of long periods. Thus the Shawanees, who were reported by the French in 1736, at three hundred fighting men, and a total of fifteen hundred, were found within a fraction of the same numbers in 1847. The Delawares, whose fortunes and movements, like that of the Shawanees, have been very great, extending over many degrees of latitude and longitude, do not vary ten per cent. in a hundred years. The Cherokees, the Creeks and Choctaws, and Chickasaws, are traced, by very nearly the same aggregate numbers, through the entire American, British, French and Spanish periods, so far as they are given. Even the Iroquois, who embrace the most warlike tribes of the continent, do not vary greatly in their numbers from 10,000 souls, during the century, from 1745 to 1845 — the period of the New York Indian census.

There appears to be some striking and continued efforts necessary to be made, to enable them to overcome the status of the hunter state. In all attempts to improve their present condition, by legislators or humanitarians, it should be borne in mind that the whole body of the tribes in the United States exist in one of three distinct classes. 1. The semi-civilized group, who are agriculturalists, and possess fixed governments. See table, p. 498. 2. The progressive group of the small colonized tribes. See table, p. 495. 3. The mass of the nomadic and hunter tribes, who rove west of the parallels of latitude of the mouth of the Rio Grande, and of the valley of the Missouri river, extending to the Pacific

Yours, with consideration,







a. Earliest Traditions of the Indians respecting their Origin, and the Cosmogony of the Earth. Summary of the Beliefs of the various Tribes.


b. First Interview with the Tribes of Virginia, New York, and New England, at the Close of the Fifteenth and Commencement of the Sixteenth Centuries. General Ethnography.


c. Spanish Discoveries in Florida, and the present Territories of Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, Tennessee, Missouri, and Arkansas. Expeditions of D'Allyon, Narvaez, and De Soto. Discovery of the Mississippi River.


d. Discoveries on the Rio Gila, Colorado, and Del Norte. Expedition of Coronado in 1542, and the Conquest and Founding of New Mexico. First Excursions into the present Area of Texas and Arkansas.


e. Origin of the Indian Race. Shadowy Gleams of the American Continent in Grecian Literature. Influence of Classic Fable on the Period of the Discovery. Caribs of the Antilles. Discovery of the Semi-Civilization of Mexico and Peru, on high interior Chains. Its Type and Development northward. Its Character in the Area of the United States. Summary View of the Indian Character.

f. Capacity of the Indian Race to sustain the Shock of contiguous Civilization. Natural Tendency of savage Society to decline. Fallacious Theories of the Hunter State. False Estimates of their Numbers. Effects of the growth of the Colonies and States, to throw them West of the Mississippi.


I. General History.


AMERICAN history has had no topic comparable at all, for its enduring interest, to that of the Indian tribes. The remotest records of the traditions and discoveries of early nations, in the Old World, give no traces of their former position; and at the epoch of their discovery on this continent, they were unrecognized among the existing varieties of man. "Discoveries long ago," observes Mr. Jefferson, writing in 1781, "were sufficient to show that a passage from Europe to America was always practicable, even to the imperfect navigation of ancient times. In going from Norway to Iceland, from Iceland to Greenland, and from Greenland to Labrador, the first traject is the widest: and this having been practised from the earliest times of which we have any account of that part of the earth, it is not difficult to suppose that the subsequent trajects may have been sometimes passed. Again, the late discoveries of Capt. Cook, coasting from Kamskatka to California, have proved that, if the two


continents of Asia and America be separated at all, it is only by a narrow strait." (Notes on Virginia, p. 162.) The history of the early imaginative literature of Greece, embraced among its myths the destruction of the island of Atalantis, and the recital of the tale of the garden of the Hesperides. These shadowy gleams belonged rather to the fabulous notions of oriental cosmogony, than to any traditions of sober discovery. Still, the Hellenic geography is thought to have been influenced in its development by these traditionary discoveries (Cosmos, Vol. II., p. 496). It is supposed that the name of the Canary Islands may be derived from this age of myths.

It is not probable that the voice of classical fable had much weight on the mind of Columbus, who made no scruples, when he found a race on the islands of the Antilles so much resembling in physiognomy the natives of the Indian Ocean, to refer them to that stock of the human family. It was obvious that, as these newly discovered tribes were not descendants of the fair-skinned stocks of Europe or Asia, nor of the black-skinned race of Africa, neither had they any of the peculiar arts or customs of the one, nor the characteristically barbarous traits of the other. India appeared to furnish the ethnological link to which they must be referred; and it is that quarter from which the strongest testimonies of resemblance come. Believing himself to have landed on a remote part of the Asiatic continent, he had the less hesitation in pronouncing them Indians. Regarded from other points of view besides their features, there were concurrent testimonies. They had not, indeed, the fixed industry of the prominent coast-tribes of the Hindostanees, or of other Asiatic races. Mere hunters and fishermen, without any but the rudest arts, without populous towns, and roving along the shores nearly nude, with almost the same alacrity as the multiplied species of the waters and forests, they had as little thought of fixity of location, or curtailment of their nomadic liberty.

Surprise was at its height to find the Carib race, with whom the intercourse began, sunk so low in the scale of human beings, and so utterly unfit to encounter, even the lowest tasks of civilization. The whole Caribbean seas, extending northward to Cuba, and it is thought at an ancient period, of the history of the Leeward Island group, even to the peninsula of Florida, was found to be overspread with this divided and warring race, portions of whom were fierce and courageous.


Such were the first impressions of the race presented to the Spanish mind, at the era of the opening of the sixteenth century. A few years devoted to exploration of the continent, and interior discovery, denoted the existence of two points of Indian semi-civilization of a striking character. These were not found, as it might have been expected they would be, on the sea-coasts, or islands, or at the mouths of estuaries, as in India, but on remote and elevated table-lands, in valleys, having an altitude of from seven to ten thousand feet above the ocean. Such were the positions of Mexico, Cuzco, and Quito. On scrutinizing this species of civilization, it was found to be neither wholly of indigenous, nor wholly of a transferred character, but containing almost equally unmistakable traits of both; yet forming "the nearest approaches to civilization to be met with anciently, on the North American continent." (Prescott, Vol. I., p. 11.) The idea of the pyramid first developed itself in the human race in the valley of the Euphrates. It may be said to have culminated in the valley of the Nile, spreading over Asia-Minor and along the borders of the Euxine and Caspian; and revealing itself in America in the great structure of Cholula and of the Teocalli of all grades, on the elevated summit levels of Mexico.

It was on the summits of these pyramids that the ancient Toltecs, and indeed the whole aboriginal stocks of America, at an early epoch, lit up sacred fires in the symbolical and mystical adoration of the sun — a species of worship of the great creative spirit of the universe, which, so far as examined, lies at the foundation of all the Indian religious systems, north and south. Closely viewed, the types of the semi-civilization of Peru and Mexico were indeed distinctive. In both, however, agriculture, architecture, and the working of the precious metals, were well-developed elements of advance. The Peruvians had the art of making bronze, (Vol. IV., p. 438;) their pottery was of a superior kind; while their civil polity, as evinced in the construction of roads and bridges, manifested a higher order of civilization. The architecture of one nation culminated in the temple; the other in the terraced pyramid or teocalli. Yet there was in both these stocks that mixture or ill-digested type of ideas, arts, and customs, which denote a derivative, rather than aboriginal people. The architecture of neither nation, even in its most perfect forms of building, disclosed the arch. Both exhibited the custom of embalming the dead. No trace appeared of their having burned a widow at the funeral pyre.

All the tribes, semi-civilized and erratic, south of about latitude 46° north, buried their dead "out of sight." North of this point, on the shores of the Pacific, there were examples of the incineration of the body, as among the Tecullies (Harmon's Travels). In astronomy and in their pictography, the Toltecs and Aztecs held the supremacy; while their cycles and minor divisions of time, embraced features of Asiatic origin, as has been shown by Dr. Hawks. (Ant. of Peru.)


Their style of architecture revealed itself in ornaments of an order of quite aboriginal cast, to which the name of TOLTEC has been applied. The setting apart of the fifth day, as a marked day, and their ancient year of two hundred and sixty days, were traits in the chronology of oriental nations of ancient date. Their system of chronology was founded on an ignorance of the true length of the solar year; but by observations on the period of the sun's recession, as Mr. Gallatin has remarked, corrections were made from time to time, so that the period of two hundred and sixty days was abandoned, and, at the conquest, they had reached within nine minutes of the true solar year. (Semi-civ. Tribes of New Mexico, Eth. Trans., Vol. I.)

As the Toltec race, imbued with these ideas and arts, diffused itself north through the equinoctial, and into the temperate latitudes, it evinced a decadence which is the probable result of intermixtures and encounters with barbarous tribes. Its temples and teocalli dwindled away in almost the exact ratio of the distance which they had proceeded from their central seats. Yet, there was a strong clinging to original ideas and forms. On reaching Florida and the Mississippi valley, their teocalli assumed the shape of large, truncated mounds, still noted as the sites of the sacerdotal and magisterial residence — for these functions were here, as there, firmly united; while the adoration of the sun, as the symbol of Divine Intelligence, was found to be spread among all the tribes of North America, to the borders of Lake Superior, (Notes to Ontwa), and even through New England. Viewed in the present area of the United States, to which the disturbing impulses of the 12th century manifestly reached, there were originally, and still remain, great resemblances of customs and arts, and of traits mentally and physically. These traits, in connection with their arts and monuments, will be more fully considered as we proceed. It is the mental man we are now more particularly examining.

Prominent in the Indian mind is the fear of a Deity. This is the cause of their hopes and fears. It does not alter this to say that their deities are false; so far as they are causes of action, they are true. Their theology revealed very ancient oriental ideas of the human mind, though much obscured by an indigenous development. Zoroaster announced the existence of two leading principles in the moral government of the world, to which he assigned the dual deities of good and evil — the one perpetually acting in direct antagonism to the other. Subordinate to these, the Magii upheld the theory of genii, of inferior powers, who watched the personal fates of men, arranging themselves on the side of the antagonistical gods. Such was, in fact, the theory of the ancestors of all the American Indians of an early epoch, and the belief has descended to those of the present day, who still adhere to their native


religion. Equally distinct, in the ancient Indian theology, was the system of the symbolic adoration of the sun, as it existed among the early Persians, and other oriental tribes. This system was not only inaugurated, with all its imposing and mysterious rites, at Cuzco, but it laid at the foundation of the Toltec rites, however overlaid in the days of the conquest, by the horrid system of human sacrifice.

Not only so, but the oriental idea of dual deities of good and evil, with an almost infinitisimal number of subordinate spirits or demi-gods, of benign or malignant influence, is found to prevail throughout North America, quite up to the Arctic circle; and the dogma is as fixed, at this day, among the unreclaimed tribes, of the Mississippi valley, the great lake basins, and the Rocky mountains, as it ever was in South America or Asia.

Early traditions of the eastern nations, of another kind, have been found in the Indian mind. Von Humboldt, who visited South America, at the opening of the 19th century, found a tradition of the flood among the unreclaimed tribes of the Cordillera of the Andes. Such traditions, in which heroic traits are ascribed to the survivors of a universal deluge, exist in the wild cosmogonies of the heathen tribes of the prairie and forest groups of the western regions of the United States, and of British America. (Vide legend of Manibosho. Schoolcraft's Algic Researches.)

These allusions will be sufficient to denote how important to the true history of the Indians it is, to examine their mental character and organization, as affording indicia of primary traditions, rites, opinions, manners, and customs. To this end the papers accompanying the present and prior portions of these researches are submitted. For it must be apparent, that without such distinctive tribal desiderata, the generalizations pertaining to the race, as circles of tribes and languages, cannot be well undertaken. Occupying as they did one-fourth of the geographical area of the globe, and having assumed this position at a primal epoch of the continent, before cities, towns, and dynasties, had been established on it, there were great inducements for the race to decline; — to have crossed their track of migration; — to have divided into fragmentary bodies, tribes, and dialects, and, indeed, to have fallen from almost every supposable type of foreign knowledge, and sunk down into utter barbarism. It was argued at the discovery by grave doctors of philosophy, whether terms of humanity should be kept with them, and even doubted, in the Halls of the Sorbonne, whether they had souls. (Halket's Notes on the Indians of North America.) As a clue to these old mutations, and this intricacy of track, we have at least their languages and antiquarian vestiges or monuments to study, forming a class of testimony which was conceded, by the late Mr. Pritchard, to be more important than that of even their physical and mental traits. (Phys. Hist. of Mankind, Vol. I.)

But in whatever else the tribes differ, or however they have been developed in tribal or national distinctions, it is in their physiology, and the general structure of mind and thought, that they most closely coincide. Indians seen on the Orinoco,


the Rio Grande, and the Mississippi, present a set of features and characteristics remarkably alike. From Patagonia to Athabasca, and even to the shores of the Arctic Ocean, there is a coincidence which has been the subject of general remark. Such is this coincidence, observes a recent physiologist, whose attention has been particularly directed to this subject, that whoever has seen one of the tribes has seen all. (Vol. II., p. 316.) It is this continental trait, linking the tribes together, by a peculiar type of features and character, and by a unity of thought on the leading changes of life and death, that is designed to be expressed by the common term, Indian.

It is not the traits of the man of the Indus, or the Gambia — not Hindostanee, the Chinese, Tartar, or Japanese — not even the segregated yet resembling races of the Pacific, and the isles of the Indian Ocean, however approximating in some of their physical traits — that we behold. There is something more fixed, more homogeneous, more indigenous, more ethnic, than these recited varieties of the human race present.

The North American Indian is a man gifted with the ready perception of physical phenomena which pass before his eyes. He is vividly observant of the general meteoric changes of the atmosphere. To him there is a wild pictography in the clouds, planets, and electrical displays, which he reads as the manifestations of a great creative Deity, who governs and upholds the globe. To see what is palpable and present, or speak of what is past, is, however, the habit of his mind. He is not given to trains of anticipation. He is not progressive; he is not even moderately inductive. He does not indulge in trains of truthful thought, morally or intellectually; but sinking down on the oriental principles of fatalism, he is by no means disposed to call in question the dispensations of Providence, or the actions of his forefathers. Supposing himself to have been created for the sphere he occupies, with the wild affluence of the zoological creation around him, it is not the habit of his mind to gainsay the conclusions of those who have preceded him in the nomadic and predatory life. He does not regard the advent of the European races in America, as of auspicious tendency. Naturally fearful, doubtful, and suspicious, he is emphatically the victim of fear, doubt, and suspicion. To him, the moral and the intellectual world stand still. Letters and arts are a mystery; and Christianity a system which was not designed for him. He is under the influence of a set of dreaming priests and necromantic manipulators, who, professing to reveal the will of the Great Spirit, bind his mind down as with "hooks of steel," to the dark doctrines of daemonology, witchcraft, sorcery, and magic. Such is the subtilty of this belief, that even a beam of light, emitted through an orifice in the wigwam, can become the medium of conveying a malign and deadly influence on the slumbering victim (Plate 1). Above all, he does


not wish to be what he is not now. In habits of thought and action, in everything, in fact, that constitutes individuality, he is unchanged and indomitable; and after three centuries and a half as our neighbor, he is to-day what Eric, Columbus, Cabot, and Vespucci, found him. Such is the unreclaimed Indian.


THAT a race so wedded to their peculiar systems of erroneous thought and action, should have so long resisted the teachings of civilization, in all its multiplied forms, is a remarkable feature in the history of aboriginal races. Fascinated by hunting, in a continent of such ample limits as to render the chase long and absorbingly attractive, there has seemed to them no end of its pleasures — no end of the wild liberty of roving from place to place. Attached as they are to localities, so long as their precincts yield the means of support, they have readily sought new homes in the forest whenever game failed; and as they were constantly migrating westward, the change seems to have well accorded with their belief of a happy final hunting-land in that direction. To this race, the offer of the school-book, the plough, and the Bible, has had few attractions. Satisfied to live as their forefathers lived, they have had little curiosity to inquire into other truths. Time has, indeed, passed to the tribes who have kept themselves in the forest, as if it had no value. Three centuries have produced, apparently, no more effect than three years might be expected to do; and were Columbus or Cabot, Champlain, Standish, Penn, or Oglethorpe, to return to-morrow, he would be astonished to find the forest tribes so essentially like their forefathers at their eras. The Indian has hated letters, labor, and truth, on both sides of the Alleghanies, and on the east and the west of the Mississippi. But with these admissions of fixity of habit, it is not remarkable that he should have continued, and still, in his strongholds, continues, to violate the true principles of population, and of political economy. Less should we be surprised that their population has rapidly diminished. It could do nothing but diminish. As sure as effect follows cause, it must have sunk in the scale. He violated every principle of increase before the discovery, by a hopeless, purposeless war of petty tribe against tribe, and by an almost total reliance on the spontaneous products of the forests for subsistence, which never met the demand; and as soon as the Europeans arrived, he added to the causes of depopulation by freely indulging his unmeasured appetites, which led largely to disease. To gain these indulgences, he yielded readily to the inducements of commerce, as soon as the country began to


be settled, by rapidly destroying, with fire-arms and steel traps, the races of the forest, and particularly the fur-bearing animals — his only ready means of subsistence. The over-stimulated chase at first aroused new energies, but left him in a few years his immense territories, which were valueless to him without the deer and beaver.

Let Europe rate America, indeed, for neglect of the Indians! No country in Europe has treated its aborigines half so well; and least of all should such imputations come from our brothers of England. It is a well-known fact of history, that for centuries the Britons, though men whom they acknowledged to be of noble port, were hunted as prey by the Romans; and that on the landing of William the Conqueror, both Saxons and Britons were literally swept from the plains, and driven out into coverts and fastnesses. Subjected to a series of hard exactions and cruelties, they were even compelled to put out their lights, and retire to bed at the sound of the curfew. Driven to the primitive peaks of Wales, even there the Druids, whose monuments mark the island, were decimated and exterminated. No wonder should be expressed that a leading prince of the race should have assembled his devoted followers, as Cambrian history asserts, and attempted to repair his political fortunes by fleeing to the West.

These remarks may serve to introduce some considerations on the effects of those long-continued violations of the plainest maxims of increase and progress on the tribes, which mark their history. There are no means of determining, with any accuracy, the aboriginal population at the period of the discovery. The Spanish authors introduced estimates which are vague, and generally exaggerated whenever they refer to the population of tribes who had not been reclaimed, settled in pueblos, or at mission stations. Alcedo, who published his geographical dictionary at Madrid, in 1787, confines himself exclusively to the population of towns, districts, and repartimentoes. (Geo. and Hist. Dic. of America.) The Indians in the Antilles alone were stated by him at 3,500,000 — which is manifestly a most extravagant estimate. It is


no object here to pursue this branch of inquiry, but merely to add, that if the aboriginal population of Spanish America was over-estimated, that of North America was equally so. The country had been known nearly a century before England thought to avail herself of Cabot's discovery, by planting colonies. The first landing in Virginia found the tribes of Algonquin lineage in possession of the Atlantic coasts, extending northwards. The local names of the tribes were preserved, but the limits of their possessions, and their numbers, were mere objects of conjecture. Information on these points could not be obtained, and the subject was ever a matter of doubt. As the country became settled, other stocks of tribes were found, extending southwardly to the Gulf of Mexico, northwardly along the Atlantic, reaching to the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and westwardly to the Mississippi. Conjecture and estimates scarcely aimed to fill up the general outlines of the aboriginal numbers. The Indian mode of life is itself calculated to lead to error on this head. They are a people who rove over vast spaces, occupy the land very sparsely, and by their quick movements and yells under excitement, create an idea of numbers which is very fallacious. Five hundred Indian warriors, turned loose in the forest, occupy grounds which would suffice for five thousand, if not fifty thousand civilized persons, or regular troops. The celerity with which they move — the tumult they make — and their wild, Arab-like, or oriental costume and arms, give them, at once, a picturesque and formidable appearance. It is believed that every officer who has marched against them, from the early days of Virginia and Massachusetts, to the formidable military expeditions of Braddock, Bouquet, and Bradstreet, has greatly magnified their numbers. Similar exaggerations prevailed in the armies during the epoch of the American Revolution, and the succeeding campaigns of Harmer, St. Clair, and Wayne. Nor do the data at our command lead to the supposition, that a much greater degree of accuracy in estimating their numbers was made in the campaigns of Genls. Harrison and Jackson, or Scott and Taylor, while operating in Florida or the Mississippi valley. It is astonishing what mistakes this great diffusion of the Indian forces, brought into the field, has led to in all periods of our history.

The earliest accounts of the Indian population begin in this state of conjecture and uncertainty. A guess is put for a fact — a supposition for the results of an inquiry. Agreeably to Captain Smith, there were 5000 Indians within sixty miles of Jamestown in 1590. Mr. Jefferson informs us, that when the first effectual settlement of Virginia was made, in 1607, the littoral and forest tribes between the Potomac and James river, extending to the mountains, contained upwards of forty different tribes, including the Monacans or upper tribes. He represents the territories lying south


of the Potomac, comprehending the Powhatanic confederacy, to consist of about 8000 inhabitants, of whom three in ten were warriors. This denoted 2400 fighting men. (Notes on Virginia: London, A.D. 1788, p. 149.) It appears that when the Virginia Legislature turned its attention to the number of the Indian tribes within its bounds, in 1669, (Vide Title XV., Population and Statistics), they were reduced to 518 warriors, or 2600 persons, denoting a decline of over two-thirds the entire population in sixty-two years. Of the forty coast and midland tribes, nothing further appears in an official form, and they seem to have reached the lowest point of their depression at the date of Mr. Jefferson's Notes, in 1781. The account he gives of the Virginia tribes is the most authentic extant. "Very little can now be discovered of the subsequent history of these tribes severally. The Chickahomones removed, about the year 1661, to Mattapony river. Their chief, with one from each of the Pamunkies, and Mattaponies, attended the treaty of Albany, in 1685. This seems to have been the last chapter in their history. They retained, however, their separate name so late as 1705, and were at length blended with the Pamunkies and Mattaponies, and exist at present only under their names. There remain of the Mattaponies three or four men only, and they have more negro than Indian blood in them. They have lost their language — have reduced themselves, by voluntary sales, to about fifty acres of land, which lie on the river of their own name — and have, from time to time, been joining the Pamunkies, from whom they are distant but ten miles. The Pamunkies are reduced to about ten or twelve men, tolerably pure from mixture with other colours. The older ones among them, preserve their language in a small degree, which are the last vestiges on earth, so far as we know, of the Powhatan language. They have about three hundred acres of very fertile land on Pamunky river, so encompassed by water that a gate shuts in the whole. Of the Nottoways not a male is left. A few women constitute the


remains of that tribe. They are seated on Southampton river, on very fertile land. At a very early period, certain lands were marked out and appropriated to these tribes, and were kept from encroachment by the authority of the laws. They have usually had trustees appointed, whose duty it was to watch over their interests, and guard them from insult and injury." Such was the fate of the coast-tribes of Virginia. It exhibits a noble policy of their statesmen and legislators, to stay the decline of a race, who were hastening to their extinction by the use, or rather the misuse, of means which would, if indulged, consign them to degradation. It was the littoral tribes of that state which, however, suffered most severely from the contact with Europeans. The upper tribes, who were of Iroquois lineage, were less exposed to deteriorating influences. "The Monacans and their friends," continues he, "better known latterly as Tuscaroras, were probably connected with the Massawomacs, or Five Nations. For, though we are told their languages were so different, that the intervention of interpreters was necessary between them, yet do we also learn that the Erigas, a nation formerly inhabiting on the Ohio, were of the same original stock with the Five Nations, and that they partook also of the Tuscarora language. Their dialects might, by long separation, have become so unlike as to be so unintelligible to one another. We know that in 1712, the Five Nations received the Tuscaroras into their confederacy, making them the sixth nation. They received the Meherrins, or Tutelos, also into their protection; and it is most probable that many other of the kindred tribes, of whom we find no particular account, retired westwardly in like manner, and were incorporated into one or other of the western tribes." (Notes on Virg., p. 156.)

Without encumbering these pages with details, which are at best fragmentary and conjectural, of the aboriginal population, at the epochs of the settlement of the several colonies, it may be assumed that the rate of decrease in the littoral tribes, which is indicated in the history of Virginia, prevailed in the other colonies. Glimpses, and but glimpses, of this protracted period of decline can be given, but they testify to the same general end. The landing in Virginia was made in the far-spreading territories of the


Algonquin family of tribes. As the other colonies arrived, and planted themselves along the Atlantic northward and eastward, they were surrounded by tribes of the same generic stock. Thus, the English in Massachusetts and New England generally, the Hollanders on the sea-coasts of New York and New Jersey, the Quakers of Pennsylvania, and the Dutch and Swedes of the present area of Delaware, were environed by tribes of Algonquin lineage, however they differed in names and dialects. The tribal names they bore were, indeed, no test of tribal or national affinity, having reference to the parent stock, being generally taken from some geographical or other peculiarity of an entirely adventitious character. Thus, the generic name of the Massachusetts Indians appears to be a derivative from the Blue Hills of that State, visible from the islands off that coast; the Narragansetts, from an arm of the sea; the Pequots, from the blunt-headed arrow; the Mohicans, from a wolf; the Manhattans, from a whirlpool; and the Metoacs of Long Island, from an impression that the land was under the power of enchantment by their medawas. After passing the Hudson westward, the various tribes were still more closely related to the sub-generic Lenni Lenapee or Delaware stock of this group. They extended to, and south of, the Delaware river, to the confines of the Susquehanna, and to Chesapeake bay. Here were encountered the Susquehannocks, Nanticokes, and their cognate tribes. The same stock prevailed south of the Chesapeake, not only throughout all the seaboard front of Virginia, but, agreeably to Lawson, to the Pamticos of North Carolina. Taking the map of the United States, and running back on the ethnological track northwardly and eastwardly, the Algonquin tribes extended, throughout New England, and New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia, to the Micmacs and Melecites of the Gulf of St. Lawrence and the islands within it. At the settlement of New England, it was estimated by Goodwin that there were twenty distinct tribes within its limits. It is stated by Edwards (Observ. on the Muhekenew Language) that these all spoke dialects of the same language. They agreed, also, in general manners and customs, traditions and character. They referred to the South for their origin.


It was in that quarter, agreeably to Roger Williams, that their benevolent God, Kamantowit, lived. To him they ascribed the gift of the Zea maize; and it is inferable, both from Williams and from the other ministerial and missionary writers of the period, who have recorded the Indian traditions, that the track of migration of the ancestors of these tribes had been from the South, and by the shores of the Atlantic, till they were arrested by the great estuary of the St. Lawrence.

Turning the view westward, from this point, up the St. Lawrence river, into the great lake basins, and west of them, to the Mississippi valley, the Algonquin class of tribes were found, on the discovery, to have overspread that region. Keeping the left shores of the St. Lawrence, and avoiding Hochelaga and its southern environs, possessed by the Iroquois, they ascended the Outawas branch to lakes Nepising and Huron. From the latter they migrated, through the straits of St. Mary's, to Lake Superior;


whence they proceeded west to the sources of the Mississippi river, and across the Rainy Lake summit to the Lake of the Woods, and to Lake Winnipeck. Mackenzie informs us, that they extended their migration northward to the Portage du Trait of the great Missinippi or Church-hill river of Hudson's Bay, where they encountered the Athapasca stock of tribes. (Hist. Fur Trade, p. 73.)

In this diffusion of the Algonquins, north and west of the great lakes, and over the barren and rugged latitudes north of Lake Superior and west of Hudson's Bay, geographical phenomena and position divided them into numerous local bands, who speak mere dialects of the parent tongue, and they are by no means entitled to be deemed independent tribes. Such are the Kebiks, or Montainiers, Maskigos, Nopemings, Nepisings, Crees, or Kenistenos, Odjibway, Odawas, Pottawattomies, Monomonies, Miscotins, etc. — names which, divested of their aboriginal garb, mean, respectively, Mountaineers, Bogmen, Inlanders, People of the Nepising Lake, Killers, Sibilant or Hissing Voices, Trading People, People who make an independent Council-Fire, Wild Rice-makers, Prairie Indians, etc. To search for analogies of etymology amid such mere incidental terms, which were sometimes imposed in irony or jest, as some writers have done, is a mere waste of philological labor.

An element of the Algonquin stock, as denoted by vocabularies, is found in one of the leading tribes, who inhabit the Saskatchiwine river, between Red river of the Winnepeck Lake and the Rocky Mountains. The people speaking this language appear to have been remarkable, wherever they sojourned, for their enterprise and vigor as hunters and warriors. Red river appears to have been the avenue up which the Algonquins returned south, to rejoin tribes who had proceeded into the Mississippi valley from lakes Huron and Michigan. Their line of migration extends from Pembina, by the Otter-tail Lake, to the point at Sauc river, above St. Anthony's Falls, where they crossed the Mississippi, into eastern Minnesota and north-western Wisconsin, ultimately reaching the waters of Green Bay and Chicago. Thence they spread south, down the Illinois, to Peoria and Kaskaskia, and the mouth of the Ohio. The original area of the States of Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, and Michigan, was occupied, with slight exceptions, by tribes of the Algonquin stock. The intrusive or


intercalated tribes in the same area, were members of the Iroquois, or confederation of the Six Nations of New York — namely, the Oneidas, Mohawk, Onondagas, Cayugas, Senecas, and Tuscaroras — the latter of which only, were of modern date in their entry into the region. These tribes were generally called Mingoes, in the West. The Wyandots were also of this generic stock, but of far earlier dates of migration; having left the valley of St. Lawrence about the time of the settlement of Canada by the French. The Winnebagoes — a Dacota tribe with an Algonquin name — were celebrated for their influence in western Indian affairs. There had been, at an early time, other tribes, who fled before the Iroquois power, taking temporary shelter, in their flight, in the Ohio valley, prominent among which were the Erigas, Andastes, etc. There were vestiges and evidences of cultivation and occupancy by still earlier tribes, who had cast their rude defences, and earthen-works, ditches and mounds, to testify of early and forgotten struggles for the occupancy of the country. Iroquois tradition refers these to ancient wars against southern tribes, who were driven, at ante-historical periods, out of the Mississippi valley (vide Cusic). These vestiges and communities of semi-civilized and of nomadic tribes will be considered under the head of Antiquities, and may be appropriately dismissed in these outlines.

In this brief view of the ethnographical track of migration, the Algonquin tribes are perceived to have revolved in an irregular circle, or ellipsis, of some three thousand miles diameter, returning at last, to complete the circle, to the Mississippi valley.


They are first heard of, in early ante-historical periods, by Lenapi traditions (American Philos. Trans.), crossing the Mississippi from the west. It is perceived, from the prior details, that the most extreme southerly point, on the Atlantic borders, to which they were traced, after the era of the discovery, is the location of the Pamticos of North Carolina (Lawson). South of this point, bands of the Iroquois element were seated. The Monacans of Virginia, and the Tuscaroras of North Carolina, were of this stock. It is a peculiarity in the ethnography of these bands, that they were located at the eastern base of the Appalachian chain, extending to the falls of the principal rivers flowing into the Atlantic. The Catabas do not appear to have been the original inhabitants of the lands they occupied in the upper part of South Carolina, and have not been arranged in the system of groups; leaving it probable, however, in our present state of inquiry, that they were of the lineage and language of the Wyandot type of the Iroquois family (Vol. III., p. 293). The Santees, Waterees, and other small coast tribes of South Carolina, perished without our having obtained vocabularies for their languages, beyond the mere indicia of the geographical names. The term Chicora, which was early applied by the Spanish to the tribes of these coasts, is believed to have been more specially applied to the ancient Utchees, who spread over the country and its sea-islands, extending between the present cities of Charleston and Savannah. It is the tradition of the Creeks (vide Hawkins), that this tribe were conquered by them, and carried off and incorporated into their confederacy.

A few more allusions will be sufficient to fill up this ethnographical picture. The Appalachian group occupied all the northern shores of the Gulf of Mexico, from the capes of Florida to the Mississippi, extending to the Appalachian chain; in the elevated valleys of this chain dwelt the Cherokees, a people who are thought to have once occupied the Mississippi valley above the confluence of the Ohio, from which they were disastrously expelled (Iroquois Trad., Cusic).

Three groups, or ethnological families, thus covered by far the largest area of the United States, east of the Mississippi: namely, the Algonquins, Iroquois, and Appalachians — with the intrusion of a single tribe, namely, the Winnebagoes, from the Dacota group of the west of the Mississippi, and with the diverse fragmentary elements of the Utchees, the Natchez, and the Achalaque or Cherokees. Such is, at least, the arrangement of the tribes, by generic groups and languages, as known at the settlement of the country.

It is, with the multiplied tribes of these great aboriginal families or generic groups, all lying east of the line of the Rocky Mountains, that our intercourse has, almost exclusively, existed, from the first planting of the colonies, in 1584, to the termination


of the Mexican war, in 1848 — a period of two hundred and sixty-four years, reaching from the reign of Queen Elizabeth to the Presidency of James Knox Polk. For one hundred and ninety-two years of this period, the policy pursued respecting them has been that of Great Britain. For the last seventy-nine years it has been that of America. How far these systems of policy have run parallel, and at what positions they have differed, may be stated at the sequel. Comparisons of the condition of the tribes, are not easily instituted, without apparent invidiousness, under phases of the Indian history so radically diverse. The European governments, founding their sovereignties on the jure divino of universal interpretation, exercised its power over the disposal of all lands and territories occupied by the barbarous tribes of the countries discovered; taking the latter under guardianship, as not being capable of sovereign acts, or sound discretion in the management of their interests; and making pacifications and "contentments," from time to time, for intrusions on their territories or hunting grounds. The wild tribes possessed, truly, the balance of power. They could disturb or break up the new settlements; and, had they not been strikingly deficient in the power of combination, they would have swept away the colonists at these earlier periods. To conciliate and pacify, to explain and redress acts of incidental injustice, to prevent combinations for hostile purposes, and to direct the minds of the Indians to the leading truths of labor and civilization, became the general objects of European, as they have been of American policy. Indian wars were occasional, and of short duration, during the whole period, and they were waged with precisely the same ulterior views. The policy was pre-eminently that of peace, and not of war; and when war ensued, the aim was to reform, not to destroy them. Such was the system of England, Holland, France, and Sweden; as it had previously been that of Spain and Portugal in South America. The colonial governors stood between the tribes and the throne, as representatives of the king. To prevent misapprehensions among an ignorant and suspicious people, they employed a class of Executive Agents, to reside near or amongst the Indians. When England and France went to war, the Indian tribes in their interest also engaged in hostilities. In the patriarchal language of the tribes, the terms of a father and his children were employed. This pleased the Indians; and established a political relation which they fully understood. In this system of management of the Indian affairs, the dynasties of the Tudors, Stuarts, and Guelphs, were one. The same policy prevailed during the whole history of the colonies. It was indeed an epoch, however long, when the European migrations were moderate, and required but little land. The new-comers introduced themselves in an easy way; the Indians lived and died on their ancient limits, without seeing their lands torn away, or greatly curtailed; and the tribes were not alarmed by threatening tides of Transatlantic migration.

The theory of patriarchal relations was one very consonant to the feelings of the Indians. They were poor financiers; they lacked forecast; they never strove to


accumulate wealth, national or personal; they were more than half suspicious of being inadequate to the wise management of their own affairs, and supposed that the relations of a father to his children secured them, in no small degree, both against wants and enemies. It was to uphold this mutual system of sympathies, that Sagarahta (King Hendrick) fell, in the front of the British army, at Lake George, in 1755. Gen. Braddock paid the forfeit of his life, in the same year, west of the Alleghanies, in a struggle to carry out the British policy. Never had there been, in America, a military expedition at all comparable to this. He had more than double the number of men with which De Soto landed in Florida, in 1540, and the fame, peril, and grandeur of the expedition aroused the intensest interest of all the Colonies.

For the number and names of the several tribes; of their population and strength at various periods; and of their history and wars, traditions and customs, other portions of these pages are referred to.

Declension seems to have been written on their history from the beginning. By whatever mutations of history they were led to adopt the bow and arrow, and to pursue the chase, as means to secure their happiness, they could not have fallen more infinitely short of the mark, if suffering under the Simeonic destiny — "Thou shalt not excel." That so many of the small and local tribes should have perished before they had attracted much attention, and that many more should have sold or exchanged their surplus lands for locations in the West, where they would be comparatively out of the way of disturbance, is undoubtedly true. But the fact is not so remarkable, as that any of them should so long have withstood the to them blighting shock of civilization.

The first thought of the Indian, when he began sensibly to feel this shock in its wasting effects, was, to repair his fortunes by fleeing beyond the Alleghanies. Many of the leading tribes attributed their remote origin to that quarter. They have, from early times of their traditions, as before indicated, regarded the West and South-west as the scenes of benign influences; and it is, particularly, in the undefined regions of the West, that they locate their paradise and happy hunting grounds, after this life is closed. The first tribes who began to repair to this region, and to fall back on their original track, by crossing the Mississippi from the East, were the Delawares and Shawnees. These two well-known tribes of the Algonquin stock have been intimate allies, in peace and war, during the whole period of our history. From a tradition, which is incidentally recorded in one of our treaties, p. 540, it appears that so early as 1796, they had obtained permission from the Spanish Governor-General Carondalet to settle and hunt in Upper Louisiana.

To employ an aboriginal metaphor, "the Indian had long discerned a dark cloud in the atmosphere, moving from the East, which threatened disaster to him. Slowly rising at first, it seemed but a shadow. But it soon became the substance; and, as it reached the summits of the Alleghanies, deep murmurs, as of thunder, were heard —


it assumed a darker hue — it was impelled forward by strong tempests of wind, and it darted out forked lightnings." This cloud was the symbol of civilization — of letters, labour, and Christianity, which threatened to subdue the tribes before it, or to sweep them from the continent. Pontiac opposed himself to this sombre cloud, in 1759, when he saw the French flag struck in America, and the British elevated in its stead. His strong figure — delivered to the British officer who came with a force to reap the fruits of the taking of Quebec — remains, to attest the Indian feeling of the period: "I stand in the path!" He saw, in the menacing Anglo-Saxons, the element, which was destined, in his view, to exterminate the Indian race. When he had assembled the chiefs of the nations in council, to unfold to them his schemes, his thoughts kindled, as he depicted the coming rush of the White man from the borders of the Atlantic, till he reached his peroration, and exclaimed, to the armed and bright-eyed multitude, "Drive those dogs in red clothing into the sea!" (Cass' Discourse before the Michigan Hist. Soc.) Fifty years later, the Shawanoe leader, Tecumseh, repeated the attempt to drive back the threatening masses of civilization; and, like Pontiac, his prototype, to hurl them back, he made the western valleys run with blood. For many years, his voice had been potential in western negotiations. He plotted the conspiracy of the Wabash. Knowing the Indian character well, he penetrated into its secret recesses by the Indian priesthood, and roused up the Indian mind to a great effort, to stem and roll back the tide of White men. With devotion and heroism beyond his British allies, he assailed, with entire abandon, the impinging force. Tippecanoe and River Raisin commemorate his ire. Ambuscade and massacre are, with the aborigines, modes of honorable warfare; but those acts of a mad foe, only served to wake up a more determined resistance to the last great rally of barbarism and superstition; and he forfeited his life in this vain effort to restore the hunter-empire in America.

But the war of 1812, of the Algonquin group of the West, did not, however disastrous to the aboriginal tribes, arrest the attempt of the Appalachian group of the South to make another effort to regain the lost sovereignty of America. This effort was the expiring throe made by the Appalachian family — the Creeks, or Muscogees, placing themselves in the front. From the close of the war with Great Britain, in 1815, they had continued for two or three years, with great obstinacy and courage, under the leadership of Tuscaloosa, to wage a sanguinary war against the Southern frontiers. Tecumseh, who had visited this tribe about 1811, in the days of his power, preaching up a crusade against the Whites of the frontiers, was, by the mother's side, a Creek, and the memory of his stirring appeals was yet fresh in their minds. The formidable character of this effort brought General Jackson into the field, from his retirement at Nashville. He prosecuted it with great vigor and decision. He enforced discipline among his own troops with the energy of Caesar. Having overthrown the Creeks in several decisive actions, and finding the war to rest


on a Spanish element of alliance and support in Florida, he pursued them and their allies, the Seminoles, into that province, and captured its principal fortresses. These events laid the foundation of the acquisition of Florida. With the sublime act of the voluntary surrender of himself, made by Tuscaloosa, upon whose head a price had been fixed, the war closed. The Creeks, and the Appalachians generally, gave up the idea, so long popular among the Indians, of opposing force against the Americans, and restoring the Indian power in America.

Twelve years later (1832), the restless Sacs and Foxes, instigated by the counsels of the Chief Black Hawk, renewed the contest in the West; and after a sanguinary and destructive campaign, during which Asiatic cholera first broke out among the troops, his army was defeated, and himself taken prisoner, at the battle of Badaxe, on the Upper Mississippi. Defeated in the North, the South, and the West, the home-tribes of the frontiers, east of the line of the Mississippi, became convinced that a peaceful policy was better fitted to promote their prosperity. Since this period, they have addressed themselves to agriculture and the arts. They have received teachers, and applied their efforts to master the problem of civilization. They have also admitted the axiom, that the Indian communities cannot exist, in prosperity, within the boundaries of the States. One tribe after another has consented to dispose of their lands and improvements; and, carrying along their teachers and the arts, have removed to the west of the Mississippi, and to the waters of the Missouri. A revival and very striking improvement of their condition has been the result, with all the industrial and temperate tribes. They have erected schools and academies with a part of their annuities. They raise large stocks of cattle and horses. They cultivate extensive fields of Indian corn and the cereal grains. They erect substantial dwelling-houses and farms. They build mills, and manufactories of articles of first necessity. They have, to a considerable extent, adopted the European costume and the English language. The principal tribes have organized systems of government, courts, and civil codes. The writings of their public men compare very well with those of politicians of the frontier States and Territories. Men of learning and piety conduct their system of education; and, in the most advanced tribes, no small percentage of the population, as compared with European communities, in that region, are shown to have adopted Christianity.





General View of the Manners and Customs of Man in the Hunter State. Aboriginal Man, and the Influence of the Continent on him. Constitution of the Indian Family. Forest Teachings. Arts of Hunting and Fishing. Incidents of War — of Peace — of Birth — of Death. Amusements and Games. State of Woman in Savage Life. Characteristic Dances of the Tribes.


General Traits of Indian Mind. Dignity of Indian Thought. Basis of Mental Character. Customs denoting a Foreign Origin. Persic and Hindoo Customs. Distinctive Phases of the Hunter State. Its Government Patriarchal. Influence of the Wilderness on the State of Woman. Costume. Male and Female Costume. Winter and Summer Dress. Implements and Accoutrements in War.


Traits of Parental Affection. Regard for the Demented. Cruelty of the Barbarous Tribes to their Prisoners. Instance of Gross Superstition. Manners and Customs of the Winnebagoes and Dacotahs. Character, and striking Manners and Customs of the Moqui and Navajo Tribes of New Mexico. Buffalo-Hunting on the Western Prairies.


Resumי of Observations thus far. Are the Indian Tribes of Foreign Origin? Examination of their Manners and Customs, Rites, and Religion, in view of this Question. Adoration of Fire. Spirit-Worship. Totemic Bond of Fraternity. Subsisting Customs and Beliefs. Daemonology. Human Sacrifice. Indian Ideas of the. Immortality of the Soul, and Theory of Sensations in Dreams. Belief in the Resurrection of Animals sacrificed on the Grave. Final Inadequacy of the Proofs deduced from General Customs. Generic Conclusions.


II. Manners and Customs.


IT is said by Gomara, in his history of the Indies, that the greatest wealth of the North American Indians consists in the immense herds of the bison, met in the latitude of about 40°, and that the animal is susceptible of domestication, yielding an abundance of milk. This statement is not the less fallacious for its having been in a manner galvanized by a justly eminent writer, after the uniform observation of the French and English colonists of America, disaffirming, for more than two centuries, the practicability of their domestication. The bison is still found, in the country named, roving in vast herds over the plains of Kansas, Nebraska, and Minnesota, to the banks of the Saskatchewine of Hudson's Bay (vide Vol. IV., p. 92). A figure of the animal, and another of the domestic cow, is given, from a daguerreotype, in Plate 8, Vol. IV., p. 93. A description of the buffalo-hunt, on the plains of Pembina, is subjoined, from the pen of Mr. Sibley, M. C., which is both interesting and instructive in its details, and very valuable, as bringing the observation down to the present time. The writer has himself participated in the exciting scenes of the buffalo chase. (Narrative Journal of Travels to the Sources of the Mississippi, 1820, Alb., 1 vol. 8vo, p. 276.) All visitors and travellers, who have spoken on the subject, coincide in the opinion, that the bison is incapable of domestication, and that it is not without imminent peril to themselves that the fierce and untamable herds of it are hunted. Indians have never made the attempt to tame it, nor is its milk an article which they


value, or ever taste. It is prized by them solely for its hide and flesh; the latter of which is jerked, and becomes an article of traffic in the condition of pemmican. (Mackenzie.)

Indian customs are, to a great extent, founded on the fauna inhabiting that country, and many of their rites and superstitions take their complexion from the objects of the chase. The bison has ever been deemed by them one of the prime objects of hunter-prowess and skill. But it has been, from the days of Gomara, as a wild and untameable species, which he has considered one of the peculiar tokens of a kind Providence to him, in his nomadic state, and which he regards only as an object of the chase. In a recent interview of Governor Stevens with the prairie tribes of the buffalo plains of the north, he informed them of the scheme of a contemplated railroad to the Pacific, which would intercept their hunting grounds. An evident alarm was produced. Adhering to the idea that the wild herds of buffalo were an inestimable boon to them, the venerable chief said: "The Great Father of Life, who made us, and gave us these lands to live upon, made also the buffalo and other game, to afford us the means of life: his meat is our food; with his skin we clothe ourselves and build our houses; he is to us our only means of life — food, fuel, and raiment. I fear we shall soon be deprived of the buffalo: then starvation and cold will diminish our numbers, and we shall all be swept away. The buffalo is fast disappearing. As the White man advances, our game and our means of life grow less; and before many years, they will all be gone." He resumed — "I hear of a great road, to be built through our lands. We do not know what the object of this is; we cannot understand it, but we think it will drive away the buffalo." (Ann. Report Comm'r Ind. Affairs, 1854, p. 186.) The advance of civilization to these tribes was evidently regarded, not as a blessing which was to furnish them new means of subsistence, but as a curse which was to sweep them from the earth. This is, emphatically, Indian opinion among the hunter-tribes. They will not even consent to raise domestic cattle, far less wild. They abhor milk, as the cup of an enchanter.

Here, then, is a palpable misconception of the early Spanish writers, which has been suffered to flow down through the works of writers on the subject for centuries, and is still allowed to have influence on American minds, while the statements are readily believed, in all their grossness, abroad. The inquiries which were issued at the commencement of these investigations, in 1847 (vide Appendix, Vol. I.), were intended to scrutinize the popular errors on the subject of Indian manners and customs, rites and opinions, and to lay the foundation of more correct and philosophic views on the topics brought into discussion. It was not an object to enter, to any extent, into the description of ordinary and well-known customs, but rather to confine the attention to characteristic points which had been misapprehended or overlooked, and by definite


appeals to leading topics of history, language, and traits, physical and intellectual, to furnish a new and authentic standard of judgment. The hope was also entertained that some lights might be brought out, which would assimilate them with the institutions and languages of the oriental world, whence they appear to be offshoots. It was remembered that Maupertius had suggested to philosophers the principles of language, or "plans of thought," as a means of comparing the histories of men, and that the Vaters, Adelungs, and Klaproths of Europe, had been distinguished by their researches and learning in this line. To be a follower in this department of research, so far as it could be incidentally done, appeared one of the surest means of "illustrating" the "Indian life." The problem of their origin and history was deeply interesting. In one view, they hang as a cord from the heavens. It appeared probable, nay, almost certain, that they had reached this continent prior to the rise of Mahomedanism and of Christianity; for there is not a trait referable to them, nor a lisp of allusion in their traditions. Great antiquity had been ascribed to them by all inquirers; and, indeed, the more this subject had been scrutinized, the more cause there seemed to assign the Indian tribes to a very remote origin. Above all, it was believed, that by throwing this living drapery around the body of statistical facts, the subject would assume a breadth and importance commending it fully to statesmen and legislators, who were inspired by the noble sentiment of performing one of the highest classes of duties of civilization to a very marked, but depressed, family of the races of man. Such was, indeed, the original conception of the measure by the legislature, which directed that the statistics should be accompanied by a collection of facts and materials illustrating their history, condition, and prospects. (Laws of Congress, Sess. 1846-'7, Little & Brown.) And, it is cause of felicitation to remark, by a recent enactment, extending and completing the inquiry, that those views are recognized as their own interpetation of the act.

Eliot, in 1631, had called the attention of the colonies to the Indian. The tribes are called, by a quaint writer of the time, "the ruins of mankind." Influenced, doubtless, by the opinions of De Laכt and Erasmus, that they were of the lost Hebrew stock, a deep interest had been inspired on the subject. Nor has the lapse of two hundred years been able to stifle the moral sensibilities of America on the subject. During this period, tomes had been written; but tomes had not solved the problem of their origin, or of the peculiarities which pertain to them as a race. On the opening of the inquiry, in 1847, when these sketches were commenced, the mere manners and customs of the hunter life were not believed to be a topic, respecting which, a large amount of absolutely new information could be brought forward. Yet it was one which by no means ought to be wholly omitted. The race had ever been a prominent theme of description by writers and travellers. Much had been hastily


observed and written. What was true of particular tribes, living in separate latitudes, was not so of others differently situated: climatic phenomena, the animals, and geographical position, had done much to create tribal peculiarities. These tribal differences required to be denoted in any comprehensive view. There was sufficient, after omitting every discrepance of this kind, to justify generalizations, and to regard the race as a generic branch of the human family. Prior to the American Revolution, the Indian country had been visited at long intervals by travellers, who aimed to give more or less information of the aborigines. The theatre of such observations had been chiefly the Atlantic coasts. The interior had been furtively visited, and to a very limited extent. The Alleghanies had not been crossed, except by Indian traders for the purposes of commerce. Braddock's march over this range, and his defeat, in 1755, demonstrated how little foreigners knew of the true points of Indian character. The great lake chain was chiefly known to readers from the pages of the old missionary French authors. The Mississippi had actually been less explored than the Nile and the Ganges. There was an amount of uncertainty, imprecision, or gross error, as to the number of the tribes in that quarter, which is absolutely startling. In a spirit of exaggeration, millions were put for thousands, thousands for hundreds. Such had been the estimates and the actual knowledge of the French period, and such had been the estimates and the ideas of Indian numbers of the Spanish period, from the respective days of Las Casas, De Leon, Narvaez, and De Soto. The Indian was regarded as a mere wild man of the woods, roving with nearly the same principles of action as the bears and panthers he chased; and whatever was wild and fierce in manners and customs, rites and opinions, it was thought, might be attributed to him. (See the ideas thrown out in the voyages of Cabot, Hudson, and Verezani.) There was, in truth, a singular succession of prejudiced, theoretical, or grasping discoverers and travellers, at early periods. It was not the age of exactitude in observation. Nor did the following ages rapidly improve. One set of superficial observers piled their ill-digested adventures among the Indians on their predecessors, with so little discrimination or judgment, that it is often difficult to separate pre-existing prejudices from personal observations, or theory from fact. The old French writers were prone to exalt the character and intellect of the Indians; the English writers were as prone to depress it; the one class were ever ready to excuse ferocity, treachery, and ingratitude; the other, to behold the man as destitute of every element of mental exaltation: one lifted him up to be a sage and a philosopher; the other depressed him to be a brute. Charlevoix, one of the most learned, benevolent, and candid observers, remarks "that, with a mien and appearance altogether savage, and with manners and customs which favor the greatest barbarity, the Indian enjoys all the advantages of society. At first view, one would imagine them without form of government, law, or subordination, and subject to the wildest caprice; nevertheless, they rarely deviate from certain maxims or usages, founded on good sense alone,


which holds the place of law, and supplies in some sort the want of authority. Reason alone is capable of retaining them in a kind of subordination, not the less effectual towards the end proposed for being entirely voluntary. They manifest much stability in the engagements they have solemnly entered upon, particularly in affliction, as well as in their submission to what they apprehend to be the appointment of Providence; in all which they exhibit a nobleness of soul, and constancy of mind, at which we rarely arrive, with all our philosophy and religion." (Journal of a Voyage in North America, 1721.)

In his preliminary essay, Vol. I., p. 49, this author admits that the study of the Indian languages is the only safe mode of investigating the question of origin. Maupertius, in 1766, may have been cognizant of this suggestion, and it was probably known to the Empress Catherine of Russia, who directed investigations to the topic. Mr. Jefferson appears to have been the first person, in America, to point attention to the true mode of studying the Indian history by means of vocabularies and grammars, and at the same time to disabuse the public mind on the characters of their antiquities. This was in 1781. (Notes on Virginia, pp. 149 and 156, London, 1787.) He intended to write on the subject at large, but lost his manuscripts by the carelessness of a servant in crossing the Rappahannock, and afterwards was called to a sphere of public life which forbade his beginning anew. (My Personal Memoirs, Philadelphia, 1852.)

After the close of the American Revolution, the attention of Europe was more particularly directed to the aborigines. But the character of the men into whose hands the task fell was such as to elicit little new information respecting them, while these visits exposed the Republic, and its treatment of the tribes, to no little objurgation. Mr. Halket published, in London, a severe examination of the treatment


of Indians, at the hands of both the colonies and the Americans. (Historical Notes respecting the Indians of North America, London, 1825.) It is not the United States, but the aborigines, who have been their own worst enemies, at all stages of their history. Their general idleness and dissipation are sufficient to account for their declension, without imputing the decline to political systems. Travellers of the John Dunn Hunter or Psalmanazer school, continued to pour out their vapid descriptions and ill-digested theories to a late period. Mr. George Catlin, in his letters, gives a spirited view of hunting scenes.

How far the object of describing the Indian as he is, has been attained, the preceding volumes must testify. To give additional value and scope to the collections made by the author, and to extend the investigations over geographical areas which were not visited by himself, the experience and observations of a class of collaborators on the distant frontiers was appealed to. In this reference to men of known authority and veracity, facts alone, not theories, were called for; and it is believed that these contributions constitute, in every instance, pertinent and valuable additions to the information published. These contributions have been almost indispensable, at all times, in the census and statistics of the tribes. In this respect, it is the Indian Bureau that has labored. The data accumulated by himself, during a residence of four-and-twenty years in the Mississippi valley, and the fruits of his studies and researches on the history, antiquities, and languages of the tribes, were chiefly relied on, in the investigations in these departments; the non-exhaustion of these personal desiderata, as well as the facts and materials respecting the tribes of the remote Indian territories, renders the selection for the future pages a task of some intricacy, while it makes the publication of the papers of this sort in extenso impossible. To revise and publish information on such a theme, and to make a formal digest and presentation of it, are very different tasks, for which the time, labor, and research, make most unequal demands. And if my correspondents have been stimulated to intenser exertions by the respect and candor evinced for their labors, it is hoped that they will also perceive and appreciate the necessities that exist for the condensations and summaries of their contributions in the subsequent volumes.

The two sources of my information are thus clearly denoted, and having candidly done this, I proceed. It was not expected that men, whose attention is casually, and


for brief periods, directed to such a theme, would furnish light on the obscure and intricate branch of Indian history which reveals their origin. Humboldt himself has not been able, with all his affluence of libraries and powers of deduction, to penetrate into this obscure subject. I have read the elaborate volumes of his Cosmos, replete as they are with the record of the early and continued efforts of human thought on arts, painting, poetry, history, and astronomy, and on the diffusion of the human race, so far as books record it, over the globe, and the reflex influences of the geographical phenomena of climate, scenery, and natural productions, on the characteristic races, without finding a single observation for the searcher after the Indian origin to build on. To expect facts in evidence of a subject so confessedly involved in the mists of antiquity, would not be wise, it is admitted, had the idea been entertained. Reference was made to plain men, for plain accounts of the Indians as they existed, and if such descriptions and materials were not wrought up, on the part of my collaborators or myself, with the pen of a Waverley or Pelham, it is, at least in some manner, owing to the circumstance that the work was not designed to be one of imagination. It was aimed to make it a transcript of the manners and customs of tribes who exist at this day on the frontiers. Above every other requisite, it was designed to make it authentic.

Whatever has been the amount of information thus far published, respecting the colonized, the hunter, and the fierce mountain and prairie tribes — tribes widely different in customs and character — little or nothing has appeared, in the papers of my correspondents, on their origin, or which may be employed to compare their ancestors with foreign tribes, who are known to history. And of this little, almost everything that may be found important to future inquirers is comprised in the aboriginal vocabularies. Forty-four languages and dialects, of three hundred and fifty words each, have been given on uniform principles of orthography. (For their enumeration, vide Vol. IV., p. 368.) A word, it has been observed, is a thing, and can be studied like a coin or medal. In addition to this contribution to philology, a bibliographical catalogue has been published, of one hundred and fifty volumes, including pamphlets and books of elementary instruction, and all the translations which have been made into the American Indian languages, from the era of Eliot to the present day — constituting, in truth, the entire literature of the Indian languages. (Vide Vol. IV., p. 552.)

Of the facts recorded to denote the capacities of the Indian mind — of their power of computing numbers — of their craniological developments — of their skill in arts,


ancient and modern — of their oral attempts in fiction and fancy, and their power of pictographic notation, — topics which are essential to any philosophical view of the man, it will be sufficient here to allude to. In whatever trait they differ, or however one tribe or class of tribes may excel another, there is a remarkable agreement in their general manners and customs and opinions, and in their physical and mental traits and character. An Indian from the Rio Grande del Norte, from the plains of Texas, Kansas, Nebraska, and of Minnesota, present striking points of agreement. Both their physique and morale are one. The peculiarities of manners and customs, where they exist in the most striking forms, are found to be due, in great measure, to the diversities of latitude and longitude, the changes of climate, geographical position, and the natural production and distinctive zoology of the country. As attention is directed to the tribes occupying — not the tropical and torrid regions of the South, or of British America, but the area of the United States, the similarity of manners and customs, as well as the agreement of the entire character of the man, becomes general and striking. And when the inquiry is extended to external customs and to the physical traits, such as the color of the skin, eyes, and hair, and the general stature and features, the resemblance is found to be of a character which may be called continental, so that whoever has seen one tribe, may be said to have seen all.

Nor is it less true, whatever effects civilization and the arts may have had on particular tribes or stocks, that they cling with undying tenacity to these, the leading characteristics of the race. But two generic stocks, in distant and apparently disconnected or non-communicating geographical positions, had, at the opening of the sixteenth century, established regular dynasties, adopted arts, and risen to a grade of civilization; while, by far the greatest amount of the aboriginal population of the continent, from Terra del Fuego to the Arctic ocean, roved in the deepest savage state. There was a singular suite character, as the naturalists express it. Even the subjects of Atahualpa, who had yielded to a peculiar line of arts, to fixed habits of industry, and the polity of a striking system of government and religion, evinced that singular imperturbability to fear, and schooled discipline under danger, which mark the wildest tribes of the North. The penalty of instant death, punished the violation of this stoicism in an individual, on the snorting of De Soto's horse. (Prescott's Conquest of Peru.) In the same tomb in which a noble Peruvian was buried, carefully inclosed in walls of stone, was deposited the dog, the most precious sacrifice, at this day, of the North American Indian; and the type, it would seem, there, as well as here, of the Indian religious philosophy. (Vide Appendix, No. 2.)



BY India is meant the coast from the mouth of the Indus to Cape Comorin, through the Gulf of Manaar, including the island of Ceylon, and along the Coromandel and Madras coasts to the mouth of the Ganges; and, for the purposes of this view, the entire regions of Indostan drained by the Brahmapootra; of the Burman empire, Siam, Camboja, and the island of Sumatra, quite to the borders of Cochin-China. It is this part of Asia which was anciently filled with the Gentoo or Hindoo race, prior to the irruptions of the Moguls. And it is to these coasts that the writers of the fifteenth century looked for the physical type which led to the bestowal of the term Indians on the American aborigines. Commerce had, prior to this time, made the ports and the rich spice islands of this part of the Asiatic continent familiar to navigators; and it was, confessedly, to reach these repositories of commercial wealth that Columbus boldly ventured to sail directly West.

Right or wrong, the designation obtained currency. The resemblances were deemed striking, at a time when the history, manners, and customs of neither race had been fully examined; when the study of the physiology of races had not proceeded to distinguish the olive from the cinnamon-colored skin; when philology was, in truth, unknown; and when favorable comparisons were indulged by the popular mind, between two diverse races of man, one of which was the most subtle and profound and learned in letters and the arts on that continent, and the other, if we follow Ulloa, in a state of comparative barbarism. And when the progress of geographical discovery determined America and Asia to be separate continents, parted by a wide strait, precision was given to descriptive language, by distinguishing the West from the East Indian.

The Hindoos, or Hindostanee, are professors of the worship of Brahma. They vie with the Chinese in antiquity. Brahminism itself was founded on the dogmas of their ancient gymnosophists, who were the earliest teachers of religion, astrology, and of medical and occult knowledge. The Brahmin priest was a person absolutely sacred. He affected the greatest sanctity and self-sacrificing spirit. He retired to deep caverns and caves, which led to the erection of a class of mysterious and magnificent temples, which form at once a class of the most antique and wonderful structures of the Asiatic continent. Widows who ascended the funeral pyre, were purified for the highest awards of future bliss. Persons who precipitated themselves into the sacred waters of the Ganges — a river supposed to originate in Paradise, — secured the same


rewards. To the Hindoo race belongs the Sanscrit language; and to this part of the human family, philologists teach us, is to be traced the great Indo-Germanic family of languages, which is spoken over so great a part of the world. Learning, research, and ingenuity, have exhausted themselves upon the knowledge, arts, worship, and subtle system of philosophy of the Hindoo nations.

The inhabitants of India have been, from the earliest notices, remarkable for their sloth and effeminacy. Absolute idleness and inactivity are deemed the summit of happiness. According to their Shasters, or sacred books, Brahma himself has been eternally doing nothing, and will be doing nothing to the end of eternity. Professor Wilson informs us, that their ideas on this subject, originally confused and obscure, have degenerated into monstrous and sublime absurdities. Brahma symbolizes creation. Principles and events are deified. They have thirty thousand gods. Society is arranged in castes, which are unchangeable. To forsake these, is to make life despicable and deplorable, living and dying.

These allusions are sufficient to show the fixed and indomitable state of Hindoo society. Of all parts of Asia and the known world, to which the Indian manners, customs, and opinions, rites and observances, may be compared, Hindoostan offers the least in the way of coincidences and observances. If the term Indian is thence derived, as we have shown, it is almost the only thing capable of such a reference. In these comparisons of race with race, no allusion is made to certain personal features, and to non-essential resemblances in the forms of society and institutions, which are known to be the result of the political conquests of the Mogul or Mongul race; who, starting up at the opening of the twelfth century, overran all India, from Persia to the Burman, and even the Chinese, empire. This was wholly a political, not an intellectual, or, so to say, psychological and moral revolution. It was a conquest which left the fundamental mind of the Gentoo nations — their rites, opinions, philosophy, learning, and arts, unchanged.

Hindoostanee opinions and rites remain essentially the same, at this day, that they were when the Greek history first takes notice of them. Idolatry has, from the earliest dates, presented its most fixed and repulsive features throughout India. The worship paid to Brahma, Vishnoo, and Siva, exhibits the human mind as completely lost, in a philosophical search after first principles, as it would seem possible to be. Observers have been most unfavorably impressed, in modern times, by images erected to Gunga and Juggernaut, and the other grosser forms of their endless pantheism. Mahomedanism comes in as an element to divide opinion, but this does not date farther back, in Hindoostan, than the close of the sixth century of the Christian era, the egira itself not having taken place till 622 A.D. There are three or four fundamental traits, which have been employed as means of comparison in contemplating


the manners and customs of the Hindoos. These are, the sacrifice of widows on the funeral pyre — the general incineration of the dead — the ceremony of hook-swinging of zealous devotees, and the division of society into fixed castes. The burning of widows with the dead bodies of their husbands has been, in recent years, interdicted in the districts of India subject to the British empire, but the native princes suffer the practice still to exist in remote districts. An instance of this kind was witnessed, in all its enormity, by the Rev. J. England, so late as 1826. (Monthly Missionary Paper, New York.)

The revolting rite of suspending the living body on hooks of iron, inserted under the cartilages of the arms and the back, is one of those ceremonies by which the devotee is believed to accumulate meritorious suffering before the Indian gods. Still more revolting are the customs of infanticism and the interment of widows in the same grave, on the demise of their husbands; — customs which are, at this time, nearly or quite confined to the islands of the East Indies and South seas.

With regard to the institution of caste, it completely paralyzes the Hindoo mind. Bound down as it is, from the cradle to the grave, with their dogmas and practices, it could but happen, that these traits should reappear along the magnificent streams and towering mountains of the American forests, were its population derivative from that quarter of the globe. Yet, from the torrid and throughout the tropical and temperate zones, no such customs have been noticed. Mr. Harmon informs us, indeed, that in the frigid latitudes, west of 49°, in the parts of the country denominated New Caledonia, the Taccully tribe of those latitudes sometimes burn their dead. But the custom is local, and does not extend to their neighbors, the Neotetains, as they bury their dead. No Indian widow is subjected to the horrid rites of the pyre, or interment with the dead. A year's mourning is the most severe punishment we hear of. No female or other child is threatened with infanticide. Of the doctrine of castes we hear nothing among the aboriginal tribes of America. They enjoy equal rights and privileges, and no child is born with the belief that this dogma is to interfere with its pursuits in after-life. Nor could an idea, more abhorrent to the independence and free action of the aboriginal mind, be broached.

To prepare warriors in the trial of endurance, there are some of the barbarous tribes, on the Upper Missouri, who make incisions on the tendons of the arms, by which they assume the hardihood to drag a buffalo hide recently taken from the animal. This rite is rare, even among the most barbarous tribes, and has not often been witnessed. But where it exists, it has no connection with religious rites. It is a mere test and boast of bravery and hardihood. It has been described by Mr. Catlin, a well-known author (vide Vol. III., p. 254), as practised within late years among the Mandans. Yet the same writer ascribes the origin of this people to the adventure


of the Welch prince Madoc, in the twelfth century. No author has, however, attributed such trial of endurance to the ancient Briton. Neither Tacitus nor Agricola, who have written largely on the Britons, ascribe any analogous rites to the ancient Cimbrians. Without regard to this theory, however, it is known that the Mandans put their young warriors to great trials of their strength and capacity of endurance on certain public occasions, during which the weight of skins is sometimes dragged by thongs of deer's sinew inserted behind the solid parts of the larger muscles of the arms. Similar practices are reported, on unquestionable authority, to exist among other barbarous tribes, on the upper waters of the Missouri. (Vide Appendix, No. 2.) What appears to one observer, whose mind is filled with a certain class of preconceived ideas, in one light, may seem to another, who is relieved from such theories, in a different phasis; and this may account for the opinion, or the prevalence of imagination in the descriptions of the Missouri Indians, referred to by Colonel Mitchell. (Vol. III., p. 254.) Trials of physical strength and endurance are, indeed, one of the commonest traits of savage nations, and they may exist without the least necessity of supposing them to be any evidence of a derivative origin. There is one trait, however, among the North American Indians, in relation to the state of females under the influence of their periodical illness, which is so peculiar and striking, that it may here be mentioned. The catamenia are believed to have a necromantic effect on persons whose tracks they cross; but females in this condition are thought to have, by a mere touch, a baleful influence on the great business of war and hunting. To prevent the contact of the warrior or hunter, during this period, with any vessel or utensil in the wigwam, she abstracts herself from it, building a separate lodge, near by, where she strictly abides during the menstrual season. (Plate No. 2.) The custom prevails among the numerous Algonquin, Dacota, and Appalachian tribes, and, so far as observation extends, among all the Indian nations who dwell east of the Rocky Mountains. Observers along the Pacific coast tribes have not spoken on this topic. No such custom has, so far as our reading extends, been noticed among the original Hindoos, or Paras, of Hindostan, or their Tartaric conquerors, from the Indus to the Ganges. It is hardly supposable to be a custom of American origin. Adair pronounces it a Hebrew custom. Abstract notions of cleanliness are not the characteristic trait of savage nations in any part of the world, and in our present state of the knowledge of human customs of early races, this exclusion from the domestic circle appears to reveal the idea of "clean and unclean," denoted in the Mosaical ceremonial laws.



BUT, if the American tribes are not of Hindoo or Hindostanee origin, as the preceding observations denote, are they not of that great and wide-sweeping Mongul or general Tartar race, which, starting up from the interior parts of Asia, overran Hindostan, and erected the Saracen empire? And, are not those customs and traits, which have been deemed Mongolic, of that transfused stock, of the conquerors of India? It is believed that they are not. Gengis Khan effected his conquests in India about A. D. 1227. The Toltec and the Peruvian empires were then fully established in America. All the authorities concur here. The revolutions that overturned the Toltecs were entirely achieved by an aboriginal people, who spoke, indeed, the same generic language, and had the same fundamental history. The Aztecs, who, according to Clavigero, began their march of conquest (as recorded by the picture-writing of Boturini) in 1160, reached Anahuac in 1245, but did not obtain the mastery in Mexico, and set up for themselves, till 1399. (Amer. Ethn. Trans., Vol. I., p. 124.) It is true, in reference to the Tartar conquest in India of 1227, that data derived from the monuments of the Mississippi valley and of Florida, denote the early part of the twelfth century to have been an epoch of great changes and disturbances in that quarter. (Trans. Am. Ethn. Soc., Vol. I., p. 418.) Of these ancient wars, the traditions of the Iroquois, as recorded by Cusic (History of the Six Nations), and by Ducoigne (Vol. IV., p. 135), both native authorities, represent a period of great ancient wars and disturbances in the Mississippi valley. Such is, also, the traditionary testimony of the ancient Lenno Lenapis. (Trans. Amer. Phil. Society of 1819.) The discovery of an ancient fort in Adams county, Ohio, by Dr. Locke, pointed to the same general date. But a view of the western antiquities denotes, that the wars referred to, cannot be located farther back than about six hundred years, which brings the events to the era of the breaking up of the Toltec empire, and renders it probable that they are due to the transference or outrush of southern tribes, who obeyed the impulse of that leading catastrophe in the Indian history of North America. The Natchez, Chickasaws, and Choctaws, have distinct traditions of such origin in the South. (App. No. 3.) The vestiges of ancient occupancy in the West, are merely adverted to, in this place, in connexion with the period of the Mongul conquests. For if events of so general and overwhelming a character did not propel the Hindoo race to seek refuge and enlargement in this direction, of which there is no evidence — yet, what probability is there, that the Mongul conquerors, who had introduced Mahomedanism into India,


and who had letters and arts, should have neglected their conquests and dominion of that attractive field of human occupancy and triumphs, to follow a spirit of adventure or conquest in the wilderness of America?

A peculiar line of mental evidences, bearing on history, may be appealed to, on the topic of origin, which commands itself to attention. It is this — if the absence of Buddhism and of Brahminism, among the American tribes, in conclusive that they are free from an antique Hindoo element in their population, is not the absence of the Mahomedan religion, rites, and customs equally conclusive of the non-existence of the mixed Hindoo or Indo-Tartaric stock? Mahomedanism dates its rise, agreeably to the preceding data, about sixty-seven years after the Aztecs commenced their migrations. An epoch of one hundred and eighteen years of the Toltec sovereignty then passes. They had reigned about one hundred and twenty years, when they were first visited by an invading army under Cortez. This occurred in 1520. Not a trace of the worship of Buda, nor of the tenets of Mahomet, was observed. It is permitted the inquirers into the Indian religion to go back a step further. Neither were there any traces of the Christian scheme found. Every observation directed to their rites and opinions, denoted them to be an older race of mankind, or at least of an older scheme of religious opinions. They were, indeed, polytheists, having a long ritual catalogue of spiritual existences, representing the deity, well-nigh as numerous as the Hindoos themselves. But these were wholly divers in their names, offices, and character. It revealed a subtle scheme of genii-worship or demonology, the functions of which were wielded by a class of magicians, who assumed the priesthood. It was evidently through the fear of this powerful class of men, who absorbed all knowledge, that the sovereignty had been reached. The higher class, or what the Spanish called "nobility", were always of the priestly order. Montezuma himself was at once at the head of the Indian church, so to say, and of the government, as his predecessors had been. Whatever the theories of spiritual existences were, of had been it was then a most incongruous and abhorrent system. They worshipped chiefly the god of War, under the figure of a huge idol placed on the top of a teocalli, and to him they offered human sacrifices. When Christianity came in contact with such a system, it had no option, but to strike it down. Their temples were burned — their idols overthrown — their picture-writing committed to the flames — everything, in fact, which in any manner savored of the system, was destroyed, with a Vandalic spirit, which, as it swept away most of their ancient scrolls, is to be regretted. Christianity could not tolerate the Aztec rites, as they were found by Cortez; but it availed itself on a means of communicating instruction through the system of their picture-writing — a system which arrested the attention of Europe. This is the undoubted origin of the pictographic scrolls, published by Hackluyt, which have been commented on so much, as betokening an inkling of Christianity among the natives. Chief among these picture-writings, presented by the English collector of voyages and travels, is the figure of a


serpent, standing before a female, with two altars (one of which is overturned, to denote Cain's unacceptable offering) — the whole being intended to teach the doctrine of original sin. Equally pre-eminent, on another sheet, is the figure of an eagle, reposing on a tree, and spitting out tongues; which is designed to symbolize the confusion of languages at Babel. Not a doubt can exist, that these drawings are of a date subsequent to the conquest of Mexico.

There was a tradition, among the South American tribes, of an universal deluge, at a remote age, which swept off all mankind, but a single family, or pair, to whom the repeopling of the world is attributed. This is variously related, in various latitudes. A similar tradition, with similar discrepancies, exists among the North American tribes, up to the Arctic circle. To the Toltecs — Coxcox, and to the Algonquins — Manabosho, was the survivor and hero of this catastrophe. Observers have not been wanting, among the architectural ruins of South America, to recognise in some of their ancient paintings the symbol of an ark, under the figure of a boat or a serpent. But in a subject of such deep moral interest, there is always reason to apprehend that the fervor of imagination, or the enthusiasm of theory, may render it easy for such persons to recognise resemblances, of which the colder eye of history can see nothing. If, however, there be no evidence of the ancient prevalence of Mahomedanism, or of the doctrine of Christianity, among the American tribes, their manners and customs present some traits, which denote them to be the descendants of a more ancient race, whose opinions and dogmas once overspread the oriental world. Allusion is made to some of the earliest nations, in the worship of the SUN and MOON — the adoration of the PRINCIPLE OF FIRE, and the dogma of the two principles of GOOD and EVIL. Without more than an allusion to the empire of Peru, where the worship of the Sun existed, with a ceremony and intensity as full as ever was witnessed by the Ghebirs of Persia, it is sufficient to say, that there are evidences of the ancient prevalence of this worship throughout America. In Mexico, where the doctrine had been overlaid by horrid rites and superstitions, it was still a fundamental belief, and they attributed to the Sun all vitality, power, and intelligence. Tribes who pressed, at various eras, from the tropical to the temperate latitudes, and who abhorred human sacrifices, carried with them the milder forms and ceremonies of this early superstition of the human race. On the banks of the Mississippi, the rites of this worship were established at an early epoch. De Soto found it among the Quigualtangi (a probable equivalent for Natchez), a powerful and determined nation, living on the east banks of the river, below the junction of Arkansas. He aimed, vainly, to ingratiate himself with them by representing himself as a child of the Sun. (Garalasco De la Vega, as quoted, Vol. III, p. 49.) It was found, by the French, to exist in this general geographical position, on the settlement of Louisiana. It is believed that, at ancient periods, its sacred fires had been lit on the summits of the tumuli, which are now found to be so widely spread throughout this valley. Vestiges of the former prevalence


of fire-worship exist over immense spaces, and its rites are found to lie at the foundation of the aboriginal religion throughout the geographical area of the United States. In one of the Indian traditions, the preservation of a sacred fire is carried to the banks of Lake Superior. Even over the bleak latitudes of New England, where the sparseness of the native population did not permit large assemblages to assist in such rites, there is the clearest indication that the Sun was worshipped as the direct symbol and visible presence of the Great Spirit. Cotton Mather observes of the Massachusetts Indians, "there is with them a Sun-god and a Moon-god, and the like, and they cannot conceive but that fire must be a kind of god, inasmuch as a spark of it will soon produce very strange effects." (Life of Eliot.) Chingwauk, the Algonquin Meda, detected it in the inscription of the Dighton Rock (Plate 15, Vol. I.), and the symbol is five times repeated, with variations of outline, on the sacred pictographic Indian scrolls, published in Vol. I. (vide Plates 51 and 52). The same figure is many times employed by the native pictographists in the synopsis of symbolical devices on Plate 58 (repeated in 87 and 59), Vol. I. Hymns to the Sun, as offered by a Chippewa prophetess, on Lake Superior, are given, with the original words, at pages 398, 399, 400, Vol. I. The figure of the Moon appears on the scroll of sacred symbols relied on by her, page 390 (Figure 6, Plate 55, Vol. I.).

The mental traits and idiosyncracies of a rude people may be drawn from their early attempts to depict ideas by symbolic or representative figures and devices. It is quite within our power of reference to advert to the ideas of Odin, Thor, and Friga, in the Saxon mind, from the figures they drew on rocks and trees, before that mind had abandoned its idolatrous objects of worship, and long before it had embraced letters and Christianity. The Fly-god of Egypt, and the head of Baal, drawn with horns and surmounted by a compound star (Plate 86, Vol. I.), are not more complete demonstrations of the state of thought on the subject of a divinity in Egypt and Syria, at the respective periods, than the rude North American pictography herein appealed to. We must allow the Indian mind the only proof to be derived from attempts to record the outlines of ideas, by rude symbols. The origin of manners and customs, of rites and opinions, may thus be often found, which successfully resist other modes of investigation. The sacred character of fire is impressed, very widely and deeply, on the Indian manners and customs. Among the Chippewas of the North, there is a custom to light a fire, at night, on a newly-made grave. This fire is renewed during four nights. (Algic Researches, Vol. II.) Fire, in their minds, is regarded, in some manner, as we should the opening of a door into the spiritual world. It is believed, that its symbolical light is thus thrown on the path of the deceased, to guide its footsteps, through its darkling way, to the land of the dead. (Vide Plate 2.) The importance which the aborigines attach to the substance of fire, and its effects on their superstitious rites and customs, has impressed leading minds,


who have been led to turn their thoughts from the daily passing customs of Indian life to the more abstract philosophical considerations on which those customs are founded.

But little satisfaction can be obtained by conversing with the Indian sages and seers on this subject. Few of them are capable of a chain of reasoning on so obscure a point. It is apparent, from an examination of their popular traditions (vide Algic Researches, 1839), that they entertain mysterious notions respecting the substance and phenomena of fire. It is associated with tales of the other world. To behold a fire rising mysteriously, in dreams or otherwise, in the path, is symbolical of the passage of the soul to the other world. (Vide Legend of Gitchee Gauzinee, Algic Researches.) When spirits are to be consulted, or the dead addressed, to light a fire is the appropriate ceremony.

That the procurement of sacred fire by percussion, the ceremonies of lighting of the pipe, and the incineration of the nicotiana therein, and its being first lifted toward the sun, prefigured beliefs in the ancient fire-worship, is more than probable. In the ordinary use of the weed, this custom is, doubtless, but the indulgence of a favorite pastime. But the moment a sacred use is to be made of the rite, fire for the purpose is extracted from its latent form in the flint. It must be sacred, not common fire, with which the pipe is illumined. It is the duty of a particular official to attend to this rite, and to perform the genuflexions. A particular name is bestowed on this functionary. Not to observe this ceremony, or to employ ordinary fire from embers, would appear to have the effect, in their minds, of employing "strange fire." Every one, who has negotiated treaties with the tribes, will bear record to the existence of this rite, and the solemnity attached to it. Sir Alexander Mackenzie has well described it, as it existed among the Kenisteno nation. Their medas, or priesthood, erect a particular lodge, or temple of offering, for the purpose. "The scene of these ceremonies is in an open enclosure, on the basin of a river or lake, and in the most conspicuous situation, in order that such as are passing along, or travelling, may be induced to make their offerings. There is also a particular custom among them, that, on these occasions, if any of the tribe, or even a stranger, should be passing by, and be in real want of any thing that is displayed as an


offering, he has a right to take it, so that he replaces it with some article that he can spare, though it be of far inferior value; but to take or touch any thing wantonly is considered as a sacrilegious act, and highly insulting to the Great Master of Life, to use their own expression, who is the sacred object of their devotion.

"The scene of private sacrifice is the lodge of the person who performs it, which is prepared for that purpose by removing everything out of it, and spreading green branches in every part. The fire and ashes are also taken away. A new hearth is made of fresh earth, and another fire is lighted. The owner, of the dwelling remains alone in it; and he begins the ceremony by spreading a piece of new cloth, or a well-dressed moose-skin, neatly painted, on which he opens his medicine-bag, and exposes its contents, consisting of various articles. The principal of them is a kind of household god, which is a small carved image, about eight inches long. Its first covering is of down, over which a piece of birch bark is closely tied, and the whole is enveloped in several folds of red and blue cloth. This little figure is an object of the most pious regard. The next article is his war cap, which is decorated with the feathers and plumes of scarce birds, beavers and eagles' claws, etc. There is, also, suspended from it, a quill or feather for every enemy whom the owner of it has slain in battle. The remaining contents of the bag are, a piece of Brazil tobacco, several roots and simples, which are in great estimation for their medicinal qualities, and a pipe. These articles being all exposed, and the stem resting upon two forks, as it must not touch the ground, the master of the lodge sends for the person he most esteems, who sits down opposite to him; the pipe is then filled, and fixed to the stem. A pair of wooden pincers is provided to put the fire in the pipe, and a double-pointed pin to empty it of the remnant of tobacco which is not consumed. This arrangement being made, the men assemble, and sometimes the women are allowed to be humble spectators, while the most religious awe and solemnity pervade the whole. The Michiniwais, or Assistant, takes up the pipe, lights it, and presents it to the officiating person, who receives it standing, and holds it between both his hands. He then turns himself to the East, and draws a few whiffs, which he blows to that point. The same ceremony he observes to the other three quarters, with his eyes directed upwards during the whole of it. He holds the stem about the middle, between the three first fingers of both hands, and raising them upon a line with his forehead, he swings it three times round from the East, with the sun, when, after pointing and balancing it in various directions, he reposes it oh the [sacred] forks." (Mackenzie's Hist. of the Fur Trade, p. xcv. Vide Voyages from Montreal through the Continent of North America, London, 1801.)

The early missionaries of Europe, who visited the Indians, were hurried away by an entirely spiritual view of the question of his reclamation, without casting a thought on speculative subjects. A later class of observers have, however, been impressed by the great stress which all the Indians lay on the production of a sacred fire, to be used


in their most solemn transactions. Mr. Cass, who, in 1820, visited the tribes as high as 47° 13' north latitude, saw in this ceremonious respect for fire, and in contemplating their customs, a deeper meaning. "Many of the customs," he remarks, "which formerly existed among the Indian tribes are now preserved only in tradition. Of these, one of the most singular was an institution for the preservation of an eternal fire. All the rites and duties connected with it, are yet fresh in the recollection of the Indians; and it was extinguished after the French arrived upon the great lakes.

"The prevalence of a similar custom among the nations of the East, from a very early period, is well known to all who have traced the history and progress of human superstitions. And from them it found its way to Greece, and eventually to Rome. It is not, perhaps, surprising that the element of fire should be selected as the object of worship by nations ignorant of the true religion, and seeking safety in that system of polytheism, which marked the manners and morals of the most polished people of antiquity. The affections seem to require something visible and tangible for their support; and this mysterious agent was sufficiently powerful in its effects, and striking in its operation, to appear as a direct emanation of the Deity. But there was a uniformity in the mode of worship and in the principles of its observance, which leave no doubt of the common origin of this belief. The sacred flame was not only regarded as the object of veneration, but its preservation was indissolubly connected with the existence of the state. It was the visible emblem of the public safety; guarded by chosen ministers, secured by dreadful imprecations and punishments, and made holy by, a solemn and imposing ritual. The coincidences which will be found between these observances and opinions, and the ceremonies and belief of the Indians, indicate, with sufficient certainty, that their notions upon this subject were brought with them from the eastern hemisphere, and were derived from the fruitful Persian stock.

"I have not ascertained the custom among any of the north-western tribes, except the Chippewas, although I have reason to believe that the Shawnees were devoted to it; and the Chippewas, in fact, assert that they received it from the latter. But there is such a similarity, and even identity, of manners and customs among all the tribes east of the Mississippi, that I have but little doubt the same institution would be everywhere discovered, if inquiries were prosecuted under favorable circumstances. It is certain, that the Natchez were fire-worshippers, and without giving full credit to all the marvellous tales related of this tribe by the early French travellers, we may yet be satisfied, from many concurring accounts, that they were believers in the efficacy of an eternal fire.

"Traces of the extensive prevalence of this rite, at a former period, among others of the tribes of this part of the continent exist, and it is difficult to explain the mysterious influence of fire upon the existing customs and opinions of all of them, without reference to a system long and firmly established, of which the external


ritual has only been removed. Charlevoix represents most of the tribes of Louisiana as having had a perpetual fire in their temples. The Natchez, who were worshippers of the Sun, and took their cognomen of political power from the name of that luminary, kept its symbol perpetually burning. Both he and Du Pratz were eye-witnesses of this rite. This tribe had a sacred edifice devoted to it, and the nation pretended to be descendants of the Sun. The hereditary dignity of Ruler, or Chief Sun, descended in the female line, and the laws of intermarriage were so regulated, that his descendants were obliged to ally themselves with the lower class of the tribe — a system by which all came to be identified and bound together, in their political and religious ties and honors. The title of Sun was equivalent to that of Inca, or Emperor, and he exercised a more despotic power than appears to have been awarded to any other nation north of Mexico. This power and this worship were kept up with an oriental display, and with an oriental use of the language of honor and ceremony, long after the French settled in the Mississippi valley, and indeed up to their destruction in 1729. ‘The Sun has eaten,’ proclaimed an official functionary, daily, before the Ruling Chief of the Sun, after his morning's repast, and ‘the rest of the earth may now eat.’"(Notes to Ontwa.)

Charlevoix, who visited the Natchez nation in 1721, and inspected their temples, pronounces the descriptions which had been given by prior writers, of it, and of its ceremonies and appointments, as greatly exaggerated. (Jour. Voyage to North Amer., p. 255.) He observes, that the worship of the Sun had prevailed extensively among the tribes throughout the country, where the beliefs still remained; and that the ceremonies of an eternal fire, kept up in a particular building, had lingered with them to the time of his visit. He specifies the Mobilians, or Choctaw-Chickasaw tribes, who had taken their fires from this altar, and states that the greatest part of the nations of Louisiana formerly had their temples, as well as the Natchez (p. 273). In their external appearance they differed nothing from the other Indians of Canada and Louisiana (p. 259). The daily rites he describes as follows: "Every morning, as soon as the sun appears, the Grand Chief stands at the door of his cabin, turns his face towards the East, and howls thrice, prostrating himself to the ground at the same time. A calumet is afterwards brought him, which is never used, but upon this occasion: he smokes, and blows the tobacco first towards the Sun, and then towards the other three quarters of the world. He acknowledges no master but the Sun, from whom, he pretends, he derives his origin."(P. 261.)

Tradition asserts, that an institution for preserving an eternal fire once existed on


the southern shores of Lake Superior. This fire was entrusted to the keeping of a particular class, or families of men, whose official designations, and the rites and ceremonies to be performed, are yet remembered. (Cyclopedia Indiaensis, p. 12.) This tradition derives force from the recent discovery, on the coasts of that lake, of a degree of skill and labor in prosecuting mining, requiring energy and system beyond that supposed to be possessed by the aboriginal race of our day. It is, also, amidst the sublime and startling scenery of these lengthened shores, impressive as they often are to the spectator, that we still find traces of this worship in the hieratic songs of the Indian priesthood. At page 100, Vol. I., are recorded hymns and supplications to the sun, regarded as the symbol of the Great Spirit, or CREATIVE DEITY, derived from the native Chippewa josakeeds, or prophets. And the elision of their ancestors from the wide-spread oriental mass of nations, who adopted this rite, must have taken place at a remote epoch.

Facts have been exhibited, in preceding pages of this work (Vol. I., pp. 28 to 43, Mental Type), denoting the antique character of the Indian opinions of the deity, and the objects of worship. These investigations denote some striking coincidences with the earliest forms of human opinion on the subject. They remind the reader more of the dogmas of Zoroaster, than of philosophers of later date. They tell us of a Dual Deity, of Good and Evil influences; supported, respectively, by a corresponding priesthood of Magi. They recall the idea of the Author of the creation, under the symbol of the Sun; which lies at the foundation of the worship of an ETERNAL FIRE. This opinion reverts back, not to the philosophy, rites, and arts of the Hindoos, involved in their deep and subtle systems of polytheism, in which the objects of worship were rather the elementary principles of the universe, than deified men; but it carries the mind to the original seats of mankind.

An interest is thus thrown over the history of the races, which, while it eludes scrutiny, becomes deeper, the more calmly and soberly we view it. Thousands of years must have elapsed to produce such diversities of languages and character, and general obscuration. Instead of eighteen hundred years, as the period of their roving in these forests, as the apocryphal Spanish pictographs presuppose, there is more probability that the period of their abiding on the continent is thrice that time. Arts, discoveries, sciences, religions, have grown up in Asia, and extended themselves over tribes and nations who were then nomadic and barbarous. Europe


has since become the great theatre of human knowledge, letters, and arts. And we point our intellectual telescopes toward the ancient and time-honored shores of Asia, as if we could descry the early tracks of nations in the sand.


NONE of the subsisting Indian customs, as living in societies, are more significant than those connected with the menstrual lodge. (Plate 3.) None exercise a more important influence in the circle of the wigwam. This lunar retreat is always, if possible, in some secluded place, near and within the supervision of the members of the family wigwam. Adair sees in it a striking Hebrew trait. (P. 123.) The temporary abstraction of the female is always known to the lodge-circle. The lodge of separation is generally made of branches, rolls of bark, and light materials. In the summer, nothing further is demanded, and no fire is required. When the weather renders a fire desirable, a very small one is lighted from dry sticks. The amusement of the inmate, in the interval, is to prepare flags for mats, to pick up sticks for fire, or other light labors. The leading idea evinced by the custom is, that of a deeply seated superstitious fear or dread of contact with any person within the camp. Everything which is touched by her hands during this period, is deemed ceremonially unclean. She takes with her, in her seclusion, a spoon, a dish, and a small axe. If her step crosses the path of a hunter or warrior, it communicates a talismanic influence — the magical and medical charms of his pursuits are destroyed — the secret power of the Meda has been counteracted — in fine, his panoply of medaic and totemic influence is, for the time, paralyzed. The warrior's luck has been crossed for that day. Merely to touch a cup, with the marks of uncleanness, is equally malign.

This superstition does not alone exert a malign influence, or spell, on the human species. Its ominous power, or charm, is equally effective on the animate creation, at least on those species which are known to depredate on their little fields and gardens. To cast a protective spell around these, and secure the fields against vermin, insects, the sciurus, and other species, as well as to protect the crops against blight, the mother of the family chooses a suitable hour at night, when the children are at rest and the sky is overcast, and having completely divested herself of her garments, trails her machecota behind her, and performs the circuit of the little field. (Plate 4.)

The Indian mind appears to be so constituted, that whatever is mysterious,


wonderful, or incomprehensible, is referred to the agency of spirits, or local gods. A celebrated divine, of the early epoch of New England, observes, that "every remarkable creature has a peculiar god within it, or about it, and that the ills of life are believed to be due to the anger of these gods, while their success is ascribed to their favor. Chief over these local deities, they describe the Great God Kamantowit, who is represented as the creator of all mankind." (Mather.) All the tribes found in this part of the Union (New England) were of the group or family of the Algonquin stock. Manito is the term applied to God, in this language. There are many classes of them, good or evil, general or local. Two centuries have carried tribes of this ethnological stock to the far West, but have not altered the beliefs of the Indians on this multiplied theme of spirit-worship, or, so to say, manitology. Every object that possesses life, in any department of the universe, may be supposed to be inhabited by a manito or spirit. They do not bow down to the images of them, as the oriental nations, but merely recognise their spiritual power. Neither do they ever worship any of them, as a principle analogous to the Brahma, Vishnu, or Siva of the Hindoos. The Manito is a god showing himself often in an animal form, or in the higher phenomena of the atmosphere, as thunder, lightning, meteors, stars, or the sun and moon. Material objects but typify the deity; but the god, in most cases, is latent in the Indian mind.

Whether engaged in the business of peace or war, these mysterious influences are ever uppermost in his mind. In war-parties, they are often invoked on the use of simples or botanical medicines.

There is a custom, among the Chippewa warriors, of eating small portions of a bitter root, which is supposed to produce insensibility to pain. This is carried, as a sacred talisman, and never resorted to till they come into the vicinity of the enemy. They call it zhe-go-wauk. After the warriors have seated themselves in a ring, in the prairie, to chew this root, they arise with renewed courage and spirits.

There are three secret associations or societies in the Indian tribes, which cultivate medaic knowledge, and teach occult rites — using pictography as helps to the memory. They are the prophets, seers, or Jossakeeds; the Medas, or professors of medical magic; and the Wabenos, whose orgies are always performed at night. The society of the Wabenos is deemed the most impure, and is the most diabolical in its rites and ceremonies. To these, candidates are admitted with great ceremonies, and after long trials and preparations, during which the secret charms of the members and fellows 72 are exhibited to each other, in profound secrecy and under solemn obligations. (Plate 5.) The initiatory rites taught in the society which is popularly, but improperly, called "Medicine-Dance," so often mentioned by travellers, from the earliest period, are described, with the pictographic devices and songs, in Vol. I., pp. 358-366. Those of the Wabenos are exhibited in the same volume, p. 366-381. For details of the signs and ceremonies used in the prophetic arts, see pp. 352, 390, 388 to 401, Vol. I., Plates 49, 55. The union of the medical art with the magical ceremonies is described at p. 250, Vol. I., illustrated by Plate 46. The art of the class of Pow-wows, who rely exclusively on sorcery, and profess to foreshadow the knowledge of futurity and the world of evil spirits, is shown at pp. 483 to 491, Vol. III., and Plates 36, 37, 38, 39; and at p. 487, Vol. IV., Plates 40, 41. The aboriginal idea of religion, its power and influence, as taught by the medicine-men, is denoted, pp. 635-651, Vol. IV. A new world of superstition is thus opened.

Less attention to secure details on these topics would fail to render the facts impressive. They present the human mind in one of its most ancient phases, and cannot fail to present to the philosophic inquirer a chain of curious dogmas, notions, and beliefs, which carry the mind to epochs of the world long past. And the subjects have been regarded with more interest in the present inquiry, as the time for seizing and preserving the facts, in detail, is rapidly passing away, with the race itself. To one who regards alone the utilitarian side of the question, and who deems nothing useful in the inquiry which does not immediately relate to the number of square miles of the Indian territory, and the dollars and cents into which these may be transmuted, as I hear there are such persons, it may appear, indeed, to be a vain labor. To a mind thus closed to liberal inquiry, it may seem superfluous to ask, what the Indian thinks, believes, or mentally practises, in his darkling progress over the wild periphery of the globe. Yet, without a description of these idiosyncrasies and this daemon-philosophy, how little would posterity know of the inner man, or his opinions, hopes, and fears?

The study of this complicated system of spirit-craft reveals many of the shifts and resources of the Indian mind in peace and war, and under one of its most subtle phases, namely, the power of the jossakeeds and medas. In the language of the Iroquois, the supreme god is called NEO, or, as the term is more frequently heard, in its personal combinations, OWAYNEO. The Dacota group of tribes apply the term WAHCONDA, from WAKON, a spirit. In the Choctaw form of the Appalachian, it is ABA-INKA. These terms are convertible, and are the ideolingual equivalents for each other. And the system of spiritual reliances and beliefs is the same, in its general features. The Indian-man, in all, turns from himself and everything human, which he distrusts, to the spiritual and mysterious reliances of his own creation. Wonder charms the savage soul, and in this belief we behold his perpetual source of it. In theory, he refers to ONE SUPREME, OMNIPRESENT GREAT SPIRIT,


while he recognises his subordinates of this deity in almost every object, in heaven or earth, which strikes his fancy. He thus fills creation with myriads of magic divinities, who take shelter in a bird or a wolf, a turtle or a snake, and really fill his mind with a succession of false hopes and fears, from the cradle to the grave. Marquette and Charlevoix, sailing down the Mississippi, or pausing in the magnificent forests of America, observe so many evidences of elevation in the Indian mind, that they are captivated by the man, and at a perpetual loss how to regard him. He is, evidently in his scope of thought and expression, far above the French peasantry, who manage their canoes; and, hence, there is a strain of appreciation of the aboriginal mind, which sounds oddly beside his want of arts and civilization.

There is a peculiar form of perpetuating the social bond through a reliance on spirits, which has not received the attention it merits. This is revealed in the system of Totems. By totemic marks, the various families of a tribe denote their affiliation. A guardian spirit has been selected by the progenitor of a family from some object in the zoological chain. The representative device of this is called the totem. Indians are proud of their totems, and are prone to surround them with allusions to bravery, strength, talent, the power of endurance, or other qualities. A warrior's totem never wants honors, in their reminiscences, and the mark is put on his grave-post, or adjedatig, when he is dead. In his funereal pictograph he invariably sinks his personal name in that of his totem or family name. (Vide Vol. I., p. 356; also, Vol. I., Pictographs A, B, C, D, E.) There appear to have been originally three totems, that received the highest honors and respect. They were the turtle, bear, and wolf. These were the great totems of the Iroquois. Other totems appear of secondary, subordinate, and apparently newer origin.

An Indian sage is a poor philosopher, but is never at a loss. He cannot explain, if systematically questioned, the subtle theory of his beliefs in, and reliance on, spirits of the air, woods, and waters, and every other imaginable part of creation, where he places them; for his fancy peoples the universe. But he sometimes informs the


inquirer by example. Every quadruped, bird, reptile, or tree, may be appealed to, as we have shown, as the local residence of a god. The waterfall utters the voice of a god, and the rustling leaves of the forest whisper the accents of a divinity. He is the true poet of the philosophy of the creation. To him there is no place unoccupied, and there is, in truth, no solitude in nature. When a turtle, bird, quadruped, or other form of animated nature, is adopted as the guardian spirit or moneto, the pictograph of it becomes the evidence of consanguinity. (See Vol. II., p. 226.) Thus all the persons of the turtle, bear, or wolf family or totem become brothers of the tribal clans of the turtle, bear, or wolf; and so of all other totems. Great stress is laid on this. These marks are, in one sense, the surname of the clan. The personal name is not indicative of an Indian's totem. (Vol. II., Plate 56.)

It is not easy to assign a cause for the great importance attached to totems, or the respect paid to them. These symbolic divisions of tribes would appear to have been the original clan-marks of all the Indian tribes, without regard to tribal organizations. For they are the most ancient traits of association, political or social, we hear of. As soon as they are named or exhibited, they open the door of Indian reserve. They appear to link the tie of brotherhood. It is not hospitality alone that they ensure in the wigwam. But the eyes of all the family sparkle as soon as the analogous totem is mentioned, as if it disclosed blood-relationship. For a chief or warrior to say to his guest, I am of the bear, the tortoise, or the wolf totem, three honored clans, is to remove all ceremony, and break the ice of Indian stoicism. It appears as if these clans had once extended from Patagonia to Lake Athapasca, and thus to furnish a mode of generalization more important than traditions, and older than dialects. They draw these marks on bark-scrolls, and on skins and wood. The Indians bear no banners, properly so called; they sometimes carry flags of feathers. The totemic device appears to be a representation of the tutelar spirit of the tribe, not to be at all worshipped, and in this view it resembles, as Adair remarks, the ancient devices and carvings of terrestrial cherubim.

Manitos, among all the tribes, of the tutelary class, who inhabit beasts or birds, are particularly selected for totems. I have known an Indian to be called the Red Devil, when his personal name had no bad significancy, being derived from a small red insect


called Miscomonitoce, of the genus cleoptera. The translation, truly, means but red insect — which latter is called a spirit.

Manitos, except of the tutelary class, are believed to be generally invisible and immaterial, but can assume any form in the range of the animate creation, and even, when the occasion calls for it, take their place among inanimate objects. (See Pappakewis, Algic Researches, Vol. I., p. 209, where the flying manito, to escape the rage of the Indian god Manibosho, transforms himself into a tree, and finally a rock.) They also, in communicating with mankind, often assume the human form, and take the shapes of giants, dwarfs, or cannibals. The power of this assumption is common to the evil and to the good spirits. In their oral tales, the form is most commonly assumed by malign disturbers of Indian peace, as sorcerers, witches, etc. (Algic Researches, Vol. II., p. 67.) The Great Spirit or his messengers are also recognised, sometimes in the human form, as in their cosmographical events narrated of the origin of creation, and in the divine arts of teaching men the knowledge of making fire, and of killing and roasting the deer. (Personal Memoirs.) They also teach a perpetual struggle and fundamental war between the two opposing powers or original spirits of good and evil. These, Charlevoix tells us (Journal), were twins, believed by the Iroquois to be brought forth by Atahensic, the mother of mankind. Oriwahennic, a Wyandot chief, told me the same tradition, in 1838. (Personal Memoirs.) The tribes of the Iroquois stock believe that Tarenyawagon cleared their streams of insuperable obstructions, and taught them the arts of life and of government. (Vide Cusic's History of the Five Nations, quoted Vol. III., p. 314.) Thus, like the Greeks, first converting men to gods, and then ascribing to them divine labors.

Totemic marks are not only the ideographic signs for families, denoting consanguinity, but they perform an important office in the Indian bark scrolls, and pictographs, and painted skins, on which the warlike feats of individuals are denoted. These totemic devices are also shown, in their application to public transactions. (Vide Plates 60, 61, 62, 63, Vol. I.) They are employed, with a formula expressing numbers, to denote the census of Indian villages. (Vide Plate 52, Vol. II.) The number of ideographic devices or figures employed to convey information is very great, relating, in fact, to all the material or symbolized objects of Indian thought. The medas and prophets excel in this. They are employed by them in the ceremonies of their secret societies and midnight orgies, in which it is the object of the operator to convince his hearers of his magical art, and also as nemonics, in recording prophecies and enchantments, and hieratic songs. (See Plates 51 and 52, Vol. I., p. 360.) For their use in magic dances and religious demoniacal ceremonies, see Plates 55, Vol. II., Plates 36, 37, 38, 39, Vol. III., and Plates 40 and 41, Vol. IV., p. 494. It would seem that the ancient Babylonish conjurations of the magic bowl (Vol. IV., p. 493), as denoted by Layard, could not have partaken of a more dreamy and demoniacal character. (Dis. Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon.)


The application of these devices to the record of triumphs in war, as employed by the prairie tribes west of the Mississippi river on their ornamented buffalo robes, is shown in Plate 54, Vol. I., p. 386, and Plate 31, Vol. IV., p. 350. The Pow-Wows, in bringing their notions of magic to bear on the subject of hunting, use charmed medicines. These are supposed to be energized by the devices which are drawn on pieces of wood, skins, or bark scrolls. Specimens denoting the supposed application of the charm to the heart of that animal, by a line drawn from its mouth, are exhibited in Plates 49, A, Vol. I., p. 352, and on Plates 58, 59, Vol. I., p. 408.

Representative devices and figures in relation to the fabulous period and beliefs of Iroquois history, are given in Plates 70, 71, 72, 73, Vol. I., p. 420. The application of this mode of appealing to the memory in historical events, such as are inscribed on high precipitous faces of rocks, and other localities of generally difficult approach, is shown by Plates 36 and 57, Vol. I. An improved copy of the former, which has acquired a certain notoriety in New England antiquarian history, is given in Plate 84, Vol. IV., p. 120.

This sort of figures, which are called muzzinabicks, aspires to the art of teaching by rock inscriptions. The art is called Kekeיwin. (Vol. I., p. 350.) Further instances of these rock inscriptions, on an island in Lake Erie, and also on the Alleghany river, near the ancient Venango, are exhibited in Plate 41, Vol. III., p. 84, and Vol. IV., Plates 17, 18.

The transition from the Monetos, or spirit-worship of the North American Indians, to demonology, is small. This term is by some derived from the Greek δαιμαν knowing or intelligence. With the ancients, demons held a middle place between men on earth and the celestial gods. It was believed that the souls of the men of the golden age became demons after death, and exerted an influence on human destiny, for good or evil. But, however the ancient daemon fluctuated in opinion, the American aboriginal daemon, or manitosh, admits of no doubtful interpretation. He is ever of malign power to the human race. As such he was exhibited in 1534, on the St. Lawrence, to Jacques Cartier, by the followers of Donnaconna, to induce that explorer to relinquish his contemplated visit to Hocheloga (the modern Montreal). For this purpose, three of the Indians, who had been selected to represent the part, issued from the forest (Oneצta, p. 278), in the shape of wild and fierce daemons, and played tricks before the intrepid Norman, by passing near Cartier's vessels in their canoes, dressed with horns, and singing and yelling like "devils."

A similar transaction passed before the eyes of David Brainerd, the missionary, on the sources of the Susquehanna, in 1744. (Works of Jon. Edwards, Vol. X, p. 322.) One of the Indian sorcerers, on this occasion, enacted the character of an enraged fiend, clothed in the hide of a huge bear: He sprang suddenly from the sacred lodge of the Indian


pow-wow, and with no slight power of diabolical resemblance, played the part of a wild daemon — sufficiently so, at least, to deter the Indian spectators from listening any longer to the white man's teachings. Analogous scenes of the exhibition of a great wood daemon have been witnessed by others among the tribes situated between the borders of the Atlantic and the Rocky Mountains. An instance of this kind is described by Mr. George Catlin as having occurred among the Missouri tribes during his visit to that quarter. (Catlin's Letters.) The magnificent and sombre forests of America, seen under the influence of twilight, with the deep shade of its trees and rocks, may be supposed to have originated the idea of daemons or wood-spirits assuming human forms. It is seen, from the works of travellers, that this idea is not confined to the forest districts alone, but extends to the prairie tribes. The power of refraction often covers the bleakest plains and mountains with strange and startling images, which lead the Indian mind to the wonderful. (Vide Frיmont's 2d Exp.)

It has been doubted whether human life has ever been sacrificed to daemons, or to objects of idolatrous worship, by the United States Indian tribes. The burning of prisoners of war at the stake is a familiar phase of Indian character. It is generally the ebullition of savage revenge or vengeance, under a highly excited state of hostility, and, as such, is often known to be the retaliation of one tribe against another. To excite pain and to prolong cruelty, is one of the highest objects of the successful capture of an enemy. To endure this ordeal is the greatest glory of the expiring and defiant foe. With the Aztecs, human sacrifices were a religious rite. Nothing was deemed so acceptable an offering to Heutzilapochtli as the human heart, warmly torn from the bleeding victim. But the whole history of our tribes may be appealed to, it is believed, without finding that the life of the victim has been sacrificed to a spirit, a daemon, or a god. Smith was not condemned by Powhatan to satisfy a wood-daemon, or evil spirit: Crawford was not tied to the stake by the Delawares and Wyandots as a religious victim, demanded by the Pow-Wows.

In the month of April, 1838, an event occurred on the Missouri, about one hundred and sixty miles above Council Bluffs, at which the heart shudders with horror. It is known that the Pawnees and Sioux have long carried on a most fierce and sanguinary warfare on that remote border. In the month of February, the former tribe, which has long had a name for cruelty, captured a Sioux girl named Haxta, of only fourteen years of age. She was taken to their villages, where, during several months, she was treated with the usual care and kindness. More than the usual attention was perhaps paid to her diet, but not a word uttered respecting her fate. The dreadful truth first flashed on her mind on the 22d of April, at a time when spring had already assumed her mild and genial reign, and the tribe began to plant their corn. At this time a council of the chiefs and warriors assembled, at which her destiny was determined. Still the result of their deliberations was carefully concealed from her. At the breaking up of this council, she was brought out from the lodge in which she had been


domiciliated, and accompanied by the whole council, led from wigwam to wigwam. At each one of these, they gave her a small billet of wood and a little paint, which she handed to the warrior next her, passing on through the round of visits till she had called at every lodge, where the same present of wood and paint was made.

On the 22d of April, two days after this ceremonious round of visits, she was led out to the ground which had been chosen as the place of her sacrifice, and not till she arrived at this spot did she conjecture the true object of the symbolical contributions, and the general concurrence in the doom she was destined to undergo. The spot selected was between two trees, standing five feet apart. (Plate VI.) Three bars of wood had been tied from tree to tree, as a platform to stand on. A small, equably burning fire, had been kindled under the centre of this stand, the blaze of which was just sufficient to reach her feet. Two stout Pawnee warriors then mounted the bars, taking a firm grasp of her, and holding her directly above the blaze. Small faggots of light dry wood were then kindled, and held under her arm-pits.

A wide ring of the assembled population of the village, and its chiefs and warriors, stood around to witness this extraordinary spectacle, but not in immediate juxtaposition to the spot. Each warrior had his bow and arrow ready. The moment of the application of the little burning faggots under her arms was a signal to them to fire; when in an instant her body was pierced with arrows so thick, that every vital part of her body was penetrated.

Life being extinct, these arrows were quickly withdrawn, and while the flesh was yet warm, it was cut in small pieces from her bones, and put in little baskets. All this was done with almost inconceivable quickness. The baskets of human flesh were then taken to a closely adjacent corn-field. The principal chief took a piece of the flesh and squeezed a drop of blood upon the newly deposited grains of corn. This example was immediately followed by the rest, till all the corn had been thus bathed in human blood, when the hills were covered over with earth. It is stated that this is not an isolated instance of human sacrifice with the Pawnees. Other instances are represented to have occurred in the history of that tribe.

The Otoes, who are very near neighbors of the tribe practising these atrocities, have a peculiar mode of sacrificing a horse at the funeral ceremonies of his master. Having been shot while the grave is still open, the animal's tail is cut off and tied to a long pole. This pole is then planted in the grave, and the carcass of the horse deposited in the same grave before it is filled up. The sense of attention and respect of the Indian spectator are thus satisfied. He believes that by these typical rites provision is made that the spirit of the horse will carry his master through the land of shadows to the anticipated hunting-grounds of the aboriginal paradise. For, with the Otoes and


the prairie tribes generally, the horse and man are alike believed to possess souls. Indian tradition states, that Manabosho called all the quadrupeds his brothers; they are regarded as but under the power of enchantment. (Algic Researches, Vol. I., p. 134.) The burial ceremonies among our Indian tribes are at all times attended with interest, from the insight they give into Indian character. Some of these incontestably disclose their belief of the immortality of the soul, while the idea of its lingering with the body for a time after death, and requiring food, denotes a concurrence with oriental customs, or, at least, the strong tie of local attachment which pervades the Indian mind. Bound to earth so long in life, he is loth to quit it even after death. When a Chippewa corpse is put into its coffin, the lid is tied, not nailed on. The reason they give for this is, that the communication between the living and the dead is better kept up; the freed soul, which has preceded the body to the Indian elysium, may, it is believed, thus have free access to the newly-buried body.

Over the top of the grave a roof-shaped covering of cedar-bark is built, to shed the rain. A small aperture is cut through the bark at the head of the grave. On asking a Chippewa why this was done, he replied — "To allow the soul to pass out and in." "I thought," I replied, "that you believed that the soul went up from the body at the time of death, to a land of happiness. How then can it remain in the body?" "There are two souls," replied the Indian philosopher. "How can this be?" I responded. "It is easily explained," said he. "You know that in dreams we pass over wide countries, and see hills and lakes and mountains, and many scenes, which pass before our eyes and affect us. Yet, at the same time, our bodies do not stir; and there is a soul left with the body, else it would be dead. So, you perceive, it must be another soul that accompanies us."

It is near this orifice left for the soul, that the portion of food consecrated in feasts for the dead, is usually placed, in a wooden or bark dish. It could not but happen, that victuals thus exposed should be devoured by the hystrix, fisher, wolf, or some other species of northern animals, which are known to seek their food by night. From whatever cause, however, the Indian makes no scruple in believing its abstraction to be the work of the soul, in its supposed visits to or from the body. This is Indian philosophy. Simple as it is, it is something to find an Indian accounting for the theory of sensations, and the phantastic scenes passing before the memory in sleep.

In reviewing the Indian manners and customs, nothing impresses the observer more with the responsibility he feels to some unseen supernal power. He is naturally a religious being. Nothing is more general, among all the tribes, than customs of fasting and feasting. By means of these rites personal benefits are supposed to be derived, and thanks for benefits expressed.

The offering of food and libations to the dead is one of the oldest rites of the human family. It has pervaded the whole Indian continent. This rite, as practised by the American tribes, is described in Vol. I., p. 38, 39. (It is illustrated in Plate 3, Vol. I.)


It reveals a custom known to have prevailed among the nations from the river Indus to the Brahampooter. It prevailed widely at ancient periods among the Mongols and the Chinese. Confucius, who has been compared to Socrates for the purity of his morals, enforces, as a prime tenet, the respect for ancestors. Funereal offerings to the dead constitute, at this day, a prominent custom of that people.

It must, however, be conceded, that manners and customs form but a vague and unsatisfactory mode of investigating the origin of nations. Their traditions are variant and incongruous. The light they cast into the past reaches but a short distance, and is soon lost in the darkness which envelopes their origin. One generation has forgotten the traditions of another. New events give a brief place, in the Indian mind, to the old and cherished. Changes of position — the succession of their celebrated actors — and the rapid mutations of their whole history, make but a short-lived impression on the memory of hunters and warriors. Those incidents that could not be written, or subjected to any sort of notation, are soon completely forgotten. The customs of the same stocks vary much with changes of location, climate, and productions. The descendants of the Shoshonees, who live miserably on larvae and roots, on the eminences of the Rocky Mountains, under the name of Comanches, ride horses in Texas, and every few degrees of latitude brings a change of food. The ingenious mode of basket-making, in California (vide Plate VII.), would have been adopted, in all likelihood, by other tribes, under similar circumstances. The Atlantic and littoral tribes lived mostly on fish and mollusks, and have left piles of the ostrea along the borders of the sea, which serve as monuments of the former places of their residence. I have seen these piles in the cotton-fields of the Carolinas, which, to the traveller, remain the only vestiges of a people who have passed away. In the prairies of the West, the buffalo is the chief reliance for food. In Oregon the tribes always relied, in a measure, on the yam: in California they gather the seeds of spontaneously growing plants, with an amount of care and labor that would be sufficient to cultivate fields.

The dress of the tribes is still more changeable and more dependent on climate. The skins of the beaver and fine-furred animals were extensively used in the north at the period of the first planting of the colonies; and it so happened that an Indian was often thus clothed, at an expense which would have covered him with the finest and richest broadcloths. Deer-skins furnished the clothing in deer-yielding districts; and the dressed skins of the buffalo did the same throughout the latitudes west of the Mississippi, reaching from about 32° to 52°. Even language changed with more rapidity than writers are aware of, though it still furnishes the best clue to their history.


Could it be anticipated that the Indian traditions could have preserved much value under these severe mutations? In effect, the tribes speak but of the beginning of the world, and of its present state. All else has dropped out of the Indian memory, unless it be some shadowy and discordant notions of a universal flood or deluge. Life to the Indian, while in the forest state, has little worth living for; and, indeed, death as little to die for. He is to lie down, as we see in the manners of the Otoes, the Pawnees, and the Niuna, with the horse and bear, and flatters himself with the hope of rising with them. The Peruvians, who, with consummate art, had built a temple to the Sun, buried the dog with their chiefs (vide Appendix II.), in their tombs of masonry. And the Algonquin puts a paddle or an apecun, or carrying-strap, in the grasp of the wife who had reared his family of children, that she may continue her life of drudgery in another world, and thus realize that death itself is inadequate to free her from the bonds of social slavery.

The forest districts of North America appear to have been more favorable to the development of the benign and social affections. It is in these districts, too, that we have witnessed the highest instances of the martial spirit, the preservation of some private rights in government, and a tone of free and bold eloquence. The Iroquois have taken the front rank in this class; but, from the testimony of history, which is affirmed by recent cranial examinations, conducted on scientific principles (Vol. II., p. 335), the Algonquin and the Appalachian groups are not a whit behind them in the indicia of intellectual capacity. But even here the triumph of human greatness is founded on the idea of stoicism. The future is a scene of phantoms, types, and shadows, in which the labors of this life will be re-enacted, but which promised no rest to the body or the soul. The Indian heaven is built on the opinions of hunters, who will resume the chase there under far happier auspices; and he will be relieved from the cruel ills and pinching wants which have attended him in this life. In passing through this elysium, as we learn from his traditions (vide Oneצta, p. 5), he evinces the imperturbability and obduracy of heart which he had manifested in the present scene. Whole canoe-loads of the disembodied spirits are seen, in this tradition, to sink in the lake which separates them from the HAPPY ISLAND, without producing any emotion. Still, death to the Indian is rather an event of gladness than terror. He passes away to his mortal account as if it were to be a place of rewards, and not of accountabilities or punishments. The indifference manifested by the aboriginal race on their exit from life, has been the topic of frequent remark, from the earliest period. The Indian lies down to die, as if to an assured rest or enjoyment, after a period of toil. His mind has been filled, from early youth, with fictions of a future elysium, in which the Great Spirit is ever described as the peculiar friend of the Red Race.

In the examination which has been made of Indian manners, customs, and character, in the first volume of this work (vide MENTAL TYPE OP THE INDIAN RACE, pages 30 to 43), a summary of traits is presented which appears to connect his origin with the oriental world. Time has not appeared to alter that view. We are of necessity


directed to that quarter. The very plan of language of the American tribes points in that direction. Mr. Du Ponceau, writing in 1819, has called this plan of expression polysynthetic, i. e. many compound. (Trans. Am. Phi. Soc., p. 370.) To Dr. Francis Lieber, an erudite observer, who has recently favored me with some remarks on the topic (Vol. II., p. 346), it has, from its power of combining ideas, been pronounced holophrastic. It is chiefly in the East that languages of this character, forming "bunch-words," as he terms them, are found in a state of analogous completeness of aggregation; although we have, perhaps, in the Magyar and the old mountain dialects of Spain, existing European vestiges or examples of this "agglutination" in language.

Of the Indian manners and customs at large, we have had but little from that quarter since the days of Louis XIV., when the Christian church of both France and Europe, first essayed to bring the tribes under the power of civilization and Christianity. Charlevoix, in a review, in 1721, of the theories which prevailed among philosophers of Europe, from Montanus, Oviedo, and Grotius, to De Hornn, and down to his day, thinks they have dealt so largely in the marvellous, and in fanciful theories, as to have left the subject just where they found it. He points out errors and directs attention to the study of the languages. (Journal, p. 49.) On this side of the water we have had little which has fallen in our way, but the reminiscences of Adair, in 1774, and a revival of the theory ascribing a Hebrew origin to the tribes. It is a work deficient in historical research, general or tribal, but with some erudition. The essay of President Smith, of Princeton College, proceeds too exclusively in supporting a theory; and that of Boudinot (Star in the West), does not, I think, make so strong a case as the facts admitted, from the want of sound materials, while he over-estimates others. Dr. Jarvis questioned this theory in a public discourse, before the New York Historical Society, in 1820, which was deemed a paper of sound induction. The argument founded on philology cannot be properly handled, till we have a larger and more elaborate amount of materials, both from Asia and America, recorded on uniform principles of notation. Some evidences for a comparison of the Indian with the Hebrew language, have been collected. They denote strong elements of analogy, sometimes in sounds, but oftener in principles, with the Shemitic stock. Some of these, and particularly the pronominal phenomena, and the restricted verb for existence, have been incidentally adverted to in prior pages (Vol. II.. p. 353, Vol. IV., p. 386), but the topic is one demanding time, reading, and elaboration, which ill accords with the necessities and curt compliances which are often required to a large extent in public and official works.

It has likewise, thus far, been impossible, in this volume, to bring forward, in a digested form, the comparison of manners, customs, rites, and opinions, social and religious, which appear to refer the origin of the Indian tribes to an ancient and general epoch of political mutations over a wide surface of the Asiatic continent, affecting the Mongol, Chinese, and their affiliated nations. (Vide Appendix, No. 2.)





General Archaeology. Antique Skill in Fortification. Erection of Tumuli. Vestiges of Labor in the Mississippi Valley. Antique Horticultural Beds. State of Arts and Miscellaneous Fabrics. Attempts at Mining and Metallurgy. Ante-Columbian Antiquities. Question of Antique Inscriptions. Dighton Rock — an Example of the Indian Kekeewin.


Evidences of Indian Antiquities, continued. Truncated Mounds, or Platform Residences, of the Florida Indians. Antique Enclosures and small Mounds on Cunningham's Island, Lake Erie. Inscription Rock. Description of Archaelogical Articles from South Carolina and New York. Embankment and Excavations on an Island at the Source of the Wisconsin and Ontonagon Rivers.


Record of Newly-Discovered Antiquities, continued. Pictographic Inscription from the banks of the Hudson. Antique Pottery from the Mounds of Florida and Georgia. Antique Colored Pottery from the banks of the River Gila, New Mexico. Explanation of the Inscription in the Character of the Kekeewin, from Lake Erie. Ancient Metallic Plates exhibited at the Muscogee Busks.


(a.) A sketch of the Antiquities of the United States. The true Type of Ancient Semi-Civilization and Aboriginal Art, denoted by Antiquities. Indian Art, Architecture, Fortification, and Agriculture, at the close of the Fifteenth Century. Intrusive Elements of Art. Considerations of the various proofs of Art in the Mississippi Valley. Their Object, Character, and Age. Testimony of General G. R. Clark, and other Western Pioneers and Observers. Summary of Facts. Metallurgy. Pottery. Sculpture. Ancient Cloth from the Mounds. Antique Copper-mining on Lake Superior. Pictographic Inscriptions from the Alleghany River. Fort Hill of Elmira. (b.) An Essay on the Congaree Indians of South Carolina. (c.) New elementary Facts in the current discovery of American Archaeology.


Some Considerations on the Mound-Period of the Mississippi Valley, and on the general State of Indian Art prior to the Discovery, in the present Area of the United States. Traits and Comparisons of American Antiquities.


III. Antiquities.


WE proceed, by a natural step, from what the Indians are, at the present time, to what they were, at the era of the colonization of the country. There is a voice taught by the antiquarian vestiges of former periods which cannot be mistaken. It is not designed to consider the question of the earliest discovery of the tribes by Europeans, but merely the state of their arts and industrial powers at the epoch; for, whether the continent was first visited by the Scandinavians, the ancient Erse, or the Celts of Britain or of Continental Europe, it is not pretended that the race of Red men are the descendants of such visitors. These early visits may have produced a class of INTRUSIVE ANTIQUITIES, such as is contended for by the Scandinavians (vide Ant. Amer.). Traces of this kind of vestiges, of peculiar type, are shadowed forth by an inscription, in antique characters, found on an elliptical stone in a tumulus in Virginia, opened in 1838 (vide Vol. I., p. 114, Vol. IV., p. 120), and also in the characters and figures of the Manlius Stone (Plate 8, Vol. V.), which probably tells the tale of the fate of some early victim of Spanish cupidity, during what we may call the mediaeval age of American antiquities. There may also be forms of art, disinterred from American soil, introduced from Asia, or by early adventurers from the Mediterranean, which have tended to direct the Indian mind to incipient steps of art or civilization. But these vestiges only serve to perplex, without unravelling the subject. For, whoever the intrusive visitors or colonists were, they did not permanently sustain themselves.


Almost, as a matter of necessity, they mingled in, became amalgamated with them in blood, and were finally lost in the Indian race. Cusic, the Tuscarora, gives us a glimpse on this subject, denoting the probable growth and extinction of such a colony, veiled partly under symbols. (Hist. Six Nations.) We may, indeed, recognise in our investigations a Scandinavian, a Celtic, or even, as Mr. Jomard (un Piטre Gravט, etc., Paris), has suggested, a Libyan, and Lord Kingsborough, a Phoenician element of this kind; but the Indian is, by far, of too marked and peculiar a character, mentally and physically, to permit us to confound him with these branches of the human race. Not only his physiology, but his languages point in quite another direction. The only nation, it must be confessed, with which his origin has been, with some just probability compared, is the Hebrew, or at least Shemitic stock — though the questions of when or how he came to the continent, are quite as difficult to answer as the others. There are not only some striking principles of agreement in the plan of utterance of the Indian with the Shemitic, but some apparent vestiges of the vocabulary. It may, however, be remarked, in connection with a Celtic or Gothic element in the Indian mind, that their beliefs in fairies, dwarfs, giants, vampyres, and ghosts, or apparitions from the grave, as denoted in their oral legends and tales (vide Algic Researches), smacks strongly of ideas which were perfectly infiltrated into the Celtic and Gothic imaginations: while it is, at the same time, to be remembered, that, agreeably to the most recent ethnological researches in Europe, both of these celebrated and wide-spreading families of mankind were derived from early migrations of Asiatic tribes through the Euxine into Europe. (Latham.) It becomes, therefore, less a matter of surprise that the Indian tribes, who are manifestly of oriental origin, should have brought thence, along with these apparently European mental indicia, their abundant beliefs


in necromancy, magic, witchcraft, sorcery, and the doctrines of a very multiplied existence of spiritual agencies. Nor is it strange that we should also be compelled to look to that quarter for the Indian doctrine of metempsychoses, and enchantments, and transformations, which constitute so prominent a feature in the poetical machinery of their traditionary lodge-tales. For, it is better to draw their belief in fairies, dwarfs, vampyres, and ghosts, directly from the original, seats of mankind, than through the early barbarous periods of Europe. It is to this ancient centre of migration that we are driven in seeking for the origin of those deeply-seated principles in the Indian mind which are at the foundation of their cosmogony and religion. It is seen that they regard the creation of the world as having risen from chaos; the idea of an universal deluge, by which men were destroyed; the belief in two antagonistical principles of Good and Evil; and, finally, the worship of the Sun, as being the symbol and effulgent representation of the Creator — the Great Manito, the Waconda, the Owayneo, and the Abainka of our principal groups of tribes, by whom that luminary is regarded as the cause not only of heat and light, but of life. These are, in my opinion, the four fundamental beliefs in the uninstructed mind of the Red man of America, however obscured they may be by secondary and subordinate dogmas. The oriental character of the beliefs have been stated as the sum of my observations in the Indian country (where, in former years, I have been admitted as a MEDA and a member of three of their principal secret orders), as stated in the mental synopsis heretofore submitted. (Vol. I., p. 30.) And the same general traits are more or less fully described or adverted to by all who, with any attempt to generalize, have written on the subject.

It is not only the country, but the epoch, that is required; and the latter is often a means of testing the former. Any attempt to fix on local divisions of the oriental world, as the probable theatre of the origin of the Indian tribes, in the absence of all history — without even traditions, poor as they generally are — and on the mere basis of suppositions, must prove unsatisfactory. But where history is baffled, conjecture may sometimes plausibly, step in. It is not probable that there are less than ten million souls, of all grades, situated between Cape Horn and the utmost habitable parts of the Arctic ocean; for there are, from the last accounts, some five millions of the reclaimed tribes in Mexico alone. Between all these tribes, from the south to the north, there is a remarkable general coincidence in color, features, and character. The mere conjecture that these tribes are the off-shoots of the Shemitic race of Asia, is important, and becomes deeply interesting when it appears probable, as many men of learning and genius have asserted, that their history, fate, and fortunes, can be connected with that of the Hebrew race.


When the Spanish discovered America, Europe was shaken to its centre by religious agitations. For the Reformation was then on the point of breaking forth, and in a few years was at its height. Luther commenced his open career just two years before Cortez first appeared before the city of Mexico. That part of the Church controlled by Spain was swayed by the zeal and energy of Loyola; and it was a point of deep religious emulation and triumph, to show the divided churches of Europe that she was successfully engaged in converting the millions of new-found, idolatrous aborigines, to the true faith. In this effort, conquest itself became one of the chief means of securing the triumphs of the Spanish Church. The very state of the buildings, arts, and power of the Indians was exaggerated, to show the greatness of the victory and to enhance the glory of the conquest. Let the simple journal of Bernal Diaz — nay, the polished and elaborate history of De Solis be read, with a view to this general state of things, and the observer cannot fail to discover, at every step, the strong tendency to over-estimate the state of arts, the power of the Indian government, and the general type of semi-civilization. A dressed deer-skin, with rude devices of animals and men, folded in a quadrangular form, was pronounced "a book" — the stroke of an Indian drum-stick, "a gong" — rude walls, without a door or a roof, "a fort" — the merest crude fabrics of wearing, without the knowledge of a distaff or a shuttle, were likened to the mantles of European kings — a cacique, with his plumes, was "a noble" — and Montezuma himself, a sagamore swaying chiefs of lesser power, was exalted by the term of "emperor," a word unknown to the Aztec language. They made pots and vases by hand, but had not the knowledge of the potter's wheel or the wooden lathe. What sort of a civilization would Europe have without these simple arts? They had no skill in fusion. They melted no iron — they made no glass. Gold required no skill in separation from its matrix; and the rude images of animals which M. Jomard showed me, at the Bibliotheque Royale, in 1842, as being part of the things sent over to Spain by Cortez, did not exceed the art of a Pottowattomie.

Did Pizarro, when he accomplished the conquest of Peru, evince a juster appreciation of the condition of the society, arts, and manners of the tribes whom he treated with the spirit of a brigand? The conversion of the tribes here, as in Mexico, was still the watch-cry and shield of the conquerors. He held up the banners of the


Gospel to the people, as a subterfuge for plunder and perfidy, while his acts and policy savored far more of the "Prince of the power of the air." Inca was the simple name of the tribes for father; but the chief and ruling father must also be declared to be "an emperor" — for this conqueror would appear no whit behind, in deeds of glorious renown, in the court of Charles V., to his military competitor for fame in Mexico.

Of the state of civilization in Peru and Mexico, there is much room, indeed, for doubt. It has been justly described, we think, by Robertson (Hist. Am.), and often over-described by Spanish historians. The accounts of the conquerors themselves are a mass of inflations. It was a civilization which grew up among a rude hunter race under the superstitious fears and despotism of the native seers and priests. Custom led the people to look up to the oldest, wisest, or more cunning classes. Prescription made law, till the system had become, at the period of the Discovery, as despotic as any of the early superstitious dynasties of the oriental world. It required centuries to wean them from the idle habits of the hunter state, in latitudes where, with very little toil, the climate furnished them, spontaneously, the means of subsistence. The Incas soon exacted labor without reward, on public works, and being sustained by the Indian priesthood, of whom they were the head, imposed tribute. Temples, teocalli, and public roads, and rope suspension-bridges, could thus be readily executed; while the mud hut, or adoba cottage, was all that remained to tell that the rude and pow-wow-ridden people, who bowed under the severest slavery of mind to their religious superiors, had any home at all. Even the domestic circle was not free from the intrusion of the ruling chiefs; and, as to private rights, they were unknown. Yet the race, compared to those tribes who had made no advances upon the simplest forest arts, presented a singular agreement of general features and character.

Of the actual condition of art, there are some striking discrepancies in authors. A temple of the Sun, with walls of heavy golden plates, brings a dazzling image to the mind. A government house, for the transaction of public business, creates the impression of magnitude and excellence in art. Yet what shall we say when these edifices are described by engineers to have been mere squares and parallelograms of walls, of one story, without roofs, letting the sun shine on their altar, and the rain beat in, and


without doors that could be opened or closed, but consisting of small triangular apertures in the walls, without any knowledge of the arch. For a plan and view of these antique structures, see Plate IX.

Ulloa, to whom we are indebted for these architectural views, gives the most correct and instructive account of the state of Peruvian art. A civilian and an engineer in the service of the government, he came with no ulterior views of concealing facts, or overstating acquirements. There is no disposition evinced by him, however, to underrate any thing advantageous to the Indian character, industry, or arts of the period. "The ancient inhabitants of Peru," he remarks, "were far enough from carrying the sciences to any perfection, before the conquest of the country by the Spaniards. They were not destitute of all knowledge of them, but it was so faint and languid, that it was far from being sufficient for cultivating their minds. They had also some glimmerings of the mechanic arts; but their simplicity, or want of taste, was so remarkable, that, unless forced by absolute necessity, they never departed from the models before them. The progress and improvements they made were owing to industry, the common directress of mankind. A close application supplied the want of science. Hence, after a long series of time, and excessive labor, they raised works not so totally void of art and beauty but that some particulars raise the admiration of an attentive spectator. Such, for instance, were some of those structures of which we have still superb ruins, in which, considering the magnitude of the works, and the few tools they were masters of, their contrivance and ingenuity are really admirable. And the work itself, though destitute of European symmetry, elegance, and disposition, is surprising, even in the very performance of it.

"These Indians raised works both for the convenience and veneration of posterity. With these the plains, eminences, or lesser mountains, are covered; like the Egyptians, they had an extreme passion for rendering their burial-places remarkable. If the latter erected astonishing pyramids, in the centre of which their embalmed bodies were deposited, the Indians, having laid a body without burial in the place it was to rest in, environed it with stones and bricks, as a tomb; and the dependants, relations, and intimate acquaintances of the deceased threw so much earth on it, as to form a tumulus or eminence, which they called guaca. The figure of these is not precisely pyramidical; the Indians seeming rather to have affected the imitation of nature in mountains and eminences. Their usual height is about eight or ten toises, and their length betwixt twenty and twenty-five, and the breadth something less; though there are others much larger. I have already observed, that these monuments are very common all over this country; but they are most numerous within the jurisdiction of the town of Cayambe, its plains being, as it were, covered with them. The reason of this is, that formerly here was one of their principal temples, which they imagined must communicate a sacred quality to all the circumjacent country, and thence it was chosen


for the burial-place of the kings and caciques of Quito; and, in imitation of them, the caciques of all these villages were also interred there.

"The remarkable difference in the magnitude of these monuments seems to indicate, that the guacas were always suitable to the character, dignity, or riches of the person interred; as, indeed, the great number of vassals under some of the most potent caciques concurring to raise a guaca over his body, it must certainly be considerably larger than that of a private Indian whose guaca was raised only by his family and a few acquaintances: with them also were buried their furniture and many of their instruments, both of gold, copper, stone, and earth; and these now are the objects of the curiosity of the Spaniards inhabiting the country; that many of them make it a great part of their business to break up these guacas, in the expectation of finding something valuable, and, misled by finding some pieces of gold here and there, they so devote themselves to this search, as to spend in it both their substance and time — though it must be owned that many, after a long perseverance under disappointments, have at length met with rich returns for all their labor and expense. Two instances of this kind happened while we were in the country — the first guaca had been opened near the village of Cayambe, in the plain of Pesillo, a little before our arrival at Quito; and out of it were taken a considerable quantity of gold utensils, some of which we saw in the revenue office, having been brought there as equivalents for the fifths. The second was more recently discovered in the jurisdiction of Pastes, by a Dominican friar, who, from a turn of genius for antiquities, had laid out very large sums in this amusement, and at last met with a guaca in which he is said to have found great riches. This is certain, that he sent some valuable pieces to the provincial of his order, and other persons at Quito. The contents of most of them consist only of the skeleton of the person interred, the earthen vessels in which he used to drink chica, now called guagueros, some copper axes, looking-glasses of the ynca-stone, and things of that kind; being of little or no value, except for their great antiquity, and their being the works of a rude, illiterate people.

"The manner of opening the guaca is, to cut the lower part at right angles, the vertical and horizontal line meeting in the centre, where the corpse and its furniture are found.

"The stone-mirrors taken out of the guacas are of two sorts — one of the ynca-stone, and the other of the gallinazo-stone: the former is not transparent, of a lead color, but soft: they are generally of a circular form, and one of the surfaces flat, with all the smoothness of a crystal looking-glass; the other oval, and something spherical, and the polish not so fine. They are of various sizes, but generally of three or four inches diameter, though I saw one of a foot and a half — its principal surface was concave, and greatly enlarged objects — nor could its polish be exceeded by the best workmen among us. The great fault of this stone is, its having several veins and flaws, which, besides the disadvantage to the surface of the mirror, render it liable to be broken by


any little accident. Many are inclined to think that it is not natural, but artificial. There are, it must indeed be owned, some appearances of this, but not sufficient for conviction. Among the breaches, in this country, some quarries of them are found; and quantities continue to be taken out, though no longer worked for the use the Indians made of them. This does not, however, absolutely contradict the fusion of them, in order to heighten their quality, or cast them into a regular form.

"The gallinazo-stone is extremely hard, but as brittle as flint: it is so called from its black color, in allusion to the color of the bird of that name, and is in some measure diaphanous. This the Indians worked equally on both sides, and reduced it into a circular figure. On the upper part they drilled a hole for a string to hang it by; the surfaces were as smooth as those of the former, and very exactly reflect objects. The mirrors made of this stone were of different kinds — some plain, some concave, and others convex. I have seen them of all kinds; and, from the delicacy of the workmanship, one would have thought these people had been furnished with all kinds of instruments, and completely skilled in optics. Some quarries of this stone are likewise met with, but they are entirely neglected; though its transparency, color, and hardness, besides its having no flaws or veins, render it very beautiful.

"The copper axes of the Indians differ very little, in their shape, from ours; and it appears that these were the instruments with which they performed most of their works; for if not the only, they are the most common edge-tools found among them, and the only apparent difference betwixt those they use, consists in size and shape: for, though they all resemble an axe, the edge in some is more circular than in others. Some have a concave edge, others a point on the opposite side, and a fluted handle. These instruments were not all of copper; some having been found of gallinazo, and of another stone something resembling the flint, but less hard and pure. Of this stone, and that of the gallinazo, are several points, supposed to have been heads of spears, as these were their two chief instruments, or weapons; for, had they used any other, some would doubtless have been found among the infinite number of guacas which have been opened." (Ulloa, Vol. I., p. 460.)

Nothing is more remarkable, in comparing the ancient monuments of the Peruvians and Mexicans with those of the Indians of the United States, than that respect for the dead, and veneration for ancestry, which characterizes both classes of the tribes. The tombs or guacas of the Peruvians are perceived to have been of very various sizes, in proportion to the standing of the person entombed. The body, with its ornaments and personalities, was simply laid on the ground, and surrounded with earth, stones, or adobas. The relatives of the deceased threw on more material, till it assumed the form of a tumulus. A man of but little note had a mere barrow — a chief of distinction quite a mausoleum or mound. Ulloa gives an account of one of these guacas, which he thinks had been used as a look-out, situated on a plain near the town of Laticunga, in Quito (p. 469, Vol. I.) This cone of earth rises to one hundred and fifty


feet in height. The shape is that of a sugar-loaf, formed with exact conical roundness on every side, so as to present the same angle with the plains. (Plate 9, Fig. 2.) This earthen structure must impress the observer with the striking resemblance it bears to the most elevated class of tumuli of the Mississippi valley. Six lesser tumuli are figured on the same page. These works are ascribed to the earlier or Atacama period of the Peruvians, before the rule of the Titicaca line of Incas. The older, indeed, the periods are which we select to compare the Indian arts and customs of the continent, the ruder is the state of art, and, at the same time, the more striking the resemblances. Reverence for ancestors was, indeed, one of the earliest forms of idolatrous error the human mind assumed in Asia; and we should not be surprised to see evidences of it among the earliest tribes in America.

Two of the ancient Peruvian guacas were recently opened at Arica, under the direction of the officer at the head of the Astronomical Commission sent from the National Observatory at Washington, who has furnished us a full description of it. (Plates 10, 11, Pigs. 1 to 28.) The contents were the mummies of a male and female, and two children, disposed and tied in a sitting posture, and wrapped in the Peruvian manner. In their laps were ears of Indian corn. They were accompanied by various household articles of pottery, wood and wicker-work. The inner wrappers were of cloth woven from the wool of the llama; and it was figured. There was a man's cap of the same material deposited in the tomb; a needle made of the thorn of the cactus, with the thread still in it, and a gold eylet-hole. There was a marker or punch, with a curiously worked head to fit the palm. (Plate 11.) The vessels of pottery were of primitive shapes. The wooden vessels contained the remains of the sweet potatoe. There were arrow-heads of transparent flint, or chalcedony. There was also what our northern Indians call an apecun, or carrying-strap. The most characteristic object was the skeleton of a dog. All the objects of art were boxed and transported to Washington for examination.

The embalming had been imperfect, and the bodies were decayed; the tomb emitting a strong effluvium on being opened. "These tombs," says my informer, "are believed to be several hundred years old."

If the earlier guacas were rude and inartistic, the same remark may be made of the stone edifices and public buildings of the corresponding period of art. "Palaces" and "temples" were the current terms the Spanish applied to these structures. They came to America to find empires and temples that might bear to be compared to those


of Mexico, and the conquerors often misapplied the phrases to vestiges of a period before the Inca system had been even commenced.

The greatest part of one of these celebrated temples, denoting the ancient "rusticity of their architecture" (p. 467), is situated near the town of Cayambe. (Plate 12, Fig. 1.) It stands on an eminence: it is a perfect circle of forty-eight feet diameter: its walls are about thirteen feet six inches high, and four or five in thickness, built of sunburnt bricks, or adobas. It has a small, square door at one side, and is open to the sky, like the ancient amphitheatres, that the sun and light might freely penetrate.

In the remains of the house of Incas, of Quito, at Callo (Plate 12, Fig. 2), the walls are built of a species of trap or greenstone, well cut and adjusted. They consist of six principal rooms, with ante-rooms and entrances — the whole occupying a large ground-plan, but the entire edifice is of but one story, without windows, or an aperture to admit light. The inference is, that orifices for this purpose were made in the roof, if, indeed, it was deemed necessary to have a permanent roof over the entire building, in these mild, serene latitudes. There is no evidence that either the knowledge of the arch, or of the stair, existed. Entrances were made by means of the usual leaning walls, or what has sometimes been called the "flat-arch."

In the citadel and palace of Canar, depicted by him, we have a combination of the purposes of an official residence for the Incas, with those of a fortress. The same rustic style of architecture and geometry — the same want of architectural capacity for admitting light, for roofing, and for rising by a series of steps, is evinced. A battering wall is surmounted by a small watch-tower. The height and thickness of the walls, and the nature of the stones, which are, however, unequally laid, are like those of Callo.

By far the most imperfect and rustic state of Peruvian art existed while the Incas had their residence at Atacama and at Quito. The most numerous monuments and vestiges of art are found scattered throughout that quarter. But while the masses of the tribes assembled, under their caciques, to work on public edifices, they themselves


lived in temporary huts of the frailest character. The principal material used in the construction of these huts was canes; and this plan of building is yet followed along the banks of the Maricaibo and other streams flowing into the Pacific. The method is, to fix in the earth ten or twelve forked pieces of trees. Cross timbers are laid on them, about twelve feet from the ground. Over these a flooring of the same material, or a kind of boards, is laid, with a roof covered by the long leaves of the vijahua, which are frequently three feet in length, by one broad. The pliant bejucos vine is used as a cord in these simple structures. The ground story is unoccupied, to avoid the intrusion of beasts, insects, or floods: (p. 180).

If it was an object with the conquerors, to overrate the arts of the Indians in these serene and balmy regions, at the era of the discovery, it had been equally so in the tropical latitudes of Mexico, where the nations may be said to have been within striking distance of the Mississippi valley. The time required, at the present period, to traverse the immense plains from Santa Fי, on the Rio Grande del Norte, to Independence, on the Missouri, where a mail is now regularly carried by the United States' government, is twelve days. The Indians, who, from the first landing of Cortez, have had a great reputation as messengers and runners, could hardly, if the occasion required it, have consumed more time. They went from Vera Cruz to Mexico and back in seven days. (De Solis.) The whole region, from the mouth of the Rio Grande extending west to 100° of longitude, was covered with the buffalo, elk, deer, and smaller animals, which afforded abundant means of subsistence. If they crossed the plains of Texas, literally the paradise of hunters, as the name is said to import, the general fertility of the country, and the means of living, afforded them still easier access; and if the tribes chose to resort to their canoes, and followed the coast of the Gulf to the Atchefalaya, or the other mouths of the Mississippi, they had still a more easy mode of reaching its waters, and one quite as agreeable to their habits and tastes.

The passage from the peninsula of Yucatan to Cuba is not, by any means, beyond the capacities of the Indian sea-canoe, and certainly not in the proper seasons, of the balza, with its temporary board keel and power to luff. (Plate 13.) And thence to Florida, is a transition not beyond the enterprise of the maritime tribes.

The Toltecs settled in Mexico, according to D'Aloa, in 387, founded Tula in 498, and terminated their monarchy, according to Clavigero, in 1051. Agreeably to the most authentic writers, the Chichemecas and Acolhuans, or Tezcocans, settled in the valley of Mexico in 963. They were displaced by the Tecpanecs of Acapulco in 1012. These tribes, agreeably to all authorities, came from points west and north of the valley


of Mexico. It is thought the most northern hordes had been seated on the eastern shores of the Gulf of California. Differ as they may have done in languages and dialects, the experiment of migrating to more southerly and tropical latitudes, which yielded abundance of the banana and other tropical fruits, of which they were excessively fond, appears to have produced a strong sensation among this genus of tribes. As time elapsed, horde followed horde; and it happened, indeed, as in European prior history, that the most barbarous tribes conquered those that possessed the elements of civilization, and soon partook of these higher modes of life and subsistence. Civilization, even in its rudest forms, appears to have been a prize to barbarians. The delightful climate of Mexico itself was a prize. New impulses, of the same general wave of migration, succeeded. The Nahuatlacs had peculiar traditions of having issued from caves. The last horde that came to dispute for sovereignty in the Mexican valley, was the Aztecs. They left Atzlan, their reputed starting point, in 1160. They advanced by distinct stages, dwelling a time in each place. At length, having reached the valley, and passed Tula, the old Toltec capital, they came, in 1325, to Lake Tezcoco; and their priests, having here verified a prediction of the discovery of an eagle sitting on a cactus, with a snake in its claws, they founded their capital in this lake, which has risen like another Venice. Here Cortez found their decendants under Montezuma, in 1519, in a city built on islets, connected by causeways, after they had sustained themselves through many wars with the other tribes, agreeably to Mendoza, for a period of 144 years.


Three Indian dynasties had preceded the Aztecs, producing migrations towards the south, east, and north. Guatemala and Yucatan are believed to have been thus peopled. They escaped from the invaders on all sides. When the flying tribes had reached Tampico, the access to the north was ready. The Mississippi valley was thus within reach, the Alleghanies crossed, the Atlantic shores peopled. The tribes who had been infringed on in the south, infringed on others in the north. They drove the Skroellings, who, in 1000, lived in New England (Antiquitatcs Amer.), across the Gulf of St. Lawrence to Labrador. The early traditions of all the New England and Atlantic coast tribes, point to a migration from the south-west. Such were the


traditions of the Massachusetts group of small tribes, and of the Narragansetts or Wampanoags, of the Mohicans, and the maritime coast tribes. The Lenni Lenapees of Pennsylvania told this tradition to the Moravian missionaries, detailing the crossing of the Mississippi, long after the passage of the Iroquois and the Allegans. (Trans. Phil. Soc., Vol. I.) The southern Indians represent themselves as having come originally from the west; and, after crossing the Mississippi at higher or lower points, and at eras more or less remote, as having conquered the original Florida tribes, and taken their places. They told this tradition to Adair (Hist. Inds.), to Bartram (Travels), and to Hawkins (Sketches, etc.), three of our most reliable authorities. Such were the accounts of the Chickasaws, Choctaws, Creeks, and Cherokees. The Creeks proceeded eastward, across Florida, to the Oakmulgee branch of the Altamaha, their oldest town and permanent resting-place, vestiges of which still exist. The old tribes against whom they fought were the Yamacraws, Ogechees, Wapoos, Santees, Uches, Yamasees, Utinas, Paticas, and Icosans — terms, some of which, only linger in their verbal traditions.

When the old tribes west of the Mississippi are asked the direction they came from, they point south. They came up over the fertile, level plains, and hilly uplands east of the forbidding and impassable peaks of the Rocky mountains. Such is the account of the Quppas (Kapahas of De Soto's day, vide my "Ozarks"), Cadrons, Kansas, and the generality of the great prairie or Dacota group west of the Mississippi, and of the Iowas, Sioux, and Winnebagoes, who had crossed the stream at and below St. Anthony's Falls, and above the junction of the Missouri. (Vide Iowa map, Vol. III., Plate 30.)

The Sioux proper, who are the type, and were the precursors or pioneers of this group of tribes, ultimately reached the head waters of Lake Superior (vide D'Ablon and Marquette), and the sources of the Mississippi river, at Leech and Cass lakes. (Summary Narrative of Ex. Exp. to Sources of the Mississippi, p. 252.) From this position they had begun to recede, about the period of the discovery of Canada by the French, under the severe attacks of the Chippewas of Chegoimegon, of Lake Superior, under Bainswa and Noka, two prominent chiefs, and by the military band of the Mukundwa of Leech lake. In 1825, the Sioux had retraced their steps south nearly five hundred miles, having entirely abandoned the upper coasts of Lake Superior, and retained lands but a day's march (an Indian term of measure), on the St. Croix and Rum rivers. (Vide Treaty of Prairie du Chien, 19th Aug. 1825. U. S. Laws.) Their southern boundary was fixed at the river Watab; and, but for this guaranty of position by the United States, the Sioux tribes would, ere this, have been driven, by the fierce


spirit of the Chippewas and Pillagers, to the line of the St. Peter's — now called Minnesota river.

In leaving the sources of the Mississippi, the Sioux tribes abandoned to their fate the Assinabwoines of Red river, of Lake Winnipek, a Sioux tribe with a Chippewa name, who had, in fact, revolted from their rule — and this tribe, who speak the Dacota language, have made their political alliances with the Chippewa and other Algonquin tribes of that quarter.

Of the ancient Indian tribes of Florida, who existed there before the coining of the whole Appalachian group, we have no traditions. If we are to believe Bristock, who wrote one hundred and forty-five years after the conquest of Mexico, these Floridians, or "Apalachites," had a system of sun-worship, with a class of priesthood, and rulers, and jurisdictions, which appear to be almost wholly imaginative. (Davies' Hist. Carribees.) That some of the descendants of these primordial Floridians still exist, as elements, in the great Muscogulgee confederacy, as the Utchees, etc., is past doubt; but their nationality has departed with the fall of the primitive falcon flag, under which they fought.

By the term Vesperic tribes, we mean the entire aboriginal stocks of the United States, comprehending Appalachians, Cherokees, the Powhatans of Mr. Jefferson, the Algonquins, quite to and throughout New England, the tribes of the upper lakes, and the sources of the Mississippi, the Iroquois, or Six Nations, the Monacans of Virginia, the Wyandots of the west, and the Dacota group of tribes of the western shores of the Mississippi and Missouri. The point of migration of all these tribes was, generally, from the west; before crossing, it had been, generally, prior to crossing the Mississippi, from the south. It is the geographical area occupied by these tribes, after they came to the east of this river, that constitutes the principal theatre of American antiquities. It was also the location of some antiquities of the prior tribes, of a more antique and rustic class. (Bartram, 182, 370, 403.) These vestiges, of both epochs, denote a state of art, which is in no respect, superior to that of the semi-civilized stock of the south; but the grade of it is, generally, quite inferior to it, if we except the vestiges of labors in mining, of which the evidences have been recently discovered, and the features of intrusive archaeology existing. These latter are thought to be due to Celtic, Scandinavian, Iberian, or, at least, European sources; and can, by no means, be assimilated with any of the Indian remains, whether of ancient, the mediaeval or middle period, or existing state of aboriginal art. (Anti. Amer.)

The Lenni Lenapees tell us that they had been preceded by the Iroquois and the Talligewi, or Allegans. (Heckewelder.) The Muscogulges, or Creeks, landed above the Natchez, or Chigantualga of De Soto, who were then the great power. The Cherokees, Choctaws, and Chickasaws, speak of tribes having two different languages; of which we hear of the dialects of the Natchez, Taכnsa, Savanuca, and other above mentioned. All the southern tribes of the secondary period of the Appalachian


group appear, from their traditions, to have crossed the Mississippi river at comparatively high, points, extending as far as the influx of the Arkansas. They had, according to their traditions, fought their way, during all their migratory track, west of the Mississippi, and found the same difficulties to be encountered on its eastern borders. The Creeks told Mr. Bartram, that their ancestors had reached the Oakmulgee, after contests with valiant tribes over the entire country from the Mississippi to that place. Here they made a stand, and fortified themselves: it is the site of their oldest antiquities, which are pronounced, by this reliable traveller, of a striking character — "A stupendous conical pyramid, or artificial mount of earth, vast tetragon terraces, and a large sunken area, of a cubical (square?) form, encompassed with banks of earth:" (p. 37.) The latter is what is now popularly called a CHUNK YARD; and though he regarded these as of the ancient period, at first, he was convinced, on entering the Creek country, that they were due to that people.

The tribes who had reached the Mississippi in their migrations, are traced on their back track by their peculiar kind of earth-works and vestiges, which are the chief monuments of their history. They did not come down to the forest and fertile prairie lands, on the west banks of this river, from the elevated, bleak, and barren deserts stretching at the east foot of the Rocky mountains. There are no indications that they crossed that broad and forbidding barrier, where travelling, in modern days, has required the utmost capacities of European and American skill, energy, and endurance. Frיmont takes no notice of antiquities of any kind. (Exp.) Lewis and Clarke found the Indians of the Missouri to possess the capacity of fortifying involutions and strong points on the Missouri river, extending to the tribes in their ethnologic dispersion northward, as high as the country of the Tetons — a Sioux people. For this species of fortification see Plate 14. It is remarkable, as embracing the principle of the Tlascallan gateway, of which the principal forms, existing in the earth-works of the Mississippi valley, are shown in Plate 4, Vol. 1. A prominent object in these forms, as in the instance before us, seems to have been, not so much absolutely to bar approach, as to put the enemy in doubt which way to go. A detailed description of this earth-work is given in Appendix No. 3. It is the most northerly locality of an earth-work, of this kind, which has been noticed on the Missouri, if we except, perhaps, the remains of a simple ditch across the prominent doubling of the river, at the old Mandan site.


To determine the point, whether the Indian migration had crossed the Rocky mountains by the usual passes of the Columbia, attention has been devoted to the state of antiquities in Oregon, California, and Washington. The result has been decidedly unfavorable to the existence of antiquities in that quarter. Those tribes seem to have roved over the immense regions of the Pacific coast, with nearly as little evidence to mark their ancient residence, as the deer and bear they hunted. There is not a mound or earthwork analogous to those of the Mississippi valley, or indeed of any kind, in Oregon and Washington. The testimony of Mr. Ogden, for many years the chief factor of the Hudson Bay Company in that quarter, is conclusive on this head. His employיes have often passed over those regions from Puget's Sound to the Bay of San Francisco. One of my correspondents in that quarter has been a zealous inquirer on this head, during a residence of four or five years on that coast; and has been unable, north or south, to find a mound, or any thing resembling it. I had been led to urge this inquiry with the more zeal, on account of some rumors on this head, relative to the valley of the Dachutes, but such vestiges on that stream have proved to be entirely apocryphal. The most recent researches have discovered some slight vestiges on the Yakama river, a stream rising in the Cascade mountains; but, on close inspection, they are found to enclose two old cellars, or perhaps traders' cachיs, and are evidently of little antiquity. The notes of Mr. Astor's factors, employed by Mr. Irving, in the preparation of "Astoria," do not appear to have contained any antiquarian notices. Captain Wilkes found no mounds or earth-works on the coast; nor is there the slightest notice of such works in the journey of Lt. Emmons, U. S. N., which is related in a prior part of these pages, Vol. III., p. 200. In the journey of Col. M'Kee, on Indian business, in California, from Benicia to the Klamath, bordering the Pacific coast, he notices nothing of the kind. (Vol. III., p. 99.) Small eminences resembling barrows are stated to exist near Puget's Sound; but it is doubtful whether these are of artificial construction.

If it be conceived that the Toltecs, Tezcucos, or Aztecs of Mexico passed this coast prior to their arrival at the Bay of California — a prime point in the archaeology of the semi-civilized tribes — it must have been before the tumuli, the pyramid, or the teocalli forms of art were developed. For, if people with their strong traits had made points of occupancy in the course of their exodus, as the Boturini picture-writings attest, there could not fail to be some vestiges of this kind. And this may serve to create the belief, that the Aztalan of their story was south of these latitudes. It may also serve to denote, that the Toltec race originally struck the coast probably as low


down as the Bay of California, or else proceeded in their canoes, or balzas, to that latitude.

The rise of nations from barbarism seems to require some individual to bring them to the culminating point. A Coxcox, Quetzalcoatl, a Bochica, or Capac, appear to have been necessary to light the flame of improvement in America. It has ever been thus in the history of the old world; and if even the labors of a SOQUOIAH (Cherokee Alph., Vol. II., p. 228), are deemed to have given an impulse to his tribe in our day, it must be remembered, that of him, as of his celebrated predecessors in the semi-civilized tribes, it may be affirmed, that European blood flowed in his veins. To disentangle the thread of Mexican history was not, perhaps, practicable, had it been attempted at the period of the conquest; and when the study was commenced, writers seem to have been carried away by looking for perfections in art, or attainments in government and policy, which never existed. What was rude in art, was described as polished — the grotesque was deemed artistic, and the irregular elaborate. Yet, in art, they were incomparably ahead of their morals. Their system of religion was so completely pervaded by the darkest spirit of daemonology, that the Bishop of Zurraga directed as many of their picture-writings, the only records they had, as he could collect, to be piled together and burned. The loss is not, perhaps, as great as might be expected. "It has been shown," says Mr. Gallatin, "that those which have been preserved contain but a meagre account of the Mexican history for one hundred years preceding the conquest, and hardly any thing that relates to prior events." (Eth. Trans., Vol. I., p. 145.) Both the true state of their arts and of their manners are left indeterminate. "There were strange inconsistencies in the principles and conduct of the Mexicans," observes a recent writer, "and strange blendings of softness and brutality — for the savage was, as yet, but rudely grafted on the citizen; and the wandering and predatory habits of a tribe were scarcely tamed by the needful restraints of municipal law." (B. Mayer's Mexico, p. 99.)

"It is to be regretted," says the same writer, "that we are not more fully informed of the condition of property among the masses of this singular empire. The conquerors did not trouble themselves with acquiring accurate statistical information, nor do they seem to have counted numbers carefully, except when they had enemies to conquer, or spoil to divide." (Ibid, p. 36.)

There was but one class of the Aztecs who had rights. They were the caciques. The lower orders had none. "The masses," observes the same writer, "who felt they had no constant abiding-place on earth, did not, in all probability, build for themselves those substantial and beautifully embellished homes, under whose influence modern civilization has so far exceeded the barren humanism of the valley of the Nile. It was useless, they deemed, to enshrine in marble, whilst living, the miserable spirit that, after death, might crawl in a crocodile or burrow in a log." (Ibid, p. 94.)

Cortez and Pizarro sought rather to make the heart of Charles V. wonder at what


the tribes were, than what they had been. "The conquerors and their successors were not men devoted to the antiquities of the Mexicans, with the generous love of enthusiasts who delight in disclosing the means by which a people emerged from obscurity. In most cases, the only object they had in magnifying, or even manifesting the real character of the Mexicans, is to be found in their desire to satisfy their country and the world, that they had indeed conquered an empire, and not waged an exterminating war against naked and wealthy savages." (Ibid, p. 94.)

When Cortez ascended the great teocalli of Mexico, he found two altars to the Sun, on which a perpetual fire was kept burning. This had, alone, been the elder and original form of worship. The theory of sun-worship was still believed and kept up; but the practical working of the system had introduced human sacrifice. It was, at least, wholly corrupted by that sanguinary and brutal system. Sacrifices were offered to Heutzilapochtli, the god of war, who had supplanted the oriental rites, and Xolotol, who had created all things from infinitesimal parts of matter. Before the rude and gigantic statues of these idols human hearts, warmly torn from the victim, were offered. It was here that the Spanish prisoners, taken in conflicts with Montezuma, paid the forfeit of their lives. And it was this horrid ritual which doubtless induced Zurragua to obliterate, as far as possible, every trace of the history of such gross barbarians.

It may be affirmed, that it was these sanguinary rites — this departure from the more simple and symbolic rites of the worship of the sun, unmixed with bloody sacrifices, that, if it did not raise dissensions among the Indian priesthood, made the outer tribes the more willing to scatter themselves abroad. But, from what we know of the Indian character, there is every reason to believe that the non-sanguinary sun-worshipping tribes were conquered and rudely driven off. The dominant tribes had created new gods, and assumed the power to control them; while the people were commanded to worship them. Asia had done the same thing before.

When we turn the view from this picture of the Aztec society and its rites — from the power, political and ecclesiastical, which their priests had acquired — from the utter nothingness, in point of rights and happiness, to which the lower classes were reduced — when, indeed, we leave this prospect of a wild, daemoniacal Indian priesthood, striking for power, and sealing their acquisitions in blood, to survey the manly, council-governed, and independent hunter and warrior tribes of the north, it is not difficult to perceive the causes of the disturbances and separations of the tribes of the equinoctial latitudes. Nor is it difficult, in viewing their manners and customs, to recognise, as a substratum of their religious system, evidences of the former existence of the wide-spreading rites of the adoration of the Sun.

The devotion to the principles of this worship prevailed extensively over the North. It was not inaugurated in these northern districts with all the same ceremonious rites as among the Natchez, Chickasaws, and Choctaws, and the Cherokees on the banks of the lower


Mississippi; but it pervaded these dispersed tribes to the shores of Lake Superior. It spread to the prominent peaks of the Monadnock, and to the waters of the Narragansett. (Vide antique copy of pictographs on Taunton river, Vol. I.) In our view, the tribes of the Vesperia appear to be of the oldest era among the North American stocks, and these stocks seem to have been pushed on by more recent hordes, who contended for their tribal seats in the milder latitudes. The worship of fire, in its modifications, had evidently prevailed, in the first ages of the occupancy of the continent, from Patagonia to the Arctic; and its rites were brought to these temperate regions, with their admired zea-maize and nicotiana. The batata found in the guacas of Arica is the same species raised in the Carolinas. They had also, and they still possess, the same veneration for ancestry as the southern tribes. The latter erected their guacas and earthen tumuli from Peru to Mexico. The former imitated them — or rather persevered longest in the simple practice of using earth alone in their sepulchral constructions, long after the southern tribes had learned the art of cutting, or, at least, of building with stone. Evidences of the parity of the art of erecting earthen tumuli, in both hemispheres, are exhibited in Plate XII. If the southern tribes erected their earthen tumuli, large and small, at Cayambe and Panacillo, the Vesperic tribes did the same along the coasts of Florida and throughout the Mississippi valley, to the highest latitudes to which they reached. The tumulus was never a part of the entrenched camp, town, or village, either there or here. It is almost always found near such works, but is seldom or never within them. The tumuli here are large or small, agreeably to the respect signified, or as they are public or private.

Neither in the SOUTH or NORTH were the spirits of ancestors worshipped, but they were revered; there was a great respect paid to their memory. Their spirits were recognised as hovering around the lodge-fires and the burial-ground; and though they were never worshipped, the Indian theory of immortality was such, that both food and libations were offered at the graves as a token of this respect and sacred remembrance. (Vide Plate 3, Vol. I., p. 38.)

To raise a heap of stones, as that of Ochquaga or Niagara, was a memorial of boundary, or some important transaction between the tribes, partaking, more or less, of a national character. But to raise a pile of earth, large or small, was a sacred memento to some chief or sage who had deserved well of his village or tribe. The spirit of the person whose bones had been buried under a mound had gone to the Indian elysiurn. It was a point in his religion to believe so. The resurrection of the dead is a truth universally conceded by the Indians, however erroneous may be their views of the true purpose of such resurrection. And if they lit a fire to the Sun, which was the symbol of the Deity, on the apex of such of these structures as aspired into the air, it was a rite quite germain to their forest theology. What they were, they still


are. They mourn their dead with pious lamentation. They often visit the spot, and linger around it, with a belief that such visits are known to be agreeable to the departed spirit. This trait of reverence for the departed is one of the most universally observed characteristics of Indian life. And it is one which, at the same time, most emphatically denotes the Indian to be a man of heart. Here is a more palpable recognition of that original unity with the civilized and refined branches of the human family, than is found in all other rites and customs. Stoical he is, by his very position as an outcast among men. The hard lessons of war and plunder have steeled his heart against all expressions of sympathy. He has been said to be as imperturbable as the cliffs he often gazes on with fixity of muscle. He recounts his atrocities and achievements in war, at the recitations of the war-post, with shouts. He maintains his stoical indifference at the stake, and even breaks forth in a funeral song of triumph: but he is subdued by the stroke of death in his social and family circle. It is at this moment that he finds he has a heart. Tombs, cenotaphs, and mausolea have marked the history of the most civilized and refined nations of antiquity — the pyramids of the Nile themselves rose to testify to this fact. And if the North American Indian evinces a sensibility at this point, which he has at no other — if he acknowledges the hand of Providence, and mourns his bereavements with a manly dignity — when he piles up the fertile soil of his mother earth to mark the place, it is an acknowledgment that his bosom is made of the general materials of the human affections, and at the same time does honor to his head and heart.


What Manco Capac did in the civilization and arts of Peru, Quetzalcoatl did in Mexico. He taught them arts, and drew them into habits of fixed industry. The native authorities all regard him in this light. They refer to him as a benefactor who


had lured them from the forest. They depict him as a man superior in knowledge and energy of character; and the Aztecs, who had shrouded his disappearance under some form of an allegory or mysticism, expected his return from the land of the East. This had been the national expectation; and it was one cause of the Spaniards being hailed, as if Quetzalcoatl had made a new advent in Mexico. Montezuma plainly told Cortez this, after he had, however, in vain exerted his power to resist him.

There was another benign element of civilization in the central American tribes, of which history has lost the trace; though its vestiges present themselves to us in a very striking shape. But whether a portion of the Acolhuan or Tezcocan stock who reached Mexico, according to Clavigero, in 1170, had fled there, or these ruins are due to some foreign source, is unknown. We allude to the people who left the ruins of Palenque, which were first described by Col. Galindo, and have been elaborately illustrated by Waldeck, and more recently by Mr. Stephens. (Incidents Trav. in Cent. Am. and Yucatan.)

This element appears to us, indeed, to be of more ancient date than either that of Cuzco, or Cholulo. The projecting ornament in the ruins of Uxmal, which has been called the elephant's tooth (Stephens' Inc. of Travel in Yucatan, Vol. I., p. 171), resembles the Chinese structures of the oldest dynasty, and is not far removed in style from the angles of the pagodas of the existing period. Nor is the compound cubical ornament of the fagade of Iten Itza, dissimilar to a very common ornamental geometrical figure in the buildings, arts, and manufactures of that people. In the ornamental sculptures above the main entrance of the principal edifice at this place (Plate 1, Vol. II., p. 168), we have, in the extravagant and heavy-feathered ornament above the fallen figure, an unmistakable evidence of the Toltec style. The mere fact that these ruins were overgrown by the forest, and forgotten in the traditions of Anahuac, at the period of the discovery, and not, indeed, found or revealed in any manner to the Spanish, till a very late period, is presumptive evidence of great comparative antiquity.

It is denoted by the investigations in Vol. IV., p. 438, Plate 39, that the ancient Peruvians possessed bronze instruments. Both the groups of the tribes of Peru and Mexico were without the ancient distaff; but they possessed the art of drawing out the thread, in a manner which is believed to be precisely analogous to that which now prevails among the Navahoes, and Moqui, and other indigenous tribes of New Mexico. Hand-weaving appears to have been performed in the same manner. (Vol. IV., p. 436, Plates 36, 37.) Their workers in metallurgy had the blow-pipe and the crucible. (Vol. IV., p. 448.) Not having the ox or horse, or having domesticated any animal capable of labor, they had no plow. Lands were cultivated by the use of wooden instruments hardened in the fire.

Allusion has been made to these elementary vestiges in the antique semi-civilized tribes of the south, but as a mere point of transition to the antiquities of the Mississippi valley. In most things, the character of the antique civilization of the southern


tribes has been viewed very favorably to their advance in arts and knowledge. In a few particulars, but little noticed, this has not been done. The arts of the semi-civilized tribes of Mexico extended to north latitude about 34°. Towns, with municipal regulations and the industrial habits and manners of the people, were found by the Spanish in the area on the eastern borders of the Gulf of California; extending northward to the river Gila, and to Cibola, the modern Zuni, reaching onward northeastwardly to Isleta, on the Rio Grande del Norte, and to Quivera and to Pecos, the ancient Cicuyי, east of that stream. The route of Coronado, in 1540-41, is described, in prior pages, from personal examinations of the country. (Vol. IV., p. 21.) It is denoted that the Spanish commander finally reached the sources of Red River, of Louisiana, and the Canadian fork of the river Arkansas. The expedition reached longitude about 104°, and north latitude, 36° — which latter is, indeed, north of the position of Natchez, in the Mississippi valley.

When the English (half a century after Coronado,) landed on the coasts of Virginia, in lat. about 35°, the tribes whom they encountered resembled, indeed, in their physical traits, those of Mexico; but they were in the state of savage hunters. Hudson, in 1609, found the same remark applicable to the Manhattanese and Mohicans of New York; and the same observation was made by the English pilgrims who landed in New England in 1620. Their early writers describe the tribes as being in a very low state of barbarism; and, as daemon-worshippers, under the power of Ka-mato-wit. (Life of Eliot.) Cartier, who had discovered the St. Lawrence in 1535, six years before Coronado's expedition to New Mexico, describes them as having only the manners and arts of hunters. (Vide Oneצta.) Champlain, the real founder of Canada, in 1609, takes the same view; although he found both generic stocks of the Iroquois and Algonquin's, as is perceived from comparisons, a decidedly more athletic, vigorous, and brave people than the Tras-Gila or Mexican tribes. Among the Iroquois, especially, he noticed them to be cultivators of large quantities of the zea-maize, very brave in war, and actuated by the centralized and progressive principles of a confederation of cantons. Colden, indeed, informs us, that the Algonquins had preceded the Iroquois in their attainments; but leaves us to infer, that they fell behind in their power and influence in consequence, mainly, of their want of confederation, the existence of which rendered the Iroquois ONE and united in their efforts, external and internal. (Colden's History of the Five Nations. London.) In this respect they stood out prominently among all the northern tribes, evincing a degree of wisdom and policy that would not have been unworthy of Greeks; and they continued to exercise this influence and standing through all the colonial period, till the close of the American Revolution.

As the other colonies were planted, their leaders concurred in the views originally


expressed by their predecessors, of the Indian tribes; and also in the opinion of the very obvious advantage which the politico-agricultural element had given to the Iroquois. Robert de la Salle, in 1678, laid the foundations of Fort Niagara, and proceeded, the following year, to the Mississippi river; of which, through Joliet, the commissioner, and of Marquette, he is the discoverer, at the influx of the Wisconsin. These explorers found the western tribes, as well as the Iroquois, to be cultivators of the zea-maize. But neither himself, nor any of his lieutenants or missionary teachers, make detailed observations on the history, migrations, antiquities, or traditions of the tribes. It was not, in fact, the age for this species of research. The subject of antiquities is never named. It does not appear, from this comparative silence, that during the settlement of New France, the active adventurers and missionaries of the period observed any evidences of skill or arts, which they did not suppose to be common to the existing tribes, or which their predecessors had not erected. Pipes, the nicotiana, sea-shells, copper ornaments, mica, flint-stones, and Indian corn, were objects of native traffic. They viewed the entrenchments and ditches formed to protect villages from the sudden attacks of hostile bands, as requiring no labor which the population was not adequate to bestow, or which called for remark. The heaps, or mounds of earth, at that period, were regarded as simple mausolea for the dead. It was not necessary to imagine a state of arts and semi-civilization which, at best, was very far inferior to what the same race of tribes had performed, a few degrees further south, in a far superior manner.

When De Soto marched through Florida, searching for cities, and towns, and mines, and arts, which he did not find, he observed, as he passed through the magnificent plains and forests, tetrahedal, or platform-mounds, and small tumuli or burial-mounts, and other elevations, which were familiar sights to the Spanish eye, accustomed as it had been to the monuments of the south. They resisted him in one or two strongly-built, wooden forts. It did not appear to the historiographers of the times, as denoting nations of greater degrees of civilization than the North American Indians generally. He found the fortifications of Mauvila, on the Mobile, and of Alabama, on the banks of the Yazoo, capable of sustaining sieges. It was not remarkable to him that the Chitanqualgi worshipped the Sun. This was a familiar thing to him in scenes where he had before fought. He had himself taken the sceptre out of the hands of Atahulpa, on the heights of the Andes.

Louisiana was colonized late in the 17th century. Lasalle made the effort in 1683; a settlement had been made at Bolixi, in 1699, but New Orleans was not founded till 1717. This was ten years after the settlement of Vincennes in the country of the Illinois (Law's paper), and sixteen after the establishment of a military post at Detroit, and full eight-and-thirty years, agreeably to my own researches, after the foundation of old Michilimackinac — the Peckwutinong of the Indians — on the peninsula of Michigan. This view opens the panorama of the settlements in the Mississippi valley, and the great chain of lakes. The French admired the tribes, and spoke well


and warmly of their character; but it did not appear to them that they possessed arts, or any power of applying labor, beyond that of their actual condition as foresters. They made bows and arrows, clubs, and spears, skilfully. They carved their pipes artistically, from statites and other soft material. They chose the sites of their villages often on eminences, which denoted good taste, and a poetic feeling, and surrounded them often with pickets. They buried their dead in mounds, or simple graves, with pictographic head-posts. Fires were often lighted on these at night. No discrimination was made between new and ancient works of this kind, which latter had been often abandoned from sickness, fear, or superstition. When the Neuter Nation and their allies, the Andastes and Eries, built forts to sustain themselves against the attacks of the Iroquois, between 1635 and 1655, the period of their first overthrow, it did not appear to the French an exercise of military art beyond the general condition of the tribes. Neither did such an impression result from the train of explorers, civil and religious, who, in 1678, followed in the track of La Salle, in his explorations of the west. Marquette expresses no surprise at the "earthen pots," or shapely "calumets" of native manufacture, in the tribes he passed amongst. He saw nothing of antiquarian value to notice, though he must have seen the Totemic mounds of the Wisconsin, and the platform mound at the ancient site of Prairie du Chien; nor do D'Ablon, Alloez, Le Clerq, or Membre, in their numerous adventures, extending through the whole area of the Upper Mississippi valley, at that period, express a syllable on the topic. (Vide Shea.) Charlevoix, in 1721, travelled through the Indian country of New France, from Quebec to Michilimackinac, and thence to the Mississippi, which he descended to New Orleans, without seeming himself to have passed antiquarian vestiges attributable to any other races of men except the ancestors of the existing tribes. He regards the tribes whom he had visited — namely, from the mouth of the Mississippi, lat. 30°, to the banks of Lake Superior at Chagoimegon, or Sandy river — as one in manners, customs, and history.

In the year 1749, the Marquis de la Galissoniטre, Governor-General of Canada, directed medals, with inscriptions, to be deposited in the soil at the mouths of the principal rivers in the west, as an evidence of the occupancy of the country by the French. One of these, consisting of a leaden plate, was discovered near the confluence of the Muskingum with the Ohio, about 1816 to '20. (Arch. Amer., Vol. II., p. 535.) The contest for the possession of that country, between the French and English, began so early to assume importance. Sir William Johnson had sent his agents to the far west, as far as the Scioto, in 1748. (Vol. IV., p. 605.) In 1754, Fort Du Quesne was founded at the junction of the Alleghany and the Monongahela. The only remains of it known to posterity were discovered in the summer of 1854 (just a century after its erection), by some workmen engaged in excavations for a rail-road, who found vestiges of the magazine. (Braddock's Exp., p. 184.) By far the most striking


evidence of the French struggle for dominion, is the mess-house of old Fort Niagara, built in 1678, whose well-cemented stone walls are in a good state of preservation at this day. But this is far from being the earliest evidence of French enterprise. The stone bastions of old Fort Michilimackinac, cemented in like manner, still exist to tell the wide-spread influence the French exerted over the Indian tribes. (Vide Plate 53, Vol. II.) There is reason to believe that the zealous missionaries had founded the mission of St. Mary, at the outlet of Lake Superior, in 1654. The only vestiges of the mission and post, in 1822, when an American garrison arrived at that position, consisted of some of the bones interred in the grave-yard of the chapel; and the rude brass handle of a sword, the blade having been wholly oxydized, which was disclosed by some excavations.

It is important carefully to distinguish between the antiquarian vestiges of the early French, and of the Indian occupancy. Many of the articles of each period have been confounded, because they have been found in the same locations, and some of them in the same graves or sepulchres. This is the case with all articles of glass-beads, enamel, and porcelain, transparent or opake, and all substances requiring vitrification. (Vide Vol. I., Plate 25, Fig. 7 to 13.) It has even been thought, that pipes of pottery, of the peculiar kind figured in Plate 9, Vol. I., were used, at ancient dates, by the common people of France, Germany, and Holland, and are consequently of European make. Many antique articles of enamel, glass, lead, etc., found in the settlement of the Onondaga country, and in upper Louisiana and Illinois, are wholly due to the early French periods. (See Appendix No. 3.) The antique Indian gorget and medal, Fig. 29, 30, Plate 25, Vol. I., and Plate 18, Fig. 3, were made from the conch.

Prior to the confederation of the cantons of the Iroquois, those tribes erected forts, to defend themselves against each other. The Muscoculges and Choctaws practised this art of defence during the early expeditions of the Spaniards in Florida. The Wyandots were found to have a notable work at Hochelaga, on the first visit of Cartier, and the Tuscaroras might have successfully defended themselves, in 1712, on the Neuse, in North Carolina, had not the colonists brought cannon. It is surprising how soon the Indian arts fell into disuse, after the introduction of the higher order of European arts Bartram, on entering Georgia and Florida, in 1773, found the remains of earthen structures on the sources of the Atamaha, which, from their plan and outline, he pronounced as of a former race; but after he became familiar with the Muscogees, he found the same arts and plans still in use. (Travels, 53, 93.) He mentions a peculiar species of earth-works, which were erected, by the existing race, as mounds of refuge from the effects of floods: p. 323. It appears that the rivers which pour from the Appalachian south, into the Gulf of Mexico, rise with such rapidity as often to endanger villages on the bottom lands. Artificial mounts are erected on these bottoms, for escape, and have a raised way, to connect them with the high grounds. Col. Hawkins, in his sketch of the Creek country, in 1798, mentions similar


mounds of escape on the banks of the leading rivers. These observers disclose a fact believed to be of some importance in estimating the age of antiquities. It is this — that vestiges and remains of ancient towns and villages are on the lowest grounds, being the first positions selected. In these places they resided till the suddenness of the rise of the rivers taught them their insecurity.

There is another fact, in regard to American antiquities, which deserves attention. It is the geological changes, in the surface of the country, which have supervened. Accumulations of soil along the rivers have buried the older antiquities to a considerable depth, and large forests are found, in some situations, growing on these new deposits of alluvion. Such is the case on the banks of the Arkansas and White rivers, where the archaeological evidences of ancient metallurgic operations are covered by the river soil and forests. (My Adventures in the Ozarks.) Such is, also, the position of some of the antiquarian vestiges in the great lake basins. In 1834, a vase was discovered at Thunder Bay, on Lake Huron, at the base of the roots of a large hemlock tree, which had been torn up by a tempest, bringing to the surface a large mass of clay-soil, many feet in depth. This vase contained a pipe of earthen-ware, which is figured in Plate 8 (1, 2, 3,) Fig. 1; together with some dorsal fish-bones, which may have been employed as instruments. In the St. Mary's valley, a well-hammered copper chisel (Plate 21, Fig. 2, Vol. I.), was raised from the soil, at several feet depth.

In the beginning of 1855, discoveries were made on Isle Royal, Lake Superior, by persons mining for copper there, which denoted that antique labors of the same kind had been performed at the same place. A series of ancient pits were opened, on the line of one of the copper veins, to the depth of four or five feet. In these excavations, now filled with accumulations of soil, pieces of flattened copper were found, together with stone hammers, with the marks of hard usage. These old excavations in the trap rock seem to have been made by burning wood in contact with the rock, and then breaking it up with stone hammers. A large quantity of charred wood, coal, and ashes, is invariably found in these pits. A piece of oak wood, in the bottom of one of them, was, with a portion of the bank, in a good state of preservation. One end shows the marks of the instrument by which it was cut as plainly as if it had been just done. It is the most perfect specimen of the kind yet seen. The stick is about five inches in diameter, and seems to have been cut standing, by a right-handed person, with an instrument similar to an axe, having a bit at least two-and-a-half inches broad. The first blow penetrated, in the usual slanting direction, about three-fourths of an inch, cutting the bark smoothly, and leaving at its termination the mark of a sharp-edged tool. The antiquity of these excavations does not appear to be great — not probably anterior to the first arrival of the French in this lake.

On the banks of the Ontonagon river, there were found several implements and pieces of native copper, of the same apparent age. In preparing a


brick-yard, about a mile above the mouth of the river, two feet of sand was removed from the surface, when a stratum of clay was exposed. Digging still lower, about six or eight inches, into the clay, and overturning a stump, these articles were brought to light: —

First, a copper spear, about fourteen inches in length, and at its base a groove or dovetail is made, in which to insert a wooden shaft or handle.

Two other spears, each about twelve inches in length, and similar to the first.

Third, two pieces of copper that had evidently been very nicely forged, but for what purposes they could ever have been applied, is by no means plain; and it is quite difficult to give in writing a clear description of them.

These are about fourteen inches long and two inches wide. Upon one end there is the appearance of an attempt to make a cutting edge.

They weigh about three pounds each, and are specimens of good workmanship. Similar indications of metallurgic industry, at a former epoch, have been noticed in California, in the gold mining districts.

About a mile above the town of Portersfield, or lower crossing of Sutter's Creek, some miners, while engaged in mining in a flat, at the depth of five feet from the surface, discovered a rastra or mill, such as is now used for grinding quartz. There is every appearance of this rastra having been used, as a quantity of crushed stone was found in it. Extensive veins of gold-bearing quartz and rich ravines, have been found in this vicinity, near one of which this wonder is to be seen.

From New Mexico we hear like accounts of the labors of a civilization which claims to be due to very ancient and forgotten periods. "Properly speaking," says a correspondent, "there are but two valleys in New Mexico — the most extensive is that of the Rio Grande; the other, as yet, the Pecos, is not fully explored — on these streams depends the agricultural interest of the country — should either go dry, starvation and famine would ensue. From north to south they flow nearly parallel, and distant fifty miles from their sources (which are near together), about sixty miles apart until they flow into Texas. The valley of the Rio Grande is thickly inhabited in all its length; not so with the Pecos, for the habitations of cultivators of the soil do not extend farther than Anton Chicon. There are many evidences existing, however, that in olden times the Pecos valley was the most numerously inhabited, and report says that a reservoir leads from that river as large as a wagon-wheel, full forty miles in length, to the ruins of a town near the east side of the Sarento mountains, that covers in space over two miles square — some of the corners of the houses still exist, three stories high, built of sun-dried brick, and the streets regularly laid out in rectangular form — there are no signs of cultivation near this town — directly before it, i. e. to the east, lies a low, flat prairie, frequently a lake, but in dry time a salt plain; wood is exceeding scarce near it — and why, or for what purpose this town was built, at what date settled, and when destroyed? — are mystifications that puzzle all."


A strong disposition to exaggerate the importance of these, and the like discoveries, is manifested by the public press. Egypt and Assyria, and the Oriental world, are at once quoted, without remembering that the art of mining and the mechanical powers were perfectly developed, in those countries, at very early epochs, and not, by any means, confined to the mere hammering out of copper, and other native metals in very rude forms. This disposition shows itself, not only in respect to the working of mines, but to other classes of antiquities.

Prior to 1820, an owl, well carved in stone, and of artistic proportions, was found in a tumulus in Ohio. Subsequently, a lizard, carved as an ornament to a pipe, was discovered in some excavations in the St. Mary's valley. What rendered this remarkable was, its being carved out of a compact piece of carbonate of lime. About 1847, numerous specimens of these imitations were found in the class of small altar-mounds in the valley of the Scioto. They are, in all cases, it is believed, ornaments of the stone-pipe, which appear, in the latter cases, to have been acted on by fire. They were, generally, carved from the secondary grits of the Silurian strata of Ohio. But are these discoveries evidences that the people were sculptors of a higher grade than the Red Race? — or that they possessed manners of superior refinement and polish?

Attention has been called, in the prior volumes (I., II., III., IV.), to the readiness and dexterity of the hunter tribes in pictography, as a mode of ideographic notation, inferior, indeed, both in its style and execution, to the Mexican picture-writing, but still exhibiting, in the rock inscriptions, that general desire of the human heart, to be remembered. This method has been traced, in its various forms, from New England to the Rocky mountains. Recently, a specimen of this pictography, rude indeed, has been found on the shores of Lake Erie, at Independence, in Ohio. (Vide Plate XV., Fig. 1 to 13.) "The stone," observes an eye-witness, "was taken from a sand-stone quarry. This sandstone belongs to the formation which our geologists sometimes call the ‘sandstone grit,’ and is the same as the Berea stone. The rock to which this piece belonged the quarrymen found covered with earth and trees; and a maple, not less than eighteen inches through at the stump, stood on this particular portion. When the surface of the rock was uncovered, there appeared thirteen figures, of different sizes, cut into the rock with great distinctness and much mechanical skill. Sharp-pointed metallic tools were evidently used by the sculptors. Some of the figures are cut a full inch deep. That they are not fossil, as has been suggested, but mechanical, is most obvious.

Of the thirteen figures, two were figures of men, of life size. These were ruined before their importance was perceived by the discoverers, and no good description of them is preserved.

The remaining eleven figures occupy the slab mentioned above, which is six feet by four. They consist of — 1, a large, crooked serpent, with a flat head. This figure occupies the centre and left of the slab, and is about six feet long — 2, over it is a cut


resembling a lobster, very distinct — 3, forward, or immediately to the right of this cut, is a figure too much defaced to be identified, but which appears to some eyes to be an eagle. It is, perhaps, one foot long, and of equal breadth — 4 and 5, to the right of 1 and 2, are two deeply-cut figures, resembling a human hand, but of small size, and supposed to be tracks of animals — 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, and 11, are tracks of animals, apparently buffaloes, and occupy the lower part, and extreme right of the slab. The position of these figures indicates that all the objects which they represent looked or moved north-west.

In respect to date and formation, these figures evidently belong to the class, a specimen of which has been found on the rocks of Cunningham's Island, near Sandusky City. Does the inscription on the Dighton rock belong to the same? Mr. Schoolcraft has copied the inscription of Cunningham's Island into the work on the Indians which he hag edited under the direction of the general government. (Plates 40, 41, Vol. III.)

There are earth-works on the Cuyahoga river adjacent to the original location of these inscriptions, such as abound in this State, and which are ascribed to ancient races of Indians. The mounds and the sculptures will be naturally attributed to the work of one people, though the inscriptions are not known to have been found near the mounds elsewhere, as in this instance. Have readers similar facts which will throw light on the origin and meaning of these works?" (Vide Appendix No. 3.)

There is nothing, perhaps, which constitutes an object of greater interest, as traits of existing Indian art, than those delicately-wrought and artistic arrow-heads of obsidian which the Pacific coast tribes of Oregon and California execute. Even the tribes on the Rocky mountains, who draw their means of subsistence from the lowest orders of animated nature, exhibit the same skill in the construction of this instrument. (Vide Plate 36, Vol. I.) Yet these tribes are of the most normal grades of hunters, living in shelters and caves, little superior to the beast, and have never erected, so far as we can infer, a building equal, in its mechanical requisites, to the granary, or even poultry yard, of civilized society.

Of the principles of natural fortification, by occupying hills and defiles, the ancestors of the present race of Indians have availed themselves often, in a most admirable manner. Their works were accurately suited to the enemy they had to encounter, and the localities where they were likely to meet in conflict. They surrounded a camp or village with a ditch and palisade. They occupied a defile, in which a few could resist many. They threw lunettes on a commanding eminence. They excavated orifices in the earth, to shield themselves from arrows. They made the entrances to the gates of forts intricate for the enemy to penetrate. They sometimes constructed a hay-cock mound or rampart before it. They even occupied, with lines and works, the entire summit of a narrow abrupt hill, making a talus, as that which Dr. Lock has described, in 1838, as existing in Adams county, in Ohio. (Vide Appendix 3.) Their works were all intended for defence against the simple missiles of the hunter state. But they and their generations


were strangers to the higher principles of the Vaubanic art. Bartram, a writer and traveller of eminent merit, as a naturalist, and close observer of the Indian arts and society, who, in 1773, passed through their territories from Florida to the Mississippi, speaks often of the "Indian mounts or tumuli, and terraces — monuments of the ancients" terms applied by him to Indian nations who had preceded the then existing stocks. Tradition among them had denoted such prior occupants, of manners and customs like themselves, whom they had displaced. The great Muscoge or Muscogulgee confederacy was then at its height. The Natchez had fallen forty years before. The Utches had been conquered; and, with the Coosidas and Alabamas, had become a part of "The Nation," a term commonly applied to them in the south. He had observed some works of this ancient race of tribes, and particularly a stone sepulchre at Keowe (p. 370), of which tradition ascribed the origin to these "ancients." Yet, he closes his travels with this observation — "Concerning the monuments of Americans, I deem it necessary to observe, as my opinion, that none of them that I have seen discover the least signs of the arts, sciences, or architecture of the Europeans, or other inhabitants of the old world; yet evidently betray every mark of the most distant antiquity:" (p. 524.)

In the view which has been given of antiquities, which formerly covered the American forests, it appears evident, if we dismiss the class of intrusive vestiges of the Copenhagen period, that they preserve a parallelism with the manners, customs, and arts of the tribes. They seldom or never rise above it — and where they do, we have reason at once to suspect the intrusive foot of the ante-Columbian European. While the arts of the northern tribes had a manifest prototype in the tribes of the central and equinoxial regions of the continent, they did not keep a parity of advance with the southern tribes. The arts of the latter culminated in teocalli of stone, tumuli, and temples — and in despotisms founded on a very strong religious element. The former terminated in terraces of earth, square platforms, mounds of refuge from floods, and of sepulchre, and of sacrifice; and continued to retain the government of chiefs and councils, composed, in part, of the independent warrior class, with a voluntary priesthood, supported by opinion, and having so simple and typical a ritual, that they often appeared to have none at all. The very magnificence of the forests, rivers, and lakes of the northern hemisphere, wooed them to the life of hunters and nomades. The division into clans, and tribes, and languages, became multiform, as a matter of course. Where there is no written language, and of course no standard of comparison, the change in the sounds of words goes on rapidly; while the great principles of utterance, or general grammar, remain. Mere change of accent, under such circumstances, produced a dialect. The exploits of hunting and war were carried to the greatest extent. Agriculture and drudgery remained, as we found it in 1600, in the hands of females, and boys, and old men. The war spirit led to fortifications. They felled trees, not by cutting them down with sharp instruments, but by surrounding the trunks with girdling fires, and the use of the coal-hatchet, or peck. (Vol. I., Plate XIV.)


They fortified the strong and commanding parts of hills and peninsulas, by digging-ditches around them — often a whole village was thus defended. The principle of the Tlascallan gate is found in several of the still existing vestiges. (Plate 4, Vol. I.) They raised large tumuli to the dead, as at Cahokia and Grave Creek, wherever the strength of a village had admitted, or the respect paid to their heroes or sages demanded it. They pursued veins of native copper on the surface, as we see on Lake Superior, or a few feet below it, by building fires to heat the matrix or enclosing rock, and pouring on water to crumble it. Mauls of hard stone were used to beat off the rock, after it had been rendered friable by heat. A sapling, with its limbs cut short, made a practical ladder to descend into pits. (Plate 16.) Did not the Toltecs and Aztecs mine the same metal by the same rustic process?

With regard to garments, the dressed skins of animals formed the staple reliance. They were often prepared with great skill, and ornamented with the quills of the porcupine, dyed grass or sinews, and sea-shells. Court dresses had a mantle of soft skins, covered with plates of mica, which made a conspicuous covering. Small and beautiful species of sea-shells were strung with wreaths for the neck. The heavy conch, with its flesh-colored nacre, was cut into medals, with orifices artistically bored horizontally through the plates. (Plate 25, Fig. 29, 30.) They wrought disks for public games out of the hardest porphyry. (Plate 23, Vol. II.) Their canoes of bark and wood, their war-clubs of heavy iron-wood, or maple, their bows and arrows, tipped with the finest darts of chert, quartz, or chalcedony — their bowls, pots, and household implements of wood, stone, and pottery, have been often the topic of admiration.

Their old men liked to talk of their ancestry. All nations like to discourse on this subject. The old times were always the best, with our Indians. Their chiefs, their laws, their manners, their very morals and languages, as they told me in the north, were purer and better. Speaking of the earth-works of the Mississippi, Decoign of Kaskaskia referred them to his ancestors. (Vol. IV., Antiquities.) As to the class of intrusive antiquities, Indian traditions have not entirely failed to reach them. Wappockanita, a Shawnee chief, one hundred and twenty years old, referred them to white men who had once lived in the Ohio valley. (Maculloch, p. 211.) It seems, therefore, that both in North, as well as South America, the white man has had an influence on, if he was not the originator of, the higher arts of civilization. The progress of discovery leads to the expectation, that we may yet, by a course of patient investigation, receive new lights on this subject.

But human art cannot long withstand the phasis of barbarism, any more than Indian skill in works or fabrics can resist the introduction of civilization. How long, it may be inquired, would these arts continue to be cultivated, after European fabrics were introduced, when the price of a few beaver-skins would clothe a man in a robe of scarlet or green list cloth, or fine blue broad-cloth, from English looms? When a few pounds of stout linen net twine could be bought for the skin of the smallest


mustela, and half-a-dozen muskrats would procure as many of the best steel fish-hooks and needles as an Indian family would require in a year? How long would an Indian use a stone, after he could get an iron tomahawk — or a blade of flint or obsidian, after he could get a knife of steel? Would the heavy, clumsy Indian clay-pot, the fragments of which now cover, or lie scattered over the territory of the United States, stand long in the commercial contest against the light brass or copper kettle? Would the heavy muttatos, or state beaver-robe, be worn by the Indian chiefs and magistrates, when its value in merchandize would clothe a family? Would the bow and arrow compete in trade, as an arm, in hunting or warfare, a single year, in a band that could procure fusils, and powder, and flint? A rude Indian breast-work, or an open Tlascallan or barricade gate, could not be long trusted for defence, when a few cannon-shots would demolish these light structures. Instead of the Vesperic tribes maintaining the arts which they knew and practised at the opening of the 16th century, to the present time, against the influx of the far better and cheaper articles of European manufacture, it would be most extraordinary if the native skill and handicraft cunning had not rapidly declined. It would be remarkable if such a race of men, who have only verbal traditions to refer to, and who, living under the stimulus of indulgence and enmity, forget to-day what they knew yesterday, should not, with their sensual and nonchalant habits, have forgotten even a knowledge of their antiquarian vestiges.





Geographical Data respecting the Unexplored Area at the remote Sources of the Mississippi. Character of the Gold Deposit discovered in 1848, on the Territories of the California Indians. Reported Discovery of Tin on the Kansaw Lands. Lead, Copper, and Silver Ores on the Lands of the Winnebagoes, Menomonies, and Chippewas. Petroleum on the Chickasaw Lands, West. Saline Borings in the Country of the Onondagas. Geography of the Ancient Domain of the Iroquois in Western New York. Lake Action in the Area of Lake Superior. Antique Bones discovered on the Grounds of the Osages. Description of the Oneida Stone. Description of the Chippewa and Sioux Lands which constitute the Territory of Minnesota.


Natural Caves in the Sioux Country, on the Upper Mississippi. Data illustrating the Character and Value of the Country of the Yuma and Diegunos Indians, in Southern California, along the surveyed line of boundary between San Diego and the mouth of the River Gila.


Inquiries respecting the Character and Value of the Indian Country in the United States, with a Map of the Area still possessed by them. Further Facts respecting the Saline Strata of Onondaga. A Geographical Rcconnoissance of the Indian Country in California, situated between San Francisco and the boundary of Oregon, being west of the Sacramento River, with estimates of the Indian Population, and sundry illustrative facts.


Geography of the Indian Country. The Area of the United States still possessed by the Indian Tribes, and its ultimate division into States and Territories. The Policy of early designating Refuges for the Tribes. Sectional View of the Great Lake Basins — being the ancient seats of the Algonquin and Iroquois power, and their striking inter-oceanic position between the Atlantic and Mississippi Valley Tribes. The Sources of the Mississippi a suitable position as a Refuge for the Chippewas.


Present Geographical Position of the Indian Tribes of the United States.




THE changes which have occurred in the position of the Indians of this country, constitute one of the most striking traits in their history. Once spread out along the Atlantic and the Gulf coasts, from the St. John's, in Maine, to the mouths of the Mississippi and the Rio Grande, not a tribe remains on its original hunting-grounds. Some remnants of them have betaken themselves to nooks and corners of their once wide domain, where they linger, in dreams of a pleasing forest philosophy, in thinking on the past. A few men, who yet show, by a piebald costume, a preference for the tastes of their fathers, are found to gain a subsistence as lumbermen on the banks of the Penobscot — delighted with the fierce and wild currents of waters, where they once guided their canoes. Others, living on the stormy coasts of Cape Cod, and the islands of Massachusetts, attached as gulls are to their sea-rocks, have adopted the vocation of seamen and whalers. The converts of the days of Eliot and the Mayhews, are gone. The fiery and subtle Pokanoket, King Philip, no longer alarms the disturbed Pilgrims of England; who dared hardly turn to the right or the left for fear of the scalping-knife. Uncas has joined his great rival, Miantonimo, in the land of spirits; and if the ghosts of red men come back to visit their hunting-grounds, Tamenund, the St. Tammany of our history, stalks over his old island of Manhattan, literally, the place of the whirlpool, called Hell-gate, to ask what all this incessant clamor of ships, and buildings, and temples, and the endless roar of wheels and carriages, night and day, imports? The once haughty Iroquois, who trod the earth with a high step, has withdrawn to one of those nooks on the western skirts of his once lordly patrimony, where he ploughs the soil and drives oxen. He no longer, like the ancient Idumaen chiefs, holds the olive-branch in one hand and the tomahawk in the other, to sway the destinies of councils. His simple and proud eloquence is no longer exerted to hurl irony at La Barre, from the tongue of a Garrangula, or touch the deepest recesses of the human heart, with the appeals of a Logan. The conquered Lenni Lenapees are no longer cowed down in


council, with the keen reproof of a Canassatigo — "who gave you authority to sell lands?" The Eries have not come back to occupy the position from which they were driven, from near the vicinage of the ceaseless roaring of the Niagara. The Susquehannocks have never wandered from the symbolic hunting-grounds to which they were suddenly dispatched by the Iroquois tomahawks. The Powhatans, who once swept the forests of the Potomac, the Rappahannock, and the princely James river, are no more alarmed by traces of the footsteps of the sanguinary Massawomacks, who have ranged the heights and skirts of the Alleghanies a thousand miles, to wrench off the scalps of a Mannahoac, an Erie, a Catawba, or a Cherokee.

The position of the tribes is wholly changed. The Arabian magician could scarcely have done it more quickly, or, at least, more effectively. The Alleghanies, which cost a British and colonial army such peril to cross, in 1755, have been surmounted without an effort; and the Ohio valley, so often essayed by the sword, has at last been conquered by the plough. The tribes have learned this art from the white man. And they have gone west, beyond the Father of Rivers, with the implements of peace in their hands. The Delawares now plant corn on the banks of the Kansas, or hunt the deer in Texas. The Mohicans, who once attracted the love of Zinzendorf and his brethren, and who so long and prominently, under Edwards, enjoyed the care of the London Society for propagating the Gospel, yet linger, in fragmentary bands, in eastern Wisconsin, or share the hospitality of their Delaware brethren west of the Missouri. There are found, also, spread out over the territorial length of Kansas, the Shawanees, the true Parthians of our history — the Miamis, who so long battled for the Wabash — the elementary bands of the once famous Illinois — and the numerous other tribes of the wide-spreading Algonquin stock. Pontiac no longer battles for nationality at Detroit, nor Minniwawinna at Michilimackinac.

The whole Atlantic coasts are as free from the footsteps and presence of those once proud, populous, and dominant races, as the ruins of Palmyra are from the tread of their builders — unless, indeed, we admit an exception in behalf of those delegates from the tribes of the west, who, having adopted arts, letters, and Christianity, visit the City of the Republic periodically to inquire into their affairs.

The wilderness has ever been a very attractive position to the Indian. If it is emblematical to him of the promised paradise to the hunter soul hereafter, apparently it is not less so to the man while here. So early as 1796, before the United States were developed, while Louisiana was still under Spanish rule, two of the most active, restless, and enterprising of the Algonquin group of tribes, namely, the Shawnees and the Delawares, made arrangements for crossing the Mississippi, and occupying positions in the central and wild parts of that province. They were followed, in the design of finding better hunting-grounds, about 1816, at the close of the war with Great Britain, by a part of the Cherokees, who, in the treaty with the United States, of 1817, secured the right to occupy a tract therein referred to, lying on the northern borders of the


Arkansas. Small bands and remnants of tribes, of the Gulf shores and lower parts of Louisiana, had, at earlier dates, passed into the region of the Red River and its tributaries. It is not the object of this sketch to describe the order and progress of the movement of the tribes west. Causes were in operation, as the settlements were developed, to produce voluntary migration to a region which offered advantages to a hunter population. It will suffice to say, that a period of forty years, from the first separation and emigration of the Cherokees, has transferred to the west of the Mississippi all the elder, and what may be termed, home tribes, who were situated south of north latitude 46° 45' 35". (Douglass' Ex. Exp. Sour. Miss., p. 140.)

The introduction of gunpowder and fire-arms among the American tribes, has produced the great changes in Indian industry. The fur trade had, at first, stimulated the chase, and roused up the Indian hunter to greater activity. But it at length reacted; and, by furnishing him greater facilities to gratify his tastes, produced depopulation and weakness. His lands have been quickly denuded of game, remaining an encumbrance on his hands; but, at the same time, best fitting it for an advancing white agricultural population. By ceding these surplus territories, from time to time, he has repaired the declining fortunes of the fur trade, and had the means of subsistence and clothing. Taking annuities in money has had a dissipating, if not a paralyzing effect; for, while the periodical possession of wealth, which could not be prudently expended, has not only operated as a bar to industry, but fostered his native bias for a life of ease, freedom, and idleness, scarcely any thing has been thought of, when want began to impinge, but to continue the course of cessions, and fly to remoter locations in the West. Thus the entire maritime borders of the colonies were originally relinquished; and we have seen him in our own day cross, at separate points, the Alleghanies and the Mississippi; and the east line of the expatriated and colonized tribes now rests on the Missouri.

For the names and relative positions of the tribes in their western locations, reference is made to Plate 24, Vol. IV. Their numbers, names, and statistics, generally, are given in detail in the succeeding tables. (Vide Population and Statistics.) The present location of all the tribes within the Union, is shown by Plate 21, Vol. III. The position of the tribes in Oregon is delineated in Plate 26, Vol. III. Recent information from that region, derived from an officer who has served in the country he describes, is exhibited in the Appendix, No. 4.

The name of Oregon is derived from the Spanish word for the artimesia, or wild sage. This plant is found in the country east of the Cascade mountains, to the Rocky mountains, and to the sources of the Nebraska. By the early Spanish traders from Santa Fe, it was called Oregano. The oldest mountain men corrupted this term to Oregan. (Appendix, No. 4.)






1. Shoshonee or Snake Indians.
2. Indians of Oregon, the Rocky Mountains, and Pacific Coasts.
3. Comanches, and Texas Tribes generally.
4. Indian Tribes of New Mexico.
5. Dacotahs of the Mississippi, with respect to their Medical Knowledge.
6. Missouri Valley Indians, as affected by Smallpox.
7. Tribes on the Santa Fי Trail.
8. Muscogees or Creeks.
9. Massachusetts Indians.
10. Indian Population of Kentucky.
11. Menomonies and Chippewas.
12. Mascotins and Assiguaigs.
13. Chickasaws.


14. Muni or Comanche Nation.
15. Ojibwas — their Traditions.
16. Sioux or Dacotahs, (a.)


17. Iroquois Republic.
18. Tribes of Oregon and California.
19. Sioux or Dacotah Proper, (b.)
20. Mandans.
21. Iowas, (a.)
22. Iowas and Sacs, (b.)
23. Hochungaras.
24. Winnebagoes, (a.)
25. Eries, (a.)
26. Catawbas.
27. Pimos of the Gila.
28. Moqui of New Mexico.



29. Eries, (b.)
30. The Neutral Nation.
31. Navajoes of New Mexico.
32. New Mexican Tribes generally.
33. Root-Diggers, etc., of California.
34. Winnebagoes, (b.)
35. Mascoutins — a lost Tribe.



36. Alleghans.
37. Delawares.
38. Chippewas.
39. Oneidas.
40. Onondagas.
41. Kenistenos.
42. Athapascas.
43. Blackfeet.
44. Pillagers.
45. Michigamies.
46. Utahs.
47. Apachees.
48. California Tribes.
49. Pennacooks.


V. Tribal Organization, History, and Government.


IN their manners and customs, arts and antiquities, and in their physical and mental traits and character, the Indian tribes are very much alike. All that relates to their origin and general history, admits of the same degree of generalization. It is the same with those characteristic traits which constitute the object of particular inquiry by the physiologist, the moralist, and the philosopher. It is only when we come to discuss their languages, and their tribal histories, within the period of their vicinage to European civilization, since the discovery of the continent, that their history begins vividly to instruct, and assumes coherence. It is as tribes that they attract that species of deep interest which links the sympathies of the human heart in the fate and fortunes of a race, who appear to have been the first pioneers, in the dispersion of man, on the continent. All which we can be truly said to possess, is their modern history; and it is desirable that we should gather this, in relation to every prominent tribe in the land, while we still have the means to do so. The antiquarian may discourse of the monuments and vestiges which are buried in the soil, and the philologist speculate profoundly on the principles of the languages, which denote coincidences with other parts of the world. When all has been done, that is practicable, on these heads — and we confess them to be themes of deep humanitarian and philosophical interest — it is but trying to prove, by physical and mental data, and from the remains of objects of human art, what we knew very well before — namely, that man, in a state of barbarism, will adopt habits and arts very much alike, notwithstanding long epochs of separation, without proving, by such resemblances, the history of his descent, from particular nations, in any appreciable epochs. Craniological deductions, however profoundly drawn, if not warped by imaginative theories, may denote varieties of development, which arise from various causes, without overturning the fundamental fact, that man


was designed to separate into varieties, which are adapted to every climate of the globe. Originally created in mild and genial central latitudes, which required the least possible exertion of labour for the support of life, he has been dispersed over every region of the globe, and acquired habits, and skill, and adaptations, which fit him for all climates, from the torrid to the frigid zone. To borrow a term from natural history, it is still the species, and not the genera, that we are most interested about.

The Vesperic stocks of the Indian carry a peculiar type of these traits, and of this family likeness of character. No one is at a loss to know what constitutes the physiognomy or manners of an Indian — his easy, gliding steps, and stately deportment — his imperturbability under excitements of art or fashion — his stoicism of life, his contempt of death — his confidence in looking up to the Great Spirit, and as his peculiar guardian — his nonchalance at the great progress of the world in arts, letters, and life. All knowledge which has broken in upon the world, at least since the advent of Christianity, he cavils about or resists. No one need to mistake him in this point; nor, while the eye or mind of the observer is directed merely to his generic traits or character, is there awakened a closer or holier sympathy. But the moment he sinks the race in the individual, or the nation in the tribe, there is a new historical interest excited — a new and specific point of attraction. It is no longer merely the Indian who is contemplated, but the Cherokee, the Chippewa, the Choctaw, the Delaware, the Iowa, the Shawanoe, the Chickasaw, the Sauk or the Pottowattomie, the Winnebago, or the Iroquois.

Much attention has been given to this tribal feature of the Indian, in the preceding volumes; and it is one to which is allotted a prominent space in the present. Observation on this part of the Indian history was more readily made, as it required, in most cases, but to elicit and collate the traditions of their oldest men, and to compare them with the recorded traditions of prior eras. It is in this department that the tribes, too, assume their relative rank and importance. Of the more outer forest bands and tribes, who rove over the surface of the earth, and have done nothing but kill animals and men, little need be said; for they have excited little interest. In proportion as the tribes have produced exalted leaders, who have assumed a heroic position — speakers who have risen to eloquence in their oratory — and councillors or captains who have exhibited powers of combination, the measure of interest has increased. The reader of these sketches of tribal history advances in knowledge when he is reminded that Philip was a Pokanoket, Miantonimo a Narragansett, Uncas a Mohican, Tamenund a Manhattan, Skenandoah an Oneida; and, in this manner, of the other sages, warriors, and orators, who have figured in the moving panorama of aboriginal history.

That mere savages should have arrived at these positions, without letters, or teaching, or refinements of any kind, is, indeed, the most striking and wonderful problem. And when it is considered, that civilized nations have reached their points


of elevation by means of schools and academies, and in colleges, in which, to use the phrase of an English divine, they have often "had to fag hard," or to be confined, for years, in the studies of professional men, or in work-shops and manufactories, while the Indian has had no such advantages, it should teach us a lesson of humility, since he has often exhibited a nobility of sentiment, a power of eloquence, or a disregard of self, which are above all praise.

The author formed his first acquaintance with the Indians while he was a young man, and when his opinions were much like those still entertained by many persons at the present time. He regarded them as but little elevated above the brutes; and believed them to be, in a great measure, destitute of those traits of character, and that intellectual capacity, which belong to civilized men. Such more favorable views of the Indians as he may present, may, therefore, be justly regarded as the results of conviction forced upon him by facts, and by no means the pictures of a romantic fancy. He began his observations with too many impressions founded on theories, such as those learned in books are prone to inculcate; and some of these he yielded with a degree of reluctance, as he had been taught to rely upon them as just, and feared the want of something in their place. Happily he was not too strongly wedded to his prejudices to be drawn away from them by the force of evidence, and early began to examine with candor in the light of truth.

This course he has prosecuted for a series of years, and among scenes and circumstances peculiarly favorable. In the course of twenty years, he has met with many characters among the wilds of America, who would have struck any observer as original and interesting. With numbers of them he has formed an intimate acquaintance, and with not a few contracted a lasting friendship. Having been not merely a long resident among them, but closely connected with them, he has been, for some years, regarded as one identified with them, and received many marks of their entire confidence.

The Indians have some peculiar views, which are not easily discovered by a foreigner, but which yet exert a powerful influence on his conduct and life. These cannot fail to escape the observation of a superficial or a hasty observer; and the author had passed many months in constant intercourse with the Indians before he had any suspicion of their existence. He witnessed many practices and observances, such as travellers have often noticed; but, like others, attributed them to accident, or to some cause widely distant from the true one. By degrees, however, he became more acquainted with their opinions on certain subjects, which exert a dominant influence on their actions; and the life of an Indian no longer appears to him as a mystery. He sees him acting as other men would act, if placed exactly in his condition, prepared with the education he has received, and surrounded by the same circumstances.

The gentler affections have a much more extensive and powerful exercise among


the Indians than is generally believed; although to a less degree than in civilized society. This was one of the truths least expected by the author; but it was early taught him by facts which came under his personal observation. An interesting scene, which first gave a change to his opinions on this subject, made a lasting impression on his mind, and will be narrated in the next chapter.

The most powerful source of influence which affects the Red Man, is his religion. This is a compound of peculiar doctrines and observances, in which all are early instructed; and taught, by precept and example, to connect with every act and scene of life. It would surprise any person to become acquainted with the variety and extent to which an Indian is influenced by his religious views and superstitions. To the author, the facts have been developing themselves for many years; and, while he is able to account for the peculiar differences between the conduct of Indians and that of white men, in given cases, he can easily perceive why the latter have so often been unable to calculate on the actions of the former, and even to account for them after they have taken place.

It may be here remarked, that the civilized man is no less a mysterious, unaccountable being to the Indian; and because his sphere of action is alike unintelligible to him. If the following pages shall afford the public any means of judging of the Indians with greater accuracy, he hopes they may lead to our treating them with greater justice and humanity. The change of opinion which has been wrought in his own mind by the facts he has witnessed, has been accompanied by a still more important change of views with respect to their intellectual capacities, moral susceptibility, and claims on their civilized brethren. He would esteem it a qualification of the highest kind, if he might so display the facts before his countrymen, as to enable them to see as he sees; being confident that nothing else would be wanting to make them feel as he feels. His desires are still not limited to this object, interesting as it is. He would fain hope to do something to break down the wall which so generally divides civilized and savage men, all over the continent.

There is one more point to which he will here invite a momentary attention, though one less immediately connected with subjects of a moral nature, and plans and exertions for the improvement of the Indian race. Some of the most venerated writers present a theory on the origin of nations, governments, languages, and institutions, difficult or impossible to be conformed with the nature of man in society, and unsupported by such evidence as their doctrines require. Such I regard the doctrine of Social Compact, except it be viewed in the most undefined and general sense possible. Such also is the theory of the origin and improvement of languages. The system of government generally prevailing among the Indians is, indeed, so simple and natural, under their circumstances, that it is thought no person would long seek for the traces of any great legislator, giving them laws in some past period. When, however, we consider the curious structure of their languages, we find an ingenuity and complexity


of forms and compounds far surpassing anything to be discovered in that of the Greeks. As the latter tongue has been long held up as a model, and the excellencies of its plan attributed to some unknown, but most sagacious, learned, and refined mind, we might feel justified in assigning the invention of the wonderful excellencies of the Indian tongues to a mind of far superior wisdom, ingenuity, and experience. Yet how gratuitous would this be! All history bears testimony against the human invention and designed alteration of language; and none but a mere theorist can ever embrace the idea, that it is, or ever was, in the power of any man to fabricate and introduce a new language, or to effect a fundamental change in the ground-work of any one before in existence.

This, at least, is the decided opinion of the author; and he firmly believes, that whoever will contemplate the subject, amidst such scenes as he has long been accustomed to, will inevitably come to the same result. He has seen changes in dialects, commenced and progressive, and indications of many others going on; but these owed their origin and impulse to accidental circumstances, and were not the result of any plan or design. Necessity and the laws of custom; these two powers, if properly appreciated in their influence, and traced with care to their effects, will develop the causes of many things, whose origin has been sought at too great a distance.

Books, and the readers of books, have done much to becloud and perplex the study of the Indian character. Fewer theories and more observations, less fancy and more fact, might have brought us to much more correct opinions than those which are now current.


The oldest tribe of the United States, of which there is a distinct tradition, were the Alleghans. The term is perpetuated in the principal chain of mountains traversing the country. This tribe, at an antique period, had the seat of their power in the Ohio valley and its confluent streams, which were the sites of their numerous towns and villages. They appear originally to have borne the name of Alli, or Alleg, and hence the names of Talligewi and Allegewi. (Trans. Am. Phi. Soc., Vol. I.). By adding to the radical of this word the particle hany or ghany, meaning river, they described the principal scene of their residence — namely, the Alleghany, or River of the Alleghans, now called Ohio. The word Ohio is of Iroquois origin, and of a far later period; having been bestowed by them after their conquest of the country, in alliance with


the Lenapees, or ancient Delawares. (Phi. Trans.) The term was applied to the entire river, from its confluence with the Mississippi, to its origin in the broad spurs of the Alleghanies, in New York and Pennsylvania; and the designation, to its sources, is still continued in use by that people. (Notes on the Iroquois.) The transparency and brightness of the waters of the Alleghany river, and the liveliness and force of its current, correspond strikingly with those of the Ohio, attesting the discrimination and propriety of the original designation; while the Monongahela, its southern fork, is a still, dark, and turbid stream.

The French, when they came to behold the Ohio river, and to admire the enchanting vistas presented by its banks, as scene after scene opened up to them, like the scrolls of a beautiful panorama, literally translated the Iroquois name, and called it La Belle Riviטre. To contend for the possession of this country, blessed with a fertile soil, genial climate, and a much-prized fauna and natural productions, had been the cause of great aboriginal wars, ages before Columbus turned his prow towards the new world. From the traditions of the Lenapees, given to the Moravian missionaries, while the lamp of their traditionary history still threw out its flickering but enlivening flames, the Alleghans had been a strong and mighty people, capable of great exertions and doing wonders. There were giants among them. The Lenapees came from the west: on reaching the Mississippi, they found the Alleghans occupying its eastern borders. They also found the Iroquois, whom they call UNCLE, seated north of them. A long war ensued, in which these two prime stocks were allied. To defend themselves, the Alleghans surrounded their villages with intrenchments, and built fortifications. (Phi. Trans., p. 30.) This relation is sustained, and enlarged, in some particulars, by Iroquois tradition. (Cusic's History, vide Appendix 1.) By it, the combination of the northern against the southern tribes, is made to appear more extensive, and the power possessed by the latter, in building forts and compelling labor, is considered as very strong. Agreeably to both the traditions quoted, the Alleghan confederacy was finally defeated, and driven down the Mississippi.

We scan the plains of Troy and Marathon, to descry vestiges of events recorded by history. Balbec is visited to wonder at its broken columns, and decipher its mutilated inscriptions. The valley of the Euphrates has been ransacked, in modern days, to discover vestiges of Babylon and Nineveh. There are indeed no mutilated columns or inscriptions to guide the antiquarian in his researches. But there are a species of archaeological vestiges, which carry historical proofs of the state of arts and manners of the tribes, who have left their rude vestiges beside the banks of the Ohio and the Mississippi. These vestiges sufficiently tell the story of the people who once dwelt here, and are as well adapted to show their arts and


condition, as the ruins of civilized nations do theirs. A pipe of the lapis ollaris, or of serpentine — an awl, fish-hook, or needle of bone — a knife or dart of obsidian or flint — a discoidal stone, to be used in athletic amusements — a medal of sea-shell — a gorget of mica — an arm-band of native copper — a tumulus raised over the dead — a mound of sacrifice to the sun — a simple circumvallation, or a confused assemblage of ditches, mounds, and lines, around a village — a ring-fort on a hill — or, in fine, a terraced platform of earth to sustain the sacred residence of the Indian priest and ogema — these must be deemed evidences which accurately restore, to the mind of the inquirer, the arts of their authors. They answer, I am inclined to think, the oft-made inquiry — who erected these earth-works? If the Alleghans built altars to the sun, on which they offered the pipes which had been used in burning the incense of the nicotiana — if they raised mounds and mausolea to the distinguished dead — if they fortified their positions to resist sudden attacks — if they worked, by a rude process of mining, as we see on Lake Superior, prominent veins of native copper, and exchanged the products for the obsidian of Mexico or the Rocky mountains, the sea-shells of the West Indies, or the glittering mica of distant regions, as their tumuli indicate — there appears nothing wonderful in it. The only wonder is, that, with such vigor of character, as the traditions denote, they had not done more in arts and refinements. It is not to the rude hunter and nomadic tribes, confined in position, and without industry, that we are to attribute these relics. Horde after horde doubtless passed in, from the west and south-west, during a long lapse of centuries. It is the natural effort of the wild and unmitigated tribes of barbarians, to destroy the beginnings of civilization among their fellows, if they cannot share them. It is not, at least, to such hordes that we can ascribe the vestiges and monuments of the Ohio and Mississippi valleys, or of the borders of the Great Lakes. There are evidences of antique labors in the alluvial plains and valleys of the Scioto, Miami, and Muskingum, the Wabash, Kaskaskia, Cahokia, and Illinois, denoting that the ancient Alleghans, and their allies and confederates, cultivated the soil, and were semi-agriculturists. These evidences have been traced, at late periods, to the fertile table-lands of Indiana and Michigan. The tribes lived in fixed towns, cultivating extensive fields of the zea-maize; and also, as denoted by recent discoveries (Plates 6, 7, Vol. I.), of some species of beans, vines, and esculents. They were, in truth, the mound-builders.


At the beginning of the 16th century, this tribe occupied the banks of a large river, flowing into the Atlantic, to which they applied the name of Lenapihittuk. This term is a compound of Lenapi, the name given to themselves, and ittuk, a geographical term, which is equivalent to the English word domain or territory, and is inclusive


of the specific sepu, their name for a river. After the successful planting of a colony in Virginia, the coast became more subject to observation, than at prior periods, by vessels bound to Jamestown with supplies. On one of these voyages, Lord De la Warre put into the capes of the river; and hence the present name of both the river and the tribe.

The true meaning of the term Lenapi has been the subject of various interpretations. It appears to carry the same meaning as Inaba, a male, in the other Algonquin dialects; and the word was probably used, nationally, and with emphasis, in the sense of men. For we learn, from their traditions, that they had regarded themselves, in past ages, as holding an eminent position for antiquity, valor, and wisdom. And this claim appears to be recognised by the other tribes of this lineage, who apply to them the term of GRAND-FATHER. To the Iroquois they apply the word UNCLE; and this relation is reciprocated by the latter with the term NEPHEW. The other tribes of Algonquin lineage the Delawares call BROTHER, or YOUNGER BROTHER. These names establish the ancient rank and influence of the tribes.

Most of the tribes are organized on the principle of emblematic totems. The Delawares originally consisted of three of these subdivisions. They were, the turtle, or unami, the minsi, or wolf, and the unalacligo, or turkey. The French, who had little intercourse with them till they crossed the Alleghanies, called the whole nation Loups, or wolves; from confounding them with the Mohicans of the Hudson, who appear, in the formative tribal ages, to have been descendants of the wolf totem. The Delawares, from all accounts, held a prominent place in Indian history. Their wars against the ancient tribes of the Ohio valley — the great influence they possessed, for so long a period, among the Algonquin tribes along the Atlantic coasts, extending from the Nanticokes on the Chesapeake to the Hudson, and quite into New England — the wisdom of their ancient chiefs and councillors — and the bravery of their warriors — these are the themes of their ancient traditions. And these reminiscences of the Delaware golden age appeared to rest upon their minds, at late periods, with more force, in proportion as they became weak and lost power. It is, indeed, characteristic of the Indian, that his pleasures arise more from reminiscence than from anticipation. He appears to be a man with little hope. Their ancient alliance with the Iroquois, during the war against the Alleghans, continued, we may infer, while they retained their ancient character for military prowess and enterprise. After the Five Nations confederated at Onondaga, a new impulse was given to these tribes. No longer engaged in


petty quarrels among themselves, the Iroquois united their energies against the tribes east, west, north, and south of them. By cultivating the zea-maize, they had an element of subsistence to fall back on, after the spring and early summer season of war was over. The accidental circumstance of their living on the genial summit-lands of Western New-York, which originate many of the leading streams of America, gave them a great advantage in descending, in their canoes, suddenly on the plains of their enemies. They descended the St. Lawrence, the Hudson, the Delaware, the Susquehannah, and the Alleghany, from their own hunting-grounds. The whole range of the great lakes, from Ontario to Michigan, and even Superior, was soon at their command. They repaired the losses of battle by adopting their prisoners. In this manner, their population began at once to increase. They not only subdued the Mohicans of the Hudson, and placed them in the condition of tributary wards, but carried on a most persevering and unsparing war against the whole Algonquin stock, whom they called, ironically, Adirondacks, or bark-eaters; but warred, with even more fury (for it was a family quarrel), against the Wyandots, or Hurons, of the lower St. Lawrence, whom they defeated finally, in 1649, and drove entirely out of that valley. The Neutral Nation, the Eries, and the Andastes, of the southern borders of Lake Erie, having compromised themselves in the war, shared the same fate of expulsion. The Susquehannocks, who appear to have been of the Alleghan lineage, after admonitions, were suddenly fallen upon and extinguished. The Nanticokes and Conies, and the Tutelos, had been brought off from Virginia.

In the rise of the Iroquois power, the Delawares lost their independence; and appear to have been placed under a ban. We have no date for these mutations. They were most kindly treated, in 1682, by William Penn. We hear of no Iroquois protests to their selling their lands, at that era. It is probable none had been made. The progress of the settlements, however, shows that, in a few years, such a power to control the Delawares was made. A very striking evidence of this occurred in a treaty at Lancaster, in 1744. The Iroquois, at this large assemblage of the tribes, denied the right of the Delawares to alienate lands. Canassatego, one of their chiefs, upbraided them, in public council, for some former act of that kind. Speaking in a strain of mixed irony and arrogance, he told them not to reply to his words, but to leave the council in silence. He ordered them, in a peremptory manner, to quit the section of country where they then resided, and to remove to the banks of the Susquehannah. (Vol. III., p. 197.) Whatever may have been the state of submission in which the Delawares felt themselves to be to the confederate power of the Iroquois, it does not appear that the right to control them had been publicly exercised, prior to this time. It was, however, with this proud nation, but a word and a blow. They accordingly quitted for ever the banks of their native Delaware, the scene of many memories, and the resting-place of the bones of their ancestors, and turned their faces towards the west.


Twelve years afterwards, namely, in 1751, we find them living at Shamokin, and at Wyalusing, on the Susquehannah — positions in which they were threatened, on the one hand, by the intrusive tread of the white emigrant, and, on the other, by the momentary dread of the Iroquois tomahawk. It was the misfortune of the Delawares, that an impression prevailed in the English colonies, that they were under French influence. (Vide Loskiel.) This impression, whether well or ill founded, pervaded society, in southern New York, to such a degree, in 1744, that the Moravian mission at Shikomico, in Dutchess County, was broken up and transferred to Bethlehem, on the Susquehannah; where Count Zinzendorf, three years before, had established the seat of his operations. (Vide Appendix V.) The impression lost none of its force from an avowal, by the band at Wyalusing, of the principles of peace and non-resistance taught by the conscientious disciples of both Penn and Zinzendorf. This doctrine was embraced, with great zeal, by one of their speakers called Papanhank; who, in 1756, visited Philadelphia by a journey of 200 miles, where he addressed an assemblage of moral persons, and concluded by kneeling down and making an impressive prayer. (Benezet's Observations, p. 18.)

Men who devoted themselves, with simplicity of intention, to one object, did not probably make as much effort to disabuse the public mind on this head as would appear to have been desirable at the period. The country was engaged in an Indian war, which raged on the frontier, from Quebec to New Orleans. Braddock had been defeated the year before, most clearly owing to the want of a proper force of Indian scouts. France was making a most formidable effort to save her Indian empire; and England and America, as formidable a one, to destroy it. It is certain that this impression followed the Delawares in their removal across the Alleghanies, and during their settlement, under the auspices of their teachers, on the waters of the Muskingum. Nor did their position here tend to remove the impression, but rather to strengthen it. Gnadenhutten became to the Delawares in heart, as it Avas in name, the Tents of Peace. They addressed themselves to agriculture and grazing. They were devoted to their teachers. They refused to join all warlike parties who passed through their towns, on their forays of murder and plunder against the frontiers. It was not in their power to refuse these parties victuals, but they supplied them with no means of offence, and expressed their principles of peace, both as among the Indian tribes and the whites. But the impression grew stronger and stronger in the Ohio valley, that they were in communication with the enemy. The borders of the new States were literally drenched in blood by marauding parties of Indians, who butchered the pioneers in their cabins, and led their children away in captivity. And this impression against the Delawares finally led to the most tragic results.


But it was not alone the frontiers-men who were excited. The Indian tribes, to whom they had observed the policy of neutrality, were alike displeased. Councils of peace to them were thrown away. They could neither understand nor tolerate such a course. They lived in war and plunder; and the result was, after repeated threats, that a Wyandot war-party suddenly appeared on the Muskingum, and ordered the Delawares to upper Sandusky. It was in vain that excuses were pleaded. The party were inexorable. They killed many of their cattle and hogs, and in 1781 removed the population of three towns, numbering between three and four hundred persons. After living at Sandusky a year, they were permitted to return to the banks of the Muskingum. When the alarmed settlers on the Monongahela heard of this return, they regarded the movement in a hostile light. The British not having yet surrendered their northern posts on the Miami of the Lakes, and at Detroit and Michilimackinac, and the Indians throughout that vast region continuing to manifest the deepest hostility, as shown by the fierce battles against Generals Harmer and St. Clair, the return of such a body of men, who had been, it seems, removed by the authority of the commanding officer at Detroit, (Benezet, 20) appeared in a threatening light. Such it was not, as is now known, for the Moravian converts among the Delawares had been instructed in, and sincerely adopted, the principles of peace and non-resistance. Of all doctrines, these were the least understood by the hardy frontiers-men, who, through a long and bloody experience, had been led to deem the Indian, when under the excitement of war, as a tiger in his thirst for blood, and alike destitute of mercy or sympathy. This may be said in apology for the inhuman and unjustifiable massacre in 1782 of the unresisting Moravian Delawares, who witnessed, in their submissive deaths, no little share of the spirit of St. Stephen. This massacre wrought up the feelings of resentment of the Wyandots and other hostile tribes of the west, who were under the influence of the basest white counsellors, to the highest pitch of fury. And hence, when at a later period of the same year Colonel Crawford and his command were defeated on the plains of Sandusky by the Wyandots and their allies, they assumed the guise of fiends in human shape, and in the presence of some of their renegade white counsellors, sacrificed that officer and his son-in-law at the stake.

The Delawares, along with the Wyandots, Shawanoes, Miamies, and other western tribes, who had been in arms on the frontiers, were parties to the general treaty of Greenville of 1795, and were admitted to the terms of peace. These relations were further strengthened by the treaty of Fort Wayne, in 1803, and of Vincennes in 1804; and from the earliest of these dates the frontiers were relieved of their war-parties, and rested in a general peace with all the tribes, till the primary movement made by Tecumseh, in 1811-12. The idea of Indian supremacy in America, so strongly inculcated on the tribes by Pontiac in 1763, when Great Britain was the impinging power,


was re-enacted by this leader after the lapse of fifty years. But fifty years' decline had sunk the scale of the population, and almost annihilated Indian nationality.

The Delawares have been regarded by some as an ancient tribe in the Ohio valley. (Gen. Harrison's Hist. Dis.) Their traditions denote, indeed, that they had, in former ages, crossed the Mississippi from the west; but their domiciliation there, as a tribe, was recent. Their first movement from the Delaware river towards the west appears to have been within fifty years of Penn's landing. We find by the manuscript journal of Conrad Wiser (Vol. IV., p. 605) that he reported the number of Delawares in the Ohio valley, in 1748, at one hundred and sixty-five warriors, which, agreeably to the usual rate of computation, would give 800 souls. By going back from this date, namely to the French tables of 1736 (Vol. III. p. 554), it is perceived that there were no Delawares in the west at that time. So that it is in a period of twelve years from 1736 to 1748, that they must have arrived from the east of the Alleghanies. Yet within sixteen years of this time, Colonel Bouquet estimates them as capable of bringing 500 warriors into the field (Vol. III, p. 558), a manifest exaggeration.

Once west of the Alleghanies the Delawares, at least the body of the tribe, do not appear to have adhered with much tenacity to the excellent teachings they had received on the banks of the Delaware and the Susquehannah. The labors of the plow, the loom, and the anvil, do not make much impression on a tribe after it has quit the precincts of civilization, and come under the exciting influence of war and hunting. After a few years they took shelter on the White Water river of Indiana; and from this position, finding themselves pressed by the intrusive feet of a rapidly gathering civilized population, ceded their lands, and went over the Mississippi. The author visited their cottages in the upper valley of Maramec, in 1818 (Scenes and Adventures in the Ozark Mountains); they are now situated on very eligible and fertile tracts on the waters of the Kanzas, in the new Territory of that name.

Delaware history has little to distinguish it, in the principles of action, from that of the other tribes. They sometimes agreed, in their negotiations, to perform what they could not accomplish; and were persuaded into measures which they could not well comprehend, and had, perhaps, no heart to execute. The west had been regarded in their traditions as the paradise of hunters; and when they were disturbed by the footsteps of white men, they fled in that direction. Evidences that the pressure they felt in the east would follow them a long time in the west, are found in the permission to settle in upper Louisiana, by Governor Carondalet, on the 4th of January, 1793. (Indian Treaties, p. 539.) In a treaty concluded at Fort Pitt in 1778, during the hottest of the Revolutionary war, they entered into terms of amity with the United States, granted power to march armies through their country and procure supplies, in return for which it is stipulated to build a fort for the protection of their women and children against the hostile tribes. This was the origin of Fort M'Intosh. This alliance


was seven years before the Iroquois succumbed at the treaty of Fort Stanwix. (Indian Treaties, p. 4.) How well this treaty was kept by the nation at large, appears from the supplementary articles of the treaty of Fort M'Intosh of 21st January, 1785, the year after the war, in which it is agreed by them, that Kelelimand and other chiefs who had taken up the hatchet for the United States, should fully participate in all the beneficent provisions of the treaty. (Indian Treaties, p. 7.) This is further perceived by the treaty of Fort Harmer, of the 9th of January, 1789, in which they renew certain unfulfilled conditions of the prior treaty, and agree to deliver up all American prisoners in their hands.

It will be sufficient to state the commencement of our intercourse with this tribe. To continue the record of these negotiations, from era to era, would only exhibit dry details of facts, similar, in their general aspect, to the changes in residence, and mutations of time and place, which have attended the transference of most of the tribes from the Atlantic borders to the west of the Mississippi. There is much resemblance in the principles and general incidents of these removes. There is one generic truth which applies to all. They were perpetually at open war, or variance, with each other. They had not elevation of mind enough to appreciate each other's motives, principles, sentiments, or character. The suspicion they had of their chiefs, priests, and warriors, kept them in continual dread. They believed firmly in witchcraft and necromancy, which could be exercised on all, present or absent. Treacherous themselves, in point of fealty, they expected treachery from the neighboring tribes. Good motives were ascribed to bad actions, with a plausibility which would have done credit to a Talleyrand or a Metternich. Tarhe was burned at the stake under the accusation of witchcraft, but really to take him out of the way of Elksotawa and Tecumseh.

The tribes agreed also in this. Each remove was at the loss of something in civilization, which they had before attained. By throwing them into new regions of wilderness, it exposed them to new temptations in the line of hunting, and rivalry for distinction in the war-path. Thus, a considerable portion of the Delawares, when they had reached Missouri, and the Indian territory west of it, went into Texas, where they have the reputation of first-rate guides, hunters, woodsmen, and, if necessity call for it, warriors. All the tribes felt sensibly the effects of the failure of game on their lands, as they pursued their line of migration west; and would have suffered miserably, had it not been for the increased demand for, and value ascribed to, their refuse hunting-lands. Acres took the place of beaver-skins. But while this gave them, at least periodically, a plethora of means, it exposed them to the influence of indulgence. The Indian who had lost the industry of hunting, had no other kind of industry. It was noble to hunt, but mean to labor. And when he found that, in the shape of annuities, his lands could be briefly turned into money, he fell into the snare of luxury. The hunter and nomadic Indian has but little idea of the value of money, or silver coin; he appears to regard it as something to dispossess himself of, and often


deals it out freely to those who have, indeed, ministered to him in some of his minor needs, which he warmly appreciates, but who have rendered but inadequate services for the princely rewards. His acres have thus, too often, rapidly vanished: agreeably to the strong figurative expression of Canassatego, at a council, in 1744, the tribes have literally "eat up their lands." (Vol. III., p. 197.)

The period from 1814 to 1824, made it evident that the tribes, and remnants of tribes, could not remain in prosperity, in the growing American settlements of the States and Territories, without certain and speedy destruction. President Monroe took the initiative, in recommending their removal, with their own consent, to a territory to be set apart for them, west of the Mississippi. (Vol. III., p. 573.) Congress formally sanctioned this plan, in 1830. The number of Delawares west, in 1840, was 830. (Vol. III., p. 609.) The entire population of the tribe, in 1850, was returned at 1500. Their present population, west of that great line of demarcation, is estimated at 2500 souls. They possess 375,000 acres of fertile land at the mouth of the Kansas river, in the territory of Kansas, besides about thrice this amount of acres lying at higher points on the same river and its tributaries. A considerable portion of the population resident on these tracts, are cultivators of the soil — raise horses, cattle, and hogs — dress, in most respects, in civilized costume — and are under favorable influences. The long-foretold time of the counsels and visions of their ancient wise men, recorded in their cherished OLA WALUM, prefiguring a land of prosperity in the west, may, indeed, be deemed at hand, if they are true to themselves.


This term is derived from OJIBWA, the cognomen of the tribe for themselves. Its meaning has not been satisfactorily given. Mr. Nicollet, in his etymology (Appendix V), is believed to be mistaken. Although they live in a land of lakes, and are celebrated for the use and artistic structure of both the canoe and paddle — the chimaun and abwi — there is no instance of a tribe having named themselves in this manner, besides that the proposed compound is at variance with the principles of the grammar. The name of the tribe appears to be recent. It is not met with in the older writers. The French, who were the earliest to meet them, in their tribal seat at the falls, or Sault de Ste. Marie, named them Saulteur, from this circumstance. M'Kenzie uses the term JIBWA, as the equivalent of this term, in his voyages. They are referred to, with little difference in the orthography, in General Washington's report, in 1754, of his trip to Le Boeuf, on Lake Erie; but are first recognised, among our treaty-tribes, in the general treaty of Greenville, of 1794, in which, with the


Ottawas, they ceded the island of Michilimackinac, and certain dependencies, conceded by them, at former periods, to the French.

To the family of tribes who speak this language, the French uniformly apply the term Algonquin; and, if M'Kenzie's vocabulary of this language, as spoken at the Lake of Two Mountains, near the confluence of the Utawas with the St. Lawrence, be taken as the standard, admitting the principles of the French orthography, nothing could more completely represent the language, as spoken at this day on Lake Superior. The Chippewas are conceded, by writers on American philology (Arch. Amer., Vol. II.), to speak one of the purest forms of the Algonquin; and may be regarded as identical in history, manners, and customs.

History is clear as to the unity of origin of the Algonquins and Chippewas, while it fails to inform us when or why the latter term was adopted. The Nipissingo, also written Nipissiriniens, are the basis of both tribes. This was a term applied to the people who lived on the banks of Lake Nepissing, at the source of French river, of the north shores of Lake Huron. This lake, lying on summit-lands, occupies the line of the portage between Lake Huron and the great Outawas river, of the St. Lawrence, and was the route of communication, and the transportation of merchandize, from Montreal to the great lake basins, and to the uttermost regions of the sources of the Mississippi, and the trading-posts of Hudson's Bay. It avoided altogether the hostile Iroquois country, by the route of Niagara; and was, at the same time, by far the nearest route.

In fixing on early points of movement of the Indian tribes of the North, it is a point of primary importance to refer to the period of 1649. It was in this year that the Iroquois finally succeeded in overthrowing, and driving the Wyandots, whom the French call Hurons, out of the lower St. Lawrence. They fled up the Outawas to the lake, since called Huron, after them, where they finally settled; after having been pursued by the infuriated Iroquois to their refuge on the island of Michilimackinac, and even to the upper shores of Lake Superior. Their flight carried with them their allies, the Atawawas, or Atowas, and other Algonquin bands, who had been in close alliance with them.

A more particular reference to the events of this period, as detailed by missionary writers, may be made.

Le Jeune, and the early writers of Lettres Edifiant, inform us, that at the earliest known period, there was a group of tribes living in the northern latitudes of the Great Lakes, who called God, Manito; the rest of their vocabulary answering to this test, and showing them to be of one family or mother stock. The most ancient point to which they refer, as the place of their origin, is the summit of Lake Nepissing, north of Lake Huron — a summit which cast off its waters, easterly, through the Utawas


river into the St. Lawrence, and southwardly, through French river, into Lake Huron. This was the ancient Indian route of travel, long before Canada was settled, between the valley of the lower St. Lawrence and the great area of the upper lakes. It was not only the shortest line of travel, but avoided the numerous cascades and rapids of the St. Lawrence, above Montreal, which appeared so formidable to Cartier, in 1534; as well as the portage at Niagara. Besides these great advantages in point of time and distance, it was entirely within their own territory; and although the elevation of the summit was reached by numerous rapids, these were easily overcome by short portages, which permitted them to transport their light canoes by hand. This was the route which the Indian trade from New France first took, and long maintained; even from the period of Champlain down to the close of the supremacy of the North-west Company, about 1820. After this time, all the main supplies of goods and merchandize were shipped direct from England into Hudson's Bay.

To the people who were early found on this summit, and who had migrated down the Utawas into the St. Lawrence valley, occupying its north bank between Montreal and Quebec, the French at first applied the name Algonquin. This became a generic for all the bands and tribes of the same language, of the continent, whom they subsequently discovered; however widely dispersed from their summit home, and by whatever other tribal or local names they were called by themselves, or by other tribes. The French, indeed, kept up and multiplied these local names, by applying to each of the new-found bands a nomme de guerre; which was done that they might lull the active suspicions of the natives, by apparently making no reference to them in conversation.

To such of this people as had migrated down the French river to Lake Huron, and along its north shores to the Mississaging or Big-mouthed river, they gave the term of Mississagies — a people who, at a later day, migrated eastwardly to the head of Lake Ontario, and the valley of the river Niagara below the Ridge, where, according to Indian tradition, they were in bonds of close alliance with the Iroquois, and aided them in exterminating the Wyandots from the territory in Canada, which is still occupied in part by the Mississagies.

To those of the Algonquin or "Nipercinean" type who had, prior to the discovery, proceeded north-west through the Straits of St. Mary into the basin of Lake Superior, and to the countries north of it, they simply gave the name of Saulteaur, or Fallsmen. These three local tribes, that is to say, the Nipercineans, or Algonquins proper, the Mississagies, and the Saulteaur, or Odjibwas, were originally one and the same people. They spoke, and they still speak, the same language.

It would be easy to pursue this ethnographical chain, denoting names, boundaries, and events, which mark the multiplication of the numerous North American family of the Algonquin tribes. But it is unnecessary to the purposes in hand. It will be sufficient to say that the new names given by their enemies, often in derision,


or assumed by themselves, contain no evidence whatever of their national genealogy. To a particular branch of those who distinguished themselves during their residence in the St. Lawrence valley, and afterwards in Lake Huron, they applied the name of Traders, or Odawas, denoting a falling off in the habits of the pure hunters and warriors, or a probable industrial trait, which is yet strikingly observable in the descendants of that band. To another, and one of the latest multiplications of the tribe, they gave the name of Pottawattomies, or Fire-makers, that is to say, a people who are building their own council-fire, or setting up a separate government. To another, they gave the name of Kenistenos, or Killers, on account of the sanguinary character of the war which they maintained north-west of Lake Superior. This people the French call Crees. Another branch, who subsisted on wild rice in the interior or Rice Lake region, between Lakes Superior and Winnebago, they called Monomonees, or Wild Rice Men. The bands north of Lake Nepissing, extending to Hudson's Bay and Lake Abittabi, they called People of the Swamps, and Low Grounds, or Muskigoes. Others of the same latitude, but more westerly in longitude, they called Nopemings, or Inlanders, named by the French Gens des terres. The Saganaws are so called from Sauk-i-nong, Sauktown, from the Sauk tribe who lived in Michigan in the 17th century.

To a band of energetic warriors who went to Leech Lake, on the sources of the Mississippi, but who, at a subsequent period, plundered the boats of a leading trader while lying at the mouth of the Crow-Wing river, they gave the name of Mukkundwas, or Pillagers, literally Takers. This summary penalty was inflicted for his temerity in disobeying the commanders of these fierce barbarians, interdicting him from selling arms and ammunition to their enemies, the Sioux. All the local tribes above named, although dispersed at various and distant points, call themselves Od-jib-was.

The Miamies, Weas, and Piankeshaws, the Sacs and Foxes, Kaskaskias, Peorias and Kickapoos, the Shawnees, Munsees, Stockbridges and Mohicans, together with several tribes not here recited, constitute another class, or more properly, sub-genus of the Nipercinean or Algonquin type, in whose history, however, the date of their separation from their present stock, whether that was the immediate Algonquin or remoter Lenapian branch, is shown by dialectic evidences to have been more remote; while at the same time the strong affinities of language, and its absolute agreement in grammatical forms, are not less fixed or certain proofs of a common origin. Call them Algonquins, or Lenapi-Algonquins, with a recent writer, we are equally on safe grounds.

It is seen from the text of Eliot's translation of the Bible into the Natic or Massachusetts language in the year 1664, that the language he employs, as well as that of


the Narraganset, as given in Roger Williams' key, are likewise of the Algonquin type; while the phrases embodied in the early history of Virginia, and the still existing names of prominent streams of that coast, denote the ancient extension of this generic form of speech very extensively along the Atlantic borders.

By denoting this enlarged extension of the parent Algonquin language in former eras, its importance in the Vesperic circle of tribes is indicated. In the course of centuries they must have revolved curiously, making almost the entire circuit of the United States. Nor can we conceive that, in so long an epoch as they have taken to march round the Union, fewer discrepancies and changes of language should have occurred. There is no reason whatever to believe that the Algonquin group of tribes, as assimilated by language, came from more northerly points to the Nepissing summit. The parent language, varying as it progressed, appears to have been propagated from the south and south-west to the Virginia, the Chesapeake, and the Pennsylvania coast; and it was thence deflected off, multiplying in dialects exceedingly, towards the east and NORTH-EAST, along the north Atlantic, and finally it extended NORTH-WEST up the St. Lawrence valley into the region of the lakes. All the American tribes appear to have migrated tribally — in small bodies — abiding for periods at a place until the pressures of population, want, or feuds, pushed them further — a result which may be supposed to have given great scope for the multiplication of new tribes, and the formation of new dialects, by which the parent language of each tribe was more and more shorn and deprived of its verbal integrity, while its grammar or plan of utterance itself essentially remained. This result is indicated by language.

These preliminary remarks denote the position, geographically and ethnologically, in which the modern Chippewas, or Algonquin Chippewas of Lake Superior, stand, in relation to the other members of the general group, and their absolute identity of origin with the Nipercineans, or the old Algonquins of 1608, this being the assumed period of the discovery of Canada. The Chippewas of the lakes occupy now the same general district of country which was ascribed to the old Algonquins of the St. Lawrence, and to the Atawas, and Nipercineans, or natives of Lake Nepissing. They speak the same language, if we examine the earliest recorded vocabularies of the missionary fathers, remembering only that the latter used the French system of notation. They relate the same ancient traditions, have the same manners and customs, the same mythology and religious rites and opinions; and, for all the purposes of general history and philology, may be regarded as identical.

It was with this stock of people that the French formed an early and unbroken alliance. They ascribed to them, in ancient periods, a degree of progress superior to that of any other tribe inhabiting the northern latitudes. They learned their language, which they found easy and copious, and by which their traders and missionaries


could penetrate to the farthest points in the early admired countries of the Illinois, the Lakes, and to the farthest Mississippi. They called it par excellence, the court language of the aborigines; and they spread abroad the praises of the people throughout Europe. Nor were these vain praises. The fur trade, which immediately on the settlement of Canada started into activity, was by far the most lucrative branch of their commerce; and they relied on the far-reaching and numerous group of the Algonquins not only as active hunters, but as their best and only efficient local allies in their wars against the English colonists and the Iroquois, the latter of whom carried desolation in 1687 to their very firesides at Montreal. The grasp with which the French took hold of the Algonquins was therefore a firm grasp, cemented by interest as well as friendship; and it was soon perpetuated by the more enduring ties of intermarriage with the native females. (Plate 17.)

That the Chippewas, along with all their affiliated tribes in the west, should preserve at this day the liveliest recollections of the era of French rule, and the strongest attachments for the French as a race beloved above every other European stock, is very natural. I have found this feeling universal, and without an exception. Not quite ninety years have elapsed since the conquest of Canada and the fall of Montcalm, but the tradition is as fresh as if it were but an event of yesterday. Their reminiscences run freely back indeed to the era of the first arrival of the French in the St. Lawrence — an event which they have perpetuated by the common term for that people, namely, Wa-mit-ig-ozh, or People of the Wooden Vessel.

Chippewa tradition relates that they came from the east — a term which is to be understood as relating to the track of their migration on this continent. They call the north-west wind Ke-wa-din-oong, or the home-blowing wind. They refer to having descended a large stream and visited the ocean, where they first descried the signs of white men. They speak of old wars with the Mungwas, and other tribes. They refer to Chegoimegon on Lake Superior, and Poiwateeg on the straits of St. Mary's, as ancient sites, and seats of central power. They represent themselves as having been under the government of a MUDJEEKEWIS — a magistrate ruling by descent of blood. Some traditions state that they kept an eternal fire burning at Chegoimegon. Formerly, they say, their language was spoken with greater purity, and their lives and manners were less barbarous. Relations and reminiscences of this kind are not, perhaps, peculiar to this tribe. The Lenapis also spoke of a golden age in their history. The Iroquois trace themselves to Atahentsic, the queen of heaven. The Delawares dwell much on their ancient glories. The Chippewas trace the mother of Manabozho, their great mythological creation, to the Moon. This is very different from the predatory Osages, who ascribe their origin to a humble shell. There are few tribes who do not attempt to solace themselves by reminiscences, which are some compensation to the mind for their loss of consequence in the circle of tribes, or the actual miseries by which they are surrounded.


Abandoning the periods of Indian cosmogony and fable, most of the tribes have little worth respect. The Chippewa traditions, such as may be relied on, reach back about 250 years. They aver that their first knowledge of white men was of the French in Lower Canada, whose rule they regard with admiration. In 1824, they asserted that but seven generations had passed since the event. Their reminiscences are fresh of the fall of Canada; of the great chief Montcalm; the stand made by Pontiac to repel the British at Detroit; and the massacre of old Fort Michilimackinac on the Peninsula. Of men who have reputably led them in battle, they mention Noka, Bianswa, and Waub-Ojeeg, or the White Fisher, under the latter of whom they conquered the region of the St. Croix valley, and defeated the Sauks, Foxes, and Sioux. Ondaigweos of Chigsimegon, and Shingabwassin of St. Mary's, were men of wisdom and benevolence, whose memory is respected.

It is the remote past, however, which is the favourite theme of Chippewa glory and credulity.

The Chippewas relate the following oral tradition of the creation of this continent, and of the Indian tribes. They call the continent a little island, namely, MINNISA.

When the Good Spirit created this island, it was a perfect plane, void of any trees or shrubs — he first created the Indian man, and then the Indian woman. They multiplied — and when they numbered about ten persons living, death was known to come in the midst of them. The first man that was created lamented his fate — he went to and fro over the earth, and, addressing himself to the author of his being, said, "Why did the Good Spirit create me, that I should so soon know death, weakness and frailty?" The Good Spirit from on high heard the man lamenting his condition. Touched by the appeal, he commanded his angels, or those beings whom he had created in heaven, to assemble to a great council. The Good Spirit, addressing himself to his conclave of counsellors, said, "What shall we do to better the condition of man? for I have created him frail and weak." The host of assembled angels answered and said, "Oh, Good Spirit, thou hast formed and created us, and thou art self-existent, knowing all things, and thou alone knowest what is best for thy creatures."

The consultation lasted six days; and, during this time, not a breath of wind blew to disturb the surface of the waters — this calm is now called Unwatig by the Indians. On the seventh day, not a cloud was to be seen, the sky was blue and serene — this is now called Nהgeezhig by them.

The Good Spirit having consulted his angels during six days, on the seventh day sent down a messenger to the Indian, placing in his right bosom a piece of white hare-skin, and in his left, part of the head of the white-headed eagle — the hare-skin, and the part of the head of the bald-headed eagle, were painted blue, representing a blue sky — the symbol of peace, observed on the six days' consultation in heaven. The


messenger was directed to tell the man who lamented, that his words were heard, and that they had come before the Good Spirit — that he was the messenger of glad tidings to him. And that he must conform himself strictly to the Good Spirit's commandments — that he had brought a piece of white hare-skin, and part of a white eagle's head, which they must use in their Medawi (or Grand Medicine Feast) — and whatsoever they should ask on those occasions, would be granted to them, and a prolongation of life would be given to the sick. The messenger also presented the Indian a white otter-skin, painted on the back of the head with a blue stripe — the paint used being, in fact, a piece of the blue sky which appeared so beautiful in their eyes. [The blue earth now-a-days used as a paint on pipes, pouches, and other cherished articles, is typical of peace and kindness.] The messenger held in his hands a bunch of white flowers and plants, and said — "This will be a medicine for the healing of your sicknesses; I have been directed to scatter it over all the earth, so that it may be readily found when the Indian needs it" — scattering it over the earth as he spoke.

At this time, a very large tree was sent down from heaven, and planted in the midst of the island; its roots, which were very large, extended to the extremity of the earth, east and west, so that the winds could not root it up; on the east side of it a blue mark was set, representing the blue stripe of the sky. The messenger instructed the Indian how to make use of its bark, as a mixture to other medicinal herbs and roots; cautioning them always to take it from the east side.

In the traditionary reminiscences of the Chippewas, they embrace quite a body of mythology. It is not only the Great Good and Great Bad Spirit that plays the chief part in their cosmogony, with the whole endless catalogue of minor deities and spirits, good and evil; but they profess to have been visited by beings, of a power superior to mere men, from the land of spirits and dreams, and from the sacred precincts of the dead. One of these is called Chebiabose, or the keeper of the country of souls. They tell of Pauguk, who is a human skeleton, armed with a bow and arrows, typifying death. Many of their winter's tales — for winter is the season of stories — are of fairies, having supernatural powers; many of them are of giants, who are generally represented as cannibals; and still a greater number of these oral narrations are connected with sorcerers, wizards, and the wide agency of evil spirits of the land and water. The author has collected, both from this and other tribes, and published, in 1839, two volumes of these oral, traditionary, and imaginative legends; gathered from the Indian wigwams, with a view of illustrating Indian opinions and beliefs on the great mysteries of life, death, good and evil spirits, and daemonology, witchcraft, magic, and immortality — for there is scarcely one of these relations which does not exhibit the belief of the tribes on these subjects. (Algic Researches, 2 vols. 8vo., N. Y., 1839.)

Very prominent among the mythological legends and lodge-stories of the Chippewas, are the acts of Manabosho. He appears in a thousand forms, assuming as great a


contrariety of character as Mercury himself. For, while the theory always regards him as a god, he is often put to the lowest shifts of a man. Though he can transform birds and quadrupeds into men, he is often necessitated for a meal; and resorts to tricks of the lowest kind. But he has always his magic drum and rattles with him, to raise up supernatural powers to help him out of his straits. He has the power to send the birds and beasts on all sorts of errands, yet will sometimes, as when they danced before him (Alg. Res.), snatch a fat duck or two to make a meal. He survived a general deluge of the earth, and afterwards re-created it, by telling the beaver and muskrat to dive down after a little mud. If the Indians are often pinched by want, during the season of tales, they are excessively amused by these grotesque stories.

Besides his wisdom, they ascribed to him great necromantic power; and the tradition affirms, that he drew out for them, on strips of betula bark, for the use of all good hunters, and zealous followers of the original arts and manners of their forefathers, the subjoined pictographs. (Vide Plates 18, 19, 20, 21, and 22.) They have been collected from Chippewa hunters on the banks of Lake Superior. What adds prodigiously, beyond all doubt, to the interest and value of this occult species of knowledge, is the assurance, given by one of my Indian informants on the path of the hunter, who says of these devices, "that he had tried them, and found them to succeed."

Viewed as a distinct and leading branch of the Algonquins, the Chippewas are, pre-eminently, expert and brave warriors, and woodsmen, and foresters — delighting in seclusion, forests, and mysticisms, but placing their main stake in life on the chase. As such they may be described during the period we have known them, and as contemners of arts, fixed industry, and letters. They have regarded the use of the bow and arrow, the war-club and spear, as the noblest employments of man. War is pursued by the northern Algonquins as the only avenue open to them which is capable of satisfying the thirst for glory. Their appetite for praise is strong, and is gratified, ordinarily, in surmounting the dangers of the forest, or the vicissitudes of climate. Wild adventures of the chase occupy a large space in their lodge reminiscences, mingled, as the recitals usually are, with tales of the supernatural, and the developments of mysterious agencies. But it is success in war, alone, that fills the highest aspirations of the Chippewa mind. To hunt well and to fight well, are the first and the last themes of their hopes and praises of the living and the dead.

Assuming these pursuits as the best guarantees of their happiness and independence, they have ever looked upon agricultural and mechanical labors as degrading. In all their history, they have ever, till within a few years, steadily and uniformly opposed the introduction of schools, as well as plans of husbandry. The little corn that their women plant, the wild rice that they gather, and the esculent roots which they dig, sufficed, in all time past, to fill their views. On the same principle


they have also opposed Christianity. They have regarded it, when their views could be obtained, as a system designed to abridge their natural freedom, and to bring them into a state of society which was not originally meant for them, but which is, on the contrary, as their jossakeeds tell them, suited to destroy them. They have ever been nervous and restless when talking on these subjects, under apprehensions of the disturbing and blighting forces of civilization upon their simple and precarious forest system. Hence their chiefs and wise men have planted themselves on the basis of their ancient manners and arts, and given an emphatic negative to the propositions of all teachers, missionaries, and humanitarians. This was the doctrine of Pontiac in 1763, and of Tecumseh, and his wily priest-brother, the prophet Elksatowa, in 1812. They resisted the white man as the advent of a destroyer. We should not deceive ourselves as to the native Indian opinions of themselves and of the European race.

Such has been the thread of argument, or rather the tissue of Indian opinion, down to the present day, in the discourse of their best and most eloquent speakers. They have, with intuitive correctness, conceived the idea that two states of society so antagonistical as the hunter and the civilized state could not long exist prosperously in juxtaposition. They have continually felt, if not realized, that the stronger or superior state would absorb and destroy the weaker or inferior one. "I wandered about," said a Chippewa chief to me in 1822, "after you first arrived at these falls, like a bird, not knowing where to alight." "Let us drive these dogs in red clothing into the sea," said Pontiac in 1763, in reference to the British colonies. "Throw away your fire-steels," said the Prophet of the Wabash in 1811, "and use the old method of making fire; put on skins for clothing, as our fathers did, if you would escape the anger of the Great Spirit." It is from such expressions, and a close observation for years on the various tribes of this people, that the foregoing conclusions are drawn. And I have found the sentiments more fresh and vigorous in the northern tribes in proportion as they had felt less of the influences of the frontier life, and occupied profounder and remoter positions in the great and unchanged wilderness.

The writer first visited the Chippewa territories north of latitude 46° in the northwest in 1820. At that time the attention of the War Department was strongly turned to the native population, character, and resources of that hitherto neglected portion of the Union. The public expedition for exploring it, of which he was a member, was organized at Detroit in the spring of that year, and extended its exploratory journey around the shores of Lakes Huron and Superior, to the sources of the Mississippi. The expedition returned by the way of the Falls of St. Anthony and Prairie du Chien to Green Bay, and around the shores of Lake Michigan to Chicago, St. Joseph's, Grand River, and Michilimackinac, where the outward track was intersected. The next year (1821) he was secretary to the commissioners who were appointed to treat


at Chicago for the Indian lands in northern Illinois. In the outward track thither, he visited the valleys of the Miami and Wabash, some sections of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, and the entire valley of the Illinois. A large number of the bands of the Algonquin family were met at several places on the route, and in very large numbers at Chicago, the terminal point of the journey. These opportunities of witnessing the leading traits in the race, prepared him to assume the official position presented to him in 1822, when the Government determined to establish a military post and agency in the basin of Lake Superior. At this place, and subsequently at Michilimackinac and at Detroit, he resided several years, devoting attention to an investigation of the history, language, and traits of this leading branch of the Algonquin family. These remarks appear to be proper, as indicating a basis for the foregoing observations.

The Chippewas are an active, generally tall, well developed, good looking race of men. The chiefs of the bands of St. Mary's, Lake Superior, and the upper Mississippi, are a manly, intelligent body of men, with a bold and independent air and gait, and possessing good powers of oratory. Of stately and easy manners, they enter and leave a room without the least awkwardness or embarrassment. And if one did not cast his eyes on their very picturesque costume, and frontlets, medals, and feathers, he might suppose himself to have been in the company of grave elders and gentlemen. Their marked repose of character and ease of manners cannot fail to strike one; but what is still more remarkable, is to hear one of these noble men of nature, when he arises to speak, fall into a train of elevated remarks, which would often do honor to a philosopher. At the same time that he is thus maintaining a pride of character in the council-chamber, his family, who, perhaps, occupy a wigwam on the shore, are without a loaf of bread or a piece of meat to appease their hunger.


The name of this tribe holds a prominent place in the aboriginal history of the country. Iroquois tradition regards them as one of the youngest members of their confederacy; but as far as the deeds of this noted confederacy were known, the Oneidas ever held a prominent rank. It is averred that an Oneida sage first suggested in council the plan of this confederacy; and the tribe has been noted, down to modern days, for a succession of wise counsellors and benevolent men. The name of Oneida is indicative of the origin of the tribe. They had lived at a prior period on the banks of Oneida Lake, at the confluence of Oneida Creek. They migrated from their first position up the beautiful and fertile valley of the Oneida to Kunalצa, the present site of the town of Oneida Castle, and subsequently to the most elevated lands at the source of the stream. The sachems pitched their wigwams near a large crystal spring on these heights, in a small rural valley, shaded profusely with the butternut tree.


The site was defended from the eastern winds by the contiguous summit of an elevated bill. Its western borders afforded a range for the deer and elk to the banks of the Susquehanna. Near this spring, resting on the grassy plain, stood an upright boulder of white rock — a species of Silurian limestone — which is figured in the following cut. This has sometimes been called by Europeans the Oneida Stone; but not truly.

Some five or six hundred yards east of this secluded and romantic location, the sheltering hill reached its apex. On this elevated position they found an orbicular boulder of rock, partly embedded in the soil, at which they built their council-fire while assembled around it to deliberate on their national affairs. This spot became the site of their beacon-fire when it was necessary to summon the tribe to war. For it was the apex of the summit lands, and a beacon-light erected here could be seen for a distance of forty miles. Oneida Lake can be clearly seen from it, and the curling smoke of this light, kindled by their friends at that place, was the rallying sign. Plate 23 presents a view of the landscape, as it appears at this day, taken from this summit.

The name of the tribe is derived from this council-fire and beacon-stone. The term O'neצ, in the Oneida language, signifies simply a round stone, and is probably derived originally from the Iroquois on, a hill; its local and participial forms in ta, and aug, being dropped in usage. Nationality, with our Indian tribes, is dated from the period of their assuming to build a separate council-fire. Viewed under these striking circumstances in their history — always present in the minds of the Oneidas — the term carries the signification of the Tribe of the Light of the Council-Fire, and Council-Stone.

Actuated by the respect which is felt for the tribe, the people of Oneida County (N. Y.) have, within recent years, transferred this monument of Oneida history from the ancient resting-place on its summit, between the waters of the Mohawk and the Susquehannah, to an artificial mound prepared for its reception in the cemetery at


Utica. The accompanying view of it (Plate 24,) is taken in this position. The Oneidas have ever maintained a high rank for the urbanity of their manners, and the wisdom of their counsels. Brave in war, mild in peace, and hospitable under all circumstances, no visitor or wayfarer, white or red, ever entered their cabins without having his wants supplied, and being kindly put on his track. Humanity, thus appealed to, quenched the spirit of vengeance; and it was only necessary for the weak to fall into their power, to be assured of kindness and safety. During the course of our history, they have uttered expressions which would not disgrace the lips of a Grecian sage; and, as the claims of civilization were understood, they have given utterance to lofty sentiments, which embody the very essence of Christianity. No maxim of Seneca equals, in its sublime simplicity or truthfulness, the expressions of the venerable Skenandoa, uttered in view of his death, when the years of more than a century had passed over his head, and he waited in total blindness, and calm submission, for the hour of his recall from earthly scenes. (Vide Biography.)

The French called this tribe Oniouts; and the Canadian authorities made early and strenuous efforts to bring them under their influence, during the entire period of the Dutch rule and the early English epoch, up to the building of separate military works at the confluence of Oswego river, on Lake Ontario, and at Fort Stanwix, at the source of the Mohawk. These early transactions are succinctly and consecutively described by Golden, in his History of the Five Nations. Antiquarian evidences of these efforts to exert jurisdiction over the country, yet remain, or remained but a few years since. In 1812, the author visited and examined remains of ancient works, called the "French Fields," situated in the town of Lenox, but a few miles west of Oneida Castle. For a plan of these remains, see Oneota, p. 175.

The relations of the Oneidas with the European races, were friendly, peaceable, and consistent from the beginning. With the United Provinces of Holland, from the era of Hudson, in 1609, they were ever on terms of the closest amity. When Great Britain assumed the sovereignty, in 1664, the same close relations were continued. Trade was uninterrupted — peace was faithfully preserved on both sides. Not a drop of English or Oneida blood was knowingly and intentionally shed, to disturb the long period of harmony; and when, after a rule of more than a century, the United States assumed the sovereignty, the Oneidas, still true to a line of policy due to their ancient chiefs, sided with the rising colonists, and remained their allies throughout the contest. It is an honor to them to say, that, as a tribe, they shared the respect and esteem of Washington, and that their noble sachems stood by him in the dark and perilous days of the Revolution.



Iroquois history, like that of so many ancient nations of other lands, and of far higher pretensions to wisdom and glory, begins in an obscure and fabulous period of idol-deities, giants, monsters, and nondescripts. Their cosmogonies are not a whit behind those of early Greece for their extravagance and incongruity, though they are, perhaps, less so for the imagination in which the theories are clothed. Beginning, like the tribes of the Mediterranean, in the acknowledgment of a First Great Cause, and recognising, in their history, the general events of a deluge, the Iroquois take into the councils of their Owayneo, a great antagonistical power called Klune×£lux, and a multitude of lesser agencies of demoniacal and magic power; and they soon end by getting the creation under the influence of conflicting spirits, which the Evil One alone could furnish with principles. Neither are they behindhand in their fabulous accounts of the origin of things, except in the clumsiness of their narrations. The Arabs themselves do not exceed them in their wild beliefs in the power of necromancy and transformations. Their actors slip themselves into the shape of beasts and birds, reptiles and insects, dancing feathers or sunbeams, and even trees and stones, and inanimate forms, in a twinkling; and as for sorcery and medical magic, Nineveh and Babylon could not exceed the assumed powers of their priests, prophets, wabenos, and medas. Atahentsic, the Iroquois affirm, is a goddess in heaven. To see her, six of the original men ascended to those regions. The ruler of the skies, having discovered the amour, cast her headlong to the earth. Water alone then filled the abyss. She was received on the back of a turtle, which rapidly extended itself, and grew to the dimensions of the earth. Here she was delivered of male twins. One was called Youskika, the other Thonitsanon, who typified the conflicting powers of Good and Evil. Youskika, the elder of these, finally killed the younger. Soon after, Atahentsic resigned the government of the earth into the hands of the murderer. Atahentsic is regarded in a symbolical sense, the same as the moon; and Youskika is identical with the sun.

The origin of the Iroquois they ascribe to the general vicinity of Oswego, and from thence they dispersed over New York. An old tradition related by Cannissatigo, a venerable chief, speaking of the lapse of other days, is in the following words:

"When our good Owayneo raised Akanishiogeny out of the waters, he said to his brethren, ‘How fine a country is this! I will make Red men, the best of men, to enjoy it.’ Then with handsful of red seeds, like the eggs of flies, did he strew the fertile fields of Onondaga. Little worms came out of the seeds, and penetrated the earth, when the spirits who had never yet seen the light, entered into and united with


them. Maneto watered the earth with his rain, the sun warmed it, the worms with the spirits in them grew, putting forth little arms and legs, and moved the light earth that covered them. After nine moons, they came forth perfect boys and girls. Owayneo covered them with his mantle of warm, purple cloud, and nourished them with milk from his fingers' ends. Nine summers did he nurse them, and nine summers more did he instruct them how to live. In the meantime, he had made for their use, trees, plants, and animals of various kinds. Akanishiogeny was covered with woods, and filled with creatures. Then he assembled his children together, and said, ‘Ye are five nations, for ye sprang each from a different handful of the seed I sowed, but ye are all brethren: and I am your father, for I made ye all: I have nursed and brought you up.’

"‘Mohawks, I have made you bold and valiant; and see, I give you corn for your food.’

"‘Oneidas, I have made you patient of pain and hunger; the nuts and fruits of the trees are yours.’

"‘Senecas, I have made you industrious and active; beans do I give you for your nourishment.’

"‘Cayugas, I have made you strong, friendly, and generous; groundnuts, and every root, shall refresh you.’

"‘Onondagas, I have made you wise, just, and eloquent; squashes and grapes have I given you to eat, and tobacco to smoke in council. The beasts, birds, and fishes, I have given to you all in common.’

"‘As I have loved and taken care of you, so do you love and take care of one another. Communicate freely to each other the good things I have given you, and learn to imitate each other's virtues. I have made you the best people in the world, and I give you the best country. You will defend it from the invasions of other nations — from the children of other gods — and keep possession of it for yourselves, while the sun and moon give light, and the waters run in the rivers. This you shall do, if you observe my words. Spirits! I am now about to leave you. The bodies I have given you will in time grow old, and wear out, so that you will be weary of them; or from various accidents, they may become unfit for your habitation, and you will leave them. I cannot remain here always, to give you new ones. I have great affairs to mind in distant places, and I cannot again so long attend to the nursing of children. I have enabled you, therefore, among yourselves to produce new bodies, to supply the place of old ones, that every one of you, when he parts with his old habitation, may in due time find a new one, and never wander longer than he chooses under the earth, deprived of the light of the sun. Nourish and instruct your children, as I have nourished and instructed you. Be just to all men, and kind to strangers that come among you. So shall ye be happy, and be loved by all, and I myself will sometimes visit and assist you.’


"Saying this, he wrapped himself in a bright cloud, and went like a swift arrow to the sun, where his brethren rejoiced at his return. From thence he often looked at Akanishiogeny, and pointing, showed with pleasure to his brethren the country he had formed, and the nations he had produced to inhabit it." [T. Maxwell.]

The next we hear of these kindly instructed and prophetically cared for Akanishiogeny, is their endurance of a long period of conflicts with giants, serpents, and monsters of the lakes and the dry land; and of terrible visitations from meteors and fire-balls. They had also, in these primal ages of their history, most redoubtable and cruel enemies, against whom they fought with mortal arms. And this was also a period of jars and quarrels amongst themselves. Their rise as a nation and confederacy is thus symbolically related. According to the traditions of the wise men, Ta-ren-ya-wa-go was their divine patron. But he assumed the shape of a man, being in all things like the rest of them; and in this shape he visited their original point of origin, near the borders of Lake Ontario. He had a wonderful and magnificent canoe, with which he passed over the lakes, and visited the streams and rivers. This canoe was of the purest whiteness, and appeared to move, when he was seated in it, with the power of magic. With the touch of his paddle it ascended the rapids of the Oswego river. In this canoe he ascended all the lesser lakes, carefully examined their shores, and placed all things in proper order for the sustenance and comfort of good men. He had taught the people of the different tribes the art of raising corn and beans — articles which had not before been cultivated among them. He made the fishing grounds free, and opened to all the uninterrupted pursuit of game. He had distributed literally among mankind the good fruits of the earth, and had removed all obstructions to the navigation of the streams. He now directed and encouraged the people every where to a more faithful observance of the laws and requirements of the great and good Spirit, that these blessings might be perpetually continued to them, and that the nations he had visited might be the favoured recipients of his choicest bounties. These things being accomplished, he deliberately resolved to lay aside his divine character, and in after years to make his abode among the children of men. He accordingly selected for his residence a beautiful spot on the southern shore of Cross Lake, (or "Te-nugkt'-too," as called by the natives.) He here erected a suitable habitation, after a time formally relinquished his divine name and title of Ta-ren-ya-wa-go, and in all respects assumed the character and habits of a man. Nevertheless, he was always afterwards looked up to as an extraordinary individual, as one possessing transcendent powers of mind and consummate wisdom. He lost little or none of his influence by this change of state. A new name, Hi-a-wat-ha (signifying very wise man), was spontaneously accorded to him by the great mass of people who resorted to his presence in throngs from all quarters for advice and instruction. The companions of the Spirit-Man were at a subsequent council each rewarded with a seat in the councils of their countrymen, and they became eminently distinguished for their superior prowess


in war, and for their dignified bearing in the council-room. After the preliminaries of settlement were made at his new home, and Hi-a-wat-ha had become firmly fixed in his new residence, the light canoe in which his former achievements had been performed was carefully secured, and it was afterward launched only on important occasions, and to convey the wise man to the great national council of the country. Notwithstanding its possessor now claimed to be only an humble individual of his adopted country, yet there was a charm in the white canoe. It possessed a sort of magic which still rendered it to him an object of solicitude and respect, if not of adoration; for it had borne him safely through many perils, and it had ever been a sure prompter and talisman, continually urging him forward to accomplish the magnificent deeds he had performed during the prosecution of the magnanimous mission lately so happily consummated. Years passed away, and every thing flourished under the superintending hand of Hi-a-wat-ha. Under his guidance and administration the Onondagas advanced in consequence; and in his time they assumed an elevated position among the surrounding tribes. They were looked up to as a people counselled by a wise and judicious chief, sent among them for their special benefit by the great and good Spirit. To complete his influence, he married an Onondaga wife.

After a quiet residence of a few years at his new location, the inhabitants of the country became greatly alarmed by the sudden approach of a ferocious band of warriors from north of the great lakes. As they advanced, indiscriminate slaughter was made of men, women, and children. Many had been slain, and ultimate destruction seemed to be the consequence either of bold resistance or a quiet relinquishment of absolute rights. During this signal agitation of the public mind, people from all quarters thronged the dwellng-place of Hi-a-wat-ha for advice in this most pressing emergency. After a deep and thoughtful contemplation of the momentous subject, he informed the principal chiefs that his advice was to call a grand council of all the tribes that could be gathered from the east and from the west; "for," said he, "our safety is in wise counsels and in speedy and energetic action." Accordingly runners were despatched in all directions, notifying the head men of a grand council to be held on the banks of the Lake Oh-non-ta-hai (Onondaga Lake). This council was held on the high ground where the villages of the Saline now stands. In due time the chiefs, warriors, and head men from far and near were assembled together, with great numbers of men, women, and children, to devise means for their general safety and defence. All the principal men had arrived except the wise man Hi-a-wat-ha. The council-fire had been kindled three days, and he had not yet arrived. Messengers were despatched for him, who found him in a most dejected and melancholy mood. He told them that evil lay in his path; that he had a fearful foreboding of ill-fortune, and had concluded not to attend the council at Oh-non-ta-hai. "But," said the messengers, "we have delayed the deliberations of the grand council on account of your absence, and the assembled chiefs have resolved not to proceed to business till


your arrival." After a full discussion of the subject, and being over-persuaded, he reluctantly yielded to their persevering solicitations. From the inception, Hi-a-wat-ha had harbored a strong presentiment that he should not return from the council, nor ever again be cheered by a sight of his earthly home, and the peculiar endearments which rendered that home attractive. After making a suitable disposition of his domestic affairs, with a heavy heart he launched his magic canoe, placing therein such provisions as might be needful for his journey. He kindly bade his only daughter to accompany him. She modestly took her seat in the frail vessel, and forthwith they made all possible speed to the council-ground.

Nothing occurred to interrupt a prosperous voyage. The white vessel glided silently down the deep waters of the Seneca, contrasting beautifully with their dark brown hue. The current was sufficiently rapid to preclude the necessity of using paddles, and the only effort necessary was to keep its head with the stream. Arriving at So-hak'-he (Onondaga outlet), the wise man now plied their paddles vigorously and rapidly against the current, till fairly upon the bright bosom of the Onondaga. The council-ground was soon in view, and as the aged and venerable Hi-a-wat-ha approached, a general shout of joy resounded throughout the assembly; and every demonstration of respect was paid to this illustrious sage and counsellor. He soon landed, and while passing up the steep bank towards the council-ground, a loud sound was heard, like a violent and rushing wind. Instantly all eyes were turned upwards to the sky, and a small speck was discovered rapidly descending from the clouds. It apparently grew larger and larger as it neared the earth, and was descending with fearful velocity into their very midst. Terror and alarm seized every breast, and each seemed anxious only for his own safety. The greatest confusion prevailed throughout the assembled multitude; and all, except the venerable Hi-a-wat-ha, sought safety by flight. He gravely uncovered his silvered head, and besought his daughter to await the approaching danger with becoming resignation. At the same time, he briefly reminded her of the great folly and impropriety of attempting to obstruct or prevent the designs or wishes of the Great Spirit. "If he has determined our destruction now," he said, "we shall not escape by removal, nor evade in any manner his unalterable decisions." She mildly acquiesced in his suggestions, and with the most patient submission waited the approaching crisis.

All this was but the work of an instant. No sooner had the resolution of the wise man become fixed, and his last words been spoken, than an immense bird, with long and pointed beak, and wide extended wings, came down with a mighty swoop in the direction of the girl; and while all was fear and confusion, it passed with the swiftness of an arrow, and crushed the beautiful object to the earth. With such force did the monster-bird descend, and so great was the commotion of the air when it struck the ground, that the whole assembly were thrown violently back on the ground. Hi-a-wat-ha, as if influenced by a supernatural agency, alone remained unmoved and upright, and


silently beheld the melancholy catastrophe. His darling daughter had been killed before his eyes in a marvellous manner, and her destroyer, the white-winged messenger, had perished with her. This sudden bereavement had the effect completely to paralyze his faculties, and for a time he stood fixed and immovable as a rock. The dismayed warriors cautiously advanced to the spot, and calmly surveyed the dismal scene. It was found that the bird, in its descent, had completely buried its head, beak, and neck, in the ground. This rare bird, the messenger of Owayneo, was covered with a beautiful plumage of snowy white feathers. Every warrior, as he approached, plucked a plume from it, with which he adorned his crown. This unlooked-for visitant thus became the means of furnishing to the warriors a precious ornament hitherto unknown among them, which was ever afterwards held in high estimation, and never omitted in decorations for the war-path, or the important councils of peace. Succeeding generations substituted the plumes of the white heron, as approaching nearer to those of the heavenly bird, than any other.

Upon the removal of the carcass of the huge bird, the body of the innocent girl was found completely crushed and annihilated. Nothing could be recovered of her to indicate that she had ever been a human being. At this distressing sight, the bereaved and dejected parent yielded himself up to the most poignant sorrow. His moans spoke the keen anguish of his heart. He spurned all proffers of consolation, and yielded to feelings of unbounded grief. He became an object of despair, and in desponding hopelessness threw himself down upon his face to the earth, spirit-broken and disconsolate. The few shattered fragments of the innocent girl were carefully gathered together, and interred with all the tenderness and solemnity of grief. All seemed to participate in the afflictions of the aged father and venerable counsellor, and to sympathize in his woe — still, no comfort came to his soul. He remained in this prostrate situation three whole days and nights, unmoved. The fears of the assembled chiefs were aroused, lest he might become a willing victim to his melancholy. Nothing had as yet been done in the grand council; and such had been the causes of delay, that many began to despair of accomplishing anything, and some thought seriously of returning to their homes without an effort. A few of the leading chiefs consulted together as to what course it was most expedient to pursue. It was at once resolved that nothing should be attempted until the voice of the wise man could be heard. A suitable person was despatched to ascertain whether he yet breathed — so fatally had the doleful spell enchained him, that as yet it had not been broken. Report came that he was yet alive. A kind-hearted chief, named Ho-see'-noke, was directed by the council to make to the prostrate mourner a comforting speech, and to whisper kind words of consolation in his ears. After a deal of formal ceremony, he gradually recovered from his stupor, and began to converse. After a while, Hi-a-wat-ha gradually rose upon his seat, embracing his knees, while his silvered locks fell down loosely over his haggard cheeks. His looks were sad and ghastly —


his large dark brows knit firmly and solemnly over the white of his deep-set eyes. His dejected countenance expressed painful thought and long suffering — the suffering of one fallen from a high estate. The whole man seemed lost in the contemplation of the past.

During this interview between Hi-a-wat-ha and Ho-see'-noke, several messages were passed between the chiefs in council and the wise man, all continually urging him to an immediate attendance upon the duties before them. Hi-a-wat-ha at length arose, and desired refreshment. He ate and drank of such food as was hastily provided for him. He acknowledged himself strengthened and refreshed. He was now conducted to the presence of the council. His courtly gait, his majestic mien, his venerable form and noble figure, attracted the gaze, and commanded the respect and admiration of all, as he strode along with his simple wolf-skin robe. All acquiesced in obeisance to the venerable sage. A conspicuous place was assigned him in the council, and all eyes were riveted upon the man who it was supposed could with precision foretell their future destiny. The subject of the invasion was discussed by several of the ablest counsellors, and boldest warriors. Various schemes were proposed for the repulsion of the enemy. Hi-a-wat-ha listened in silence, till all had finished speaking. His opinion was earnestly sought by the surrounding chiefs. After a brief reference to the calamity, Hi-a-wat-ha said: "This is a subject that requires mature reflection, and calm deliberation. It is not fitting that one of so much importance should be treated lightly, or that our decisions should be hasty and inconsiderate. Let us postpone our deliberations for one day. During that time, we will weigh well the words of the wise chiefs and brave warriors who have already spoken. If they are not good, I will then communicate to you my plan for your consideration. It is one which I am confident will succeed, and ensure our safety if adopted."

After another day's delay the council again assembled, and all were anxious to hear the words of Hi-a-wat-ha. A breathless stillness reigned throughout the vast assembly as the venerable counsellor began. "Friends and brothers — you are members of many tribes, and you have come here, many of you, from your homes a great distance. We have convened for one common purpose — to promote one common interest, and that is, to provide for our mutual safety, and how it shall best be accomplished. To oppose these hordes of northern foes by tribes, singly and alone, would prove our certain destruction. We can make no progress in that way. We must unite ourselves into one common band of brothers. Our warriors united would certainly repel the enemy, and drive them from our lands. This must be done, and we are safe. You the people sitting under the shadow of the great tree, whose roots sink deep in the earth, and whose branches spread wide around, shall be the first nation, because you are warlike and mighty. And you the people who recline your bodies against the everlasting stone that cannot be moved, shall be the second nation, because you always give wise counsel. And you the people who have your habitation at the foot of the


great mountain, and are overshadowed by its crags, shall be the third nation, because you are all greatly gifted in speech. And you the people whose dwelling is in the dark forest, and whose home is every where, shall be the fourth nation, because of your superior cunning in hunting. And you the people who live in the open country and possess much wisdom, shall be the fifth nation, because you understand better the art of raising corn and beans, and making cabins. You five great and powerful nations, with your tribes, must unite and have one common interest, and no foe shall disturb or subdue you. You the people who are as the feeble bushes, and you who are a fishing people, may place yourselves under our protection, and we will defend you. And you of the south, and you of the west, may do the same, and we will protect you. We earnestly desire the alliance and friendship of you all. Brothers — if we unite in this bond the Great Spirit will smile upon us, and we shall be free, prosperous, and happy. But if we remain as we are, we shall be subject to his frown. We shall be enslaved, ruined, perhaps annihilated forever. We may perish, and our name be blotted out forever. Brothers, these are the words of Hi-a-wat-ha; let them sink deep in your hearts. I have said it." A deep silence ensued, and the council was again postponed to the following day for a final decision of the important question before it. The chiefs, after due deliberation, again assembled, and declared the counsel of the wise man to be good, and worthy of adoption; and immediately was formed the celebrated Aquinuschioni, or amphyctionic league of the great confederacy of Five Nations, which to this day remains in full force. After the deliberations of the great council had been brought to a close, and the assembly were on the eve of separation, Hi-a-wat-ha, the divine teacher and counsellor, arose in a dignified manner, and said, "Friends and brothers, I have now fulfilled my mission upon earth; I have done every thing which can be done at present for the good of this great people. I have removed all obstructions from the streams; the canoes can now safely pass every where. I have given you good fishing-grounds and fair hunting-grounds. I have taught you the manner of cultivating corn, and many other arts and blessings I have bestowed liberally upon you. And lastly, I have now assisted you to form an everlasting league and covenant of friendship for your future safety and protection. If you preserve it without the admission of other people, you will always be free, numerous, and happy. If other nations or tribes are admitted to your councils they will sow jealousies among you, and you will become enslaved, few, and feeble. Remember these words; they are the last you will hear from the lips of Hi-a-wat-ha. Listen, my friends; the great master of breath calls me to go; I have patiently waited his summons; I am ready — farewell." As the wise man closed his speech, cheerful sounds burst upon the ears of the assembled multitude, as of myriads of the most delightful singing voices from above. The sky seemed to be filled with the sweetest melody of celestial music, till the whole vast assembly were completely absorbed in rapturous ecstacy. Amidst the general excitement, and while all eyes were turned


towards the heavens, Hi-a-wat-ha was seen majestically seated in his necromantic canoe. He rose gracefully from the council-grounds, rising higher and higher through the air, until he became nearly lost from the view of the assembled and admiring throngs, while the fascinating music gradually became more and more plaintive and low, and finally it sweetly expired in the softest tones upon their ears as Hi-a-wat-ha, the godlike Ta-ren-ya-wa-go, entered the celestial regions of Owayneo.

Such is the legend which the fancy of the Onondagas has constructed to account for the origin of the ancient league once formed by the warlike and illustrious Five Nations.

The Onondagas early attracted notice for their expertness in the chase, and their bravery and enterprise in war. They were also celebrated for the wisdom of their counsellors, and the eloquence of their speakers. The name of Garangula will long continue to be known for the eloquence of his words, if not for the keen irony of his satire, when addressed to an unsuccessful invader of his country. (La Hontan.) No person in their early history, however, appears to have so fully concentrated the popular applause of the tribe as Atotarho. He was not only a hunter and warrior of great renown, but had a reputation for the arts of sorcery and necromancy, which made him the dread of his enemies. When the question arose of placing a permanent presiding officer over the deliberations of the general confederacy, the situation was offered to him. The Mohawks, who appear from the first to have been the advanced or foremost tribe in a military point of view, sent a delegation of their chiefs to announce the choice. They found him, after a search in the forest, sitting in an open space in low grounds deliberately smoking his pipe. His body was surrounded and defended, such was his power of sorcery, by a throng of serpents, who darted out their tongues towards the intrusive delegates. These delegates stood before him with unmoved composure, with their bows and arrows, and spears. Their heads were crowned with the flowing white plumes of the heron, and their necks and breasts ornamented with warlike insignia. This scene, as drawn by an Indian artist, is depicted in Plate 70, p. 420, Vol. I. Atotarho accepted the trust; and his name, like that of Cossar, became, in after times, the title of this officer, although it had no other point of analogy with the history of that proud line, for the Iroquois government was ever strongly federative and representative. Agreeably to the annalist Cusick, there were thirteen successors to this title before the era of Columbus — a circumstance which may be named without attaching any value to the chronology of this writer. (Notes on the Iroquois, p. 91.)

The first attempt of the French to explore the Onondaga country from Canada, and obtain a footing in it, was made in 1653. Le Moine gives us the details of this journey. (Notes on the Iroquois, p. 332.) The war with the Eries was then hotly


waged, and the tribe was finally conquered, as we learn from other sources, and either killed or expelled the country the next year. This visit of the French was followed, in after years, by the establishment of a mission and a French colony in the country of the Onondagas. A chief named Karrakonta appears to have been the principal person who extended this invitation. The chapel and fort were located within the present limits of the township of Dewitt. (Vide Sketch, Notes on the Iroquois, p. 178.) The incipient colony extended southerly from that point across the elevated lands to the site of Pompey. It does not appear that either the mission or colony existed in a state of prosperity more than a few years. The native priesthood opposed the introduction of principles which conflicted so directly with their own. Tradition asserts that the entire settlement was secretly risen upon, every soul massacred, and the torch applied to the houses, in one night.

When the Onondaga country came to be explored, and surveyed, and settled, after the close of the Revolutionary war, much interest and curiosity were excited by finding a class of antiquities in the soil, in the same localities as the relics of Indian arts, which betokened a prior period of civilization. Such interest ceased as soon as the sources of the French missionary labors became accessible to American readers. That the event should continue to be unknown to modern inquirers into American archaeology, does little credit to our national acumen. (Appendix, No. 5.)


This word is derived from the animate (transition) Chippewa verb Nisau, to kill. The people are an early offshoot of the Algonquin family, the language of which they speak, but with less purity and richness of inflection than the Chippewas. We are informed by Mackenzie, that they "are spread over a vast extent of country, and that their language is the same as that of the people who inhabit the coast of British America on the Atlantic, with the exception of the Esquimaux, and continues along the coast of Labrador, and the gulf and banks of St. Lawrence, to Montreal. The line then follows the Utawas river to its source, and continues thence nearly west along the highlands which divide the waters that fall into Lake Superior and Hudson's Bay. It then proceeds till it strikes the middle part of the river Winipec, following that water through the Lake Winipec, to the discharge of the Saskatchiwine into it; thence it accompanies the latter to Fort George, when the line, striking by the head of the Beaver river to the Elk river, runs along its banks to its discharge in the Lake of the Hills; from which it may be carried back east, to the Isle


א la Crosse, and so on to Churchill by the Missinipi. The whole of the tract between this line and Hudson's Bay and Straits (except that of the Esquimaux in the latter), may be said to be exclusively the country of the Knisteneaux. Some of them, indeed, have penetrated further west and south to the Red river, to the south of Lake Winipec, and the south branch of the Saskatchiwine.

They are of a moderate stature, well proportioned, and of great activity. Examples of deformity are seldom to be seen among them. Their complexion is of a copper color, and their hair black, which is common to all the natives of North America. It is cut in various forms, according to the fancy of the several tribes, and by some is left in the long, lank flow of nature. They very generally extract their beards, and both sexes manifest a disposition to pluck the hair from every part of their body and limbs. Their eyes are black, keen, and penetrating; their countenance open and agreeable; and it is a principal object of their vanity to give every possible decoration to their persons. A material article in their toilettes is vermilion, which they contrast with their native blue, white, and brown earths, to which charcoal is frequently added. Their dress is at once simple and commodious. It consists of tight leggins, reaching near the hip; a strip of cloth or leather, called assian, about a foot wide, and five feet long, whose ends are drawn inwards, and hang behind and before, over a belt tied round the waist for that purpose; a close vest or shirt reaching down to the former garment, and cinctured with a broad strip of parchment fastened with thongs behind; and a cap for the head, consisting of a piece of fur, or small skin, with the brush of the animal as a suspended ornament; a kind of robe is thrown occasionally over the whole of the dress, and serves both night and day. These articles, with the addition of shoes and mittens, constitute the variety of their apparel. The materials vary according to the season, and consist of dressed moose-skin, beaver prepared with the fur, or European woollens. The leather is neatly painted, and fancifully worked in some parts with porcupine quills, and moose-deer hair: the shirts and leggins are also adorned with fringe and tassels; nor are the shoes and mittens without somewhat of appropriate decoration, and worked with a considerable degree of skill and taste. These habiliments are put on, however, as fancy or convenience suggests; and they will sometimes proceed to the chase in the severest frost, covered only with the slightest of them. Their head-dresses are composed of the feathers of the swan, the eagle, and other birds. The teeth, horns, and claws of different animals, are also the occasional ornaments of the head and neck. Their hair, however arranged, is always besmeared with grease. The making of every article of dress is a female occupation; and the women, though by no means inattentive to the decoration of their own persons, appear to have a still greater degree of pride in attending to the appearance of the men, whose faces are painted with more care than those of the women.

The female dress is formed of the same materials as those of the other sex, but of a different make and arrangement. Their shoes are commonly plain, and their leggins


gartered beneath the knee. The coat, or body-covering, falls down to the middle of the leg, and is fastened over the shoulders with cords, a flap or cape turning down about eight inches both before and behind, and agreeably ornamented with quill-work and fringe; the bottom is also fringed, and fancifully painted as high as the knee. As it is very loose, it is enclosed round the waist with a stiff belt, decorated with tassels, and fastened behind. The arms are covered to the wrist with detached sleeves, which are sewed as far as the bend of the arm; from thence they are drawn up to the neck, and the corners of them fall down behind as low as the waist. The cap, when they wear one, consists of a certain quantity of leather or cloth, sewed at one end, by which means it is kept on the head, and, hanging down the back, is fastened to the belt, as well as the under-chin. The upper garment is a robe like that worn by the men. Their hair is divided on the crown, and tied behind, or sometimes fastened in large knots over the ears. They are fond of European articles, and prefer them to their own native commodities. Their ornaments consist, in common with all savages, in bracelets, rings, and similar articles. Some of the women tattoo three perpendicular lines, which are sometimes double; one from the centre of the chin to that of the under lip, and one parallel on either side to the corner of the mouth.

Of all the nations which I have seen on this continent, says the same writer, the Knisteneaux women are the most comely. Their figure is generally well proportioned, and the regularity of their features would be acknowledged by the more civilized people of Europe. Their complexion has less of that dark tinge which is common to those savages who have less cleanly habits.

These people are, in general, subject to few disorders. The lues venerea, however, is a common complaint, but cured by the application of simples, with whose virtues they appear to be well acquainted. They are also subject to fluxes, and pains in the breast, which some have attributed to the very cold and keen air which they inhale; but I should imagine that these complaints must frequently proceed from their immoderate indulgence in fat meat at their feasts, particularly when they have been preceded by long fasting.

They are naturally mild and affable, as well as just in their dealings, not only among themselves, but with strangers. They are also generous and hospitable, and good-natured in the extreme, except when their nature is perverted by the inflammatory influence of spirituous liquors. To their children they are indulgent to a fault. The father, though he assumes no command over them, is ever anxious to instruct them in all the preparatory qualifications for war and hunting; while the mother is equally attentive to her daughters, in teaching them everything that is considered as necessary to their character and situation. It does not appear that the husband makes any distinction between the children of his wife, though they may be the offspring of different fathers. Illegitimacy is only attached to those who are born before their mothers have cohabited with any man by the title of husband.


Notwithstanding the assertions of travellers, it appears that chastity is considered by them as a virtue, and that fidelity is believed to be essential to the happiness of wedded life; and it sometimes happens that the infidelity of a wife is punished by the husband with the loss of her hair, nose, or perhaps life. Such severity proceeds, perhaps, less from rigidity of virtue, than from its having been practised without his permission; for a temporary interchange of wives is not uncommon, and the offer of their persons is considered as a necessary part of the hospitality due to strangers.

When a man loses his wife, it is considered as a duty to marry her sister, if she has one; or he may, if he pleases, have them both at the same time.

It will appear, from the fatal consequences I have repeatedly imputed to the use of spirituous liquors, that I more particularly consider these people as having been, morally speaking, great sufferers from their communication with the subjects of civilized nations. At the same time, they were not, in a state of nature, without their vices, and some of them of a kind which is the most abhorrent to cultivated and reflecting man. I shall only observe, that incest and bestiality are among them.

When a young man marries, he immediately goes to live with the father and mother of his wife, who treat him, nevertheless, as an entire stranger till after the birth of his first child: he then attaches himself more to them than his own parents, and his wife no longer gives him any other denomination than that of the father of her child, ne nהbaim.

The profession of the men is war and and hunting; and the more active scene of their duty is the field of battle, and the chase in the woods. They also spear fish; but the management of the nets is left to the women. The females of this nation are in the same subordinate state with those of all other savage tribes; but the severity of their labor is much diminished by their situation on the banks of lakes and rivers, where they employ canoes. In the winter, when the waters are frozen, they make their journeys, which are never of any great length, with sledges drawn by dogs. The women are, at the same time, subject to every kind of domestic drudgery; they dress the leather, make the clothes and shoes, weave the nets, collect wood, erect the tents, fetch water, and perform every culinary service; so that when the duties of maternal care are added, it will appear that the life of these women is an uninterrupted succession of toil and pain. This, indeed, is the sense they entertain of their own situation; and under the influence of that sentiment, they are sometimes known to destroy their female children, to save them from the miseries which they themselves have suffered. They also have a ready way, by the use of certain simples, of procuring abortion, which they sometimes practice, from their hatred of the father, or to save themselves the trouble which children occasion: and, as I have been credibly informed, this unnatural act is repeated without any injury to the health of the women who perpetrate it.

The funereal rites begin, like all other solemn ceremonials, with smoking, and are


concluded by a feast. The body is dressed in the best habiliments possessed by the deceased, or his relations, and is then deposited in a grave lined with branches; some domestic utensils are placed on it, and a kind of canopy erected over it. During this ceremony, great lamentations are made; and if the departed person is very much regretted, the near relations cut off their hair, pierce the fleshy part of their thighs and arms with arrows, knives, etc., and blacken their faces with charcoal. (Vide Plate 25.) If they have distinguished themselves in war, they are sometimes laid on a kind of scaffolding; and I have been informed that women, as in the East, have been known to sacrifice themselves to the manes of their husbands. The whole of the property belonging to the departed person is destroyed, and the relations take in exchange for the wearing apparel any rags that will cover their nakedness. The feast bestowed on the occasion, which is, or at least used to be, repeated annually, is accompanied with eulogiums on the deceased, and without any acts of ferocity. On the tomb are carved or painted the symbols or Totems of his tribe, which are taken from the different animals, birds, or reptiles of the country.

War is, however, the prime pursuit. Many are the motives which induce savages to engage in it. To prove their courage, or to avenge the death of relations, or in consequence of some portentous dream. If the tribe feel themselves called upon to go to war, the elders convene the people, in order to know the general opinion. If it be for war, the chief publishes his intention to smoke in the sacred stem at a certain period, to which solemnity, meditation, and fasting, are required as preparatory ceremonials. When the people are thus assembled, and the meeting sanctified by the custom of smoking, the chief enlarges on the causes which have called them together, and the necessity of the measures proposed on the occasion. He then invites those who are willing to follow him, to smoke out of the sacred stem, which is considered as the token of enrolment; and if it should be the general opinion that assistance is necessary, others are invited, with great formality, to join them. Every individual who attends these meetings, brings something with him as a token of his warlike intention, or as an object of sacrifice, which, when the assembly dissolves, is suspended from poles near the place of council.

They have frequent feasts, and particular circumstances never fail to produce them, such as a tedious illness, long fasting, etc. On these occasions, it is usual for the person who means to give the entertainment, to announce his design, on a certain day, of opening the medicine-bag, and smoking out of his sacred stem. This declaration is considered as a sacred vow that cannot be broken. There are also stated periods, such as the spring and autumn, when they engage in very long and solemn ceremonies. On these occasions, dogs are offered as sacrifices; and those which are very fat, and milk-white, are preferred. They also make large offerings of their property, whatever


it may be. The scene of these ceremonies is in an open inclosure on the bank of a river or lake, and in the most conspicuous situation, in order that such as are passing along or travelling, may be induced to make their offerings. There is also a particular custom among them, that on these occasions, if any of the tribe, or even a stranger, should be passing by, and be in real want of anything that is displayed as an offering, he has a right to take it, so that he replaces it with some article he can spare, though it be of far inferior value; but to take or touch anything wantonly, is considered as a sacrilegious act, and highly insulting to the great Master of Life, to use their own expression, who is the sacred object of their ceremonial devotion.

The scene of private sacrifice is the lodge of the person who performs it, which is prepared for that purpose by removing everything out of it, and spreading green branches in every part. The fire and ashes are also taken away. A new hearth is made of fresh earth, and another fire is lighted. The owner of the dwelling remains alone in it, and he begins the ceremony by spreading a piece of new cloth, or a well-dressed moose-skin neatly painted, on which he opens his medicine-bag, and exposes its contents, consisting of various articles. The principal of them is a kind of household god, which is a small carved image about eight inches long. Its first covering is of down, over which a piece of birch bark is closely tied, and the whole is enveloped in several folds of red and blue cloth. This little figure is an object of the most pious regard. The next article is his war-cap, which is decorated with the feathers and plumes of scarce birds, the fur of beavers, eagles' claws, etc. There is also suspended from it a quill, or feather, for every enemy whom the owner of it has slain in battle. The remaining contents of the bag are a piece of tobacco, several roots and simples, which are in great estimation for their medicinal qualities, and an opwa'gun, or pipe. These articles being all exposed, and the stem resting upon two forks, as it must not touch the ground, the master of the lodge sends for the person he most esteems, who sits down opposite to him; the pipe is then filled, and fixed to the stem. A pair of wooden pincers is provided to put the fire in the pipe, and a double-pointed pin, to empty it of the remnant of tobacco which is not consumed. This arrangement being made, the men assemble; and sometimes the women are allowed to be humble spectators, while the most religious awe and solemnity pervades the whole. The Michiniwai, or Assistant, takes up the pipe, lights it, and presents it to the officiating person, who receives it standing, and holds it between both his hands. He then turns himself to the east, and draws a few whiffs, which he blows to that point. The same ceremony he observes to the other three quarters, with his eyes directed upwards during the whole of it. He holds the stem about the middle, between the three first fingers of both hands, and raising them upon a line with his forehead, he swings it three times round from the east, with the sun; when, after pointing and balancing it


in various directions, he reposes it on the forks. He then makes a speech to explain the design of their being called together, which concludes with an acknowledgment for past mercies, and a prayer for the continuance of them, addressed to the Master of Life. He then sits down, and the whole company declare their approbation and thanks, by uttering the word ho! with an emphatic prolongation of the last letter. The Michiniwai then takes up the pipe, and holds it to the mouth of the officiating person, who, after smoking three whiffs out of it, utters a short prayer, and then goes round with it, taking his course from east to west, to every person present, who individually says something to him on the occasion, and thus the pipe is generally smoked out; when, after turning it three or four times round his head, he drops it downwards, and replaces it in its original situation. He then returns the company thanks for their attendance, and wishes them, as well as the whole tribe, health and long life.

These smoking rites precede every matter of great importance, with more or less ceremony, but always with equal solemnity. The utility of them will appear from the following relation.

If a chief is anxious to know the disposition of his people towards him, or if he wishes to settle any difference between them, he announces his intention of opening his medicine-bag and smoking in his sacred stem; and no man who entertains a grudge against any of the party thus assembled can smoke with the sacred stem; as that ceremony dissipates all differences, and is never violated.

No one can avoid attending on these occasions; but a person may attend and be excused from assisting at the ceremonies, by acknowledging that he has not undergone the necessary purification. The having cohabited with his wife, or any other woman, within twenty-four hours preceding the ceremony, renders him unclean, and, consequently, disqualifies him from performing any part of it. If a contract is entered into and solemnized by the ceremony of smoking, it never fails of being faithfully fulfilled. If a person, previous to his going a journey, leaves the sacred stem as a pledge of his return, no consideration whatever will prevent him from executing his engagement.

The chief, when he proposes to make a feast, sends quills, or small pieces of wood, as tokens of invitation to such as he wishes to partake of it. At the appointed time the guests arrive, each bringing a dish or platter, and a knife, and take their seats on each side of the chief, who receives them sitting, according to their respective ages. The pipe is then lighted, and he makes an equal division of every thing that is provided. While the company are enjoying their meal, the chief sings, and accompanies his song with the tambourine, or shishiquoi, or rattle. The guest who has first eaten


his portion is considered as the most distinguished person. If there should be any who cannot finish the whole of their mess, they endeavor to prevail upon some of their friends to eat it for them, who are rewarded for their assistance with ammunition and tobacco. It is proper also to remark, that at these feasts a small quantity of meat or drink is sacrificed, before they begin to eat, by throwing it into the fire, or on the earth.

These feasts differ according to circumstances: sometimes each man's allowance is no more than he can dispatch in a couple of hours. At other times the quantity is sufficient to supply each of them with food for a week, though it must be devoured in a day. On these occasions it is very difficult to procure substitutes, and the whole must be eaten, whatever time it may require. At some of these entertainments there is a more rational arrangement, when the guests are allowed to carry home with them the superfluous part of their portions. Great care is always taken that the bones may be burned, as it would be considered a profanation were the dogs permitted to touch them.

The public feasts are conducted in the same manner, but with some additional ceremony. Several chiefs officiate at them, and procure the necessary provisions, as well as prepare a proper place of reception for the numerous company. Here the guests discourse upon public topics, repeat the heroic deeds of their forefathers, and excite the rising generation to follow their example. The entertainments on these occasions consist of dried meats, as it would not be practicable to dress a sufficient quantity of fresh meat for such a large assembly; though the women and children are excluded.

Similar feasts used to be made at funerals, and annually in honor of the dead; but they have been for some time growing into disuse, and I never had an opportunity of being present at any of them.

The women, who are forbidden to enter the places sacred to these festivals, dance and sing around them, and sometimes beat time to the music within them, which forms an agreeable contrast. [Mackenzie.]

With respect to their divisions of time, they compute the length of their journeys by the number of nights passed in performing them; and they divide the year by the succession of moons. In this calculation, however, they are not altogether correct, as they cannot account for the odd days. The names which they give to the moons are descriptive of the several seasons. They are, in their order, beginning with the month of May, called the frog moon; the moon when birds begin to lay their eggs; the moon when birds moult, or cast their feathers; the moon when birds begin to fly; the moon in which the moose casts its horns; the ratting moon; hoar-frost moon, or ice moon; whirlwind moon; cold moon; big moon; eagle moon; and goose moon, which is their April.


Superstition holds its usual place with the Kenistenos. Among their various beliefs are that of a Funereal Phantom, and the personality of the Ignis Fatuus. They believe that the vapor which is seen to hover over moist and swampy places is the spirit of some person lately dead. They also fancy another spirit, which appears, in the shape of a man, upon the trees near the lodge of a person deceased, whose property has not been interred with him. He is represented as bearing a gun in his hand; and it is believed that he does not return to his rest till the property that has been withheld from the grave has been sacrificed to the dead. If philosophy cannot protect the common masses in civilized life from similar fancies, we should not regard it as strange that the Indian tribes yield to such impressions. For it is from dreamland and spirit-land that they also, together with the aborigines, draw much of their philosophy.


This name has been applied to a class of tribes who are situated north of the great Churchill river, and north of the source of the fork of the Saskatchawine, extending westward, till within about one hundred and fifty miles of the Pacific Ocean. The exceptions consist of the territory of the Esquimaux, along the coast of the Arctic Ocean, and the location of the Loo Choos. All the rest of the tribes within this wide boundary, speak dialects of the same generic language. Without counting the Loo Choos, these thirteen tribes are estimated to number about twelve thousand souls. (Vol. II., p. 27.) The grouping of these tribes, at points of latitude north of the utmost line to which the Algonquin family had reached, forms a convenient basis for reference. The name is derived, arbitrarily, from Lake Athabasca, which is now more generally called the Lake of the Hills. Surrounding this lake, extends the tribe of the Chippewyans, a people so called by the Kenistenos and Chippewas, because they were found to be clothed, in some primary encounter, in the scanty garb of the fisher's skin. According to Franklin, they call themselves Saw-cessaw-dinnah, Rising-sun-men; or, as the phrase seems, People who face the Rising Sun. They number about four thousand souls, and speak a language of a peculiar character. This language forms the type of the group. The tribes who use it appear to have migrated from the west, since it is perceived, from observations of Mr. Harmon (vide Travels), that the Tucullies, and some other kindred tribes among whom he sojourned in New Caledonia, west of the Rocky Mountains, for several years, speak the Athapasca.

We are informed by Mackenzie, that the territory occupied by the Chippewyans extends between the parallels of 60° and 65° north, and longitudes from 100° to 110° west. He affirms that the language is traced directly to the waters of Peace river, the great Unjiga of the natives, and through that river and its connecting portages


west of the Rocky Mountains, to the northern sources of the Columbia, which it follows down to latitude 42° 24', where it comes into the neighborhood of the Atnah, or Chin nation. From this point, he describes the language as diffusing itself to the sea-coast, within which the country is possessed by a people who speak their language, and are consequently descended from them: there can be no doubt, therefore, of their progress being to the eastward. A tribe of them is even known at the upper establishments on the Saskatchawine, and I do not pretend to ascertain how far they may follow the Rocky Mountains to the east.

It is not possible to form any just estimate of their numbers; but it is apparent, nevertheless, that they are by no means proportionate to the vast extent of their territories, which may in some degree be attributed to the ravages of the small-pox, which are observed more or less evident throughout this part of the continent.

The notion which these people entertain of the creation, is of a very singular nature. They believe that, at the first, the globe was one vast and entire ocean, inhabited by no living creature except a mighty bird, whose eyes were fire, whose glances were lightning, and the clapping of whose wings were thunder. On his descent to the ocean, and touching it, the earth instantly arose, and remained on the surface of the waters. This omnipotent bird then called forth all the variety of animals from the earth, except the Chippewyans, who were produced from a dog; and this circumstance occasions their aversion to the flesh of that animal, as well as the people who eat it. This extraordinary tradition proceeds to relate that the great bird, having finished his work, made an arrow which was to be preserved with great care, and to remain untouched; but that the Chippewyans were so devoid of understanding as to carry it away, and the sacrilege so enraged the great bird, that he has never since appeared.

They have also a tradition amongst them that they originally came from another country, inhabited by very wicked people, and had traversed a great lake, which was narrow, shallow, and full of islands, where they had suffered great misery, it being always winter, with ice and deep snow. At the Copper-Mine river, where they made the first land, the ground was covered with copper, over which a body of earth had since been collected, to the depth of a man's height. They believe, also, that in ancient times their ancestors lived till their feet were worn out with walking, and their throats with eating. They describe a deluge, when the waters spread over the whole earth, except the highest mountains, on the tops of which they preserved themselves.

They believe that, immediately after their death, they pass into another world, where they arrive at a large river, on which they embark in a stone canoe, and that a gentle current bears them on to an extensive lake, in the centre of which is a most


beautiful island; and that, in the view of this delightful abode, they receive that judgment for their conduct during life, which terminates their final state and unalterable allotment. If their good actions are declared to predominate, they are landed upon the island, where there is to be no end to their happiness; which, however, according to their notions, consists in an eternal enjoyment of sensual pleasure and carnal gratification. But if their bad actions weigh down the balance, the stone canoe sinks at once, and leaves them up to their chins in the water, to behold and regret the reward enjoyed by the good, and eternally struggling, but with unavailing endeavors, to reach the blissful island, from which they are excluded forever.

They have some faint notions of the transmigration of the soul; so that if a child be born with teeth, they instantly imagine, from its premature appearance, that it bears a resemblance to some person who had lived to an advanced period, and that he has assumed a renovated life, with these extraordinary tokens of maturity.

The Chippewyans are sober, timorous, and vagrant, with a selfish disposition, which has sometimes created suspicions of their integrity. Their stature has nothing remarkable in it; but though they are seldom corpulent, they are sometimes robust. Their complexion is swarthy, their features coarse, and their hair lank, but not always of a dingy black; nor have they universally the piercing eye which generally animates the Indian countenance. The women have a more agreeable aspect than the men; but their gait is awkward, which proceeds from their being accustomed, nine months in the year, to travel on snow-shoes, and drag sledges of a weight from two to four hundred pounds. They are very submissive to their husbands, who have, however, their fits of jealousy; and for very trifling causes treat them with such cruelty as sometimes to occasion their death. They are frequently objects of traffic; and the father possesses the right of disposing of his daughter. The men in general extract their beards, though some of them are seen to prefer a bushy black beard to a smooth chin. They cut their hair in various forms, or leave it in a long, natural flow, according as their caprice or fancy suggests. The women always wear it in great length, and some of them are very attentive to its arrangement. If they at any time appear despoiled of their tresses, it is to be esteemed a proof of the husband's jealousy, and is considered as a severer punishment than manual correction. Both sexes have blue or black bars, or from one to four straight lines on their cheeks or foreheads, to distinguish the tribe to which they belong. These marks are either tattooed, or made by drawing a thread, dipped in the necessary color, beneath the skin.

There are no people more attentive to the comforts of their dress, or less anxious respecting its exterior appearance. In the winter it is composed of the skins of deer and their fawns, and dressed as fine as any chamois leather, in the hair. In the summer their apparel is the same, except that it is prepared without the hair. Their


shoes and leggins are sewed together, the latter reaching upwards to the middle, and being supported by a belt, under which a small piece of leather is drawn to cover the private parts, the ends of which fall down both before and behind. In the shoes they put the hair of the moose or rein-deer, with additional pieces of leather as socks. The shirt or coat, when girted round the waist, reaches to the middle of the thighs; and the mittens are sewed to the sleeves, or are suspended by strings from the shoulders. A ruff or tippet surrounds the neck; and the skin of the head of the deer forms a curious kind of cap. A robe, made of several deer or fawn skins sewed together, covers the whole. This dress is worn single or double; but always in the winter with the hair within and without. Thus arrayed, a Chippewyan will lay himself down on the ice in the middle of a lake and repose in comfort; though he will sometimes find a difficulty in the morning to disencumber himself from the snow drifted on him during the night. If in his passage he should be in want of provisions, he cuts a hole in the ice, when he seldom fails of taking some trout or pike, whose eyes he instantly scoops out and eats as a great delicacy; but if they should not be sufficient to satisfy his appetite, he will, in this necessity, make his meal of the fish in its raw state; but those whom I saw preferred to dress their victuals when circumstances admitted the necessary preparation. When they are in that part of their country which does not produce a sufficient quantity of wood for fuel, they are reduced to the same exigency, though they generally dry their meat in the sun.

The dress of the women differs from that of the men. Their leggins are tied below the knee; and their coat or shift is wide, hanging down to the ancle, and is tucked up at pleasure by means of a belt, which is fastened round the waist. Those who have children have these garments made very full about the shoulders, as when they are travelling they carry their infants upon their backs, next their skin, in which situation they are perfectly comfortable, and in a position convenient to be suckled. Nor do they discontinue to give their milk to them till they have another child. Childbirth is not the object of that tender care and serious attention among the savages as it is among civilized people. (Vol. II. p. 65, Plate 26.) At this period no part of their usual occupation is omitted; and this continual and regular exercise must contribute to the welfare of the mother, both in the progress of parturition


and in the moment of delivery. The women have a singular custom of cutting off a small piece of the navel-string of the new-born children, and hanging it about their necks; they are also curious in the covering they make for it, which they decorate with porcupine's quills and beads.

Though the women are as much in the power of the men as other articles of their property, they are always consulted, and possess a very considerable influence in the traffic with Europeans, and other important concerns.

Plurality of wives is common among them; and the ceremony of marriage is of a simple nature. The girls are betrothed at a very early period to those whom the parents think the best able to support them; nor is the inclination of the woman considered. Whenever a separation takes place, which sometimes happens, it depends entirely on the will and pleasure of the husband. In common with the other Indians of this country, they have a custom respecting the periodical state of a woman, which is rigorously observed: at that time she must seclude herself from society. (Plate 3.) They are not even allowed in that situation to keep the same path as the men when travelling: and it is considered a great breach of decency for a woman so circumstanced to touch any utensils of manly occupation. Such a circumstance is supposed to defile them, so that their subsequent use would be followed by certain mischief or misfortune. There are particular skins which the women never touch, as of the bear and the wolf; and those animals the men are seldom known to kill.

They are not remarkable for their activity as hunters, which is owing to the ease with which they snare deer and spear fish; and these occupations are not beyond the strength of their old men, women, and boys, so that they participate in those laborious occupations which among their neighbors are confined to the women. They make war on the Esquimaux, who cannot resist their superior numbers, and put them to death, as it is a principle with them never to make prisoners. At the same time they tamely submit to their enemies, the Knisteneaux, a people who are not so numerous as themselves.

They do not affect that cold reserve at meeting, either among themselves or strangers, which is common with the Knisteneaux, but communicate mutually and at once all the information of which they are possessed. Nor are they roused like them from an apparent torpor to a state of great activity. They are consequently more uniform in this respect, though they are of a very persevering disposition when their interest is concerned.

As these people are not addicted to spirituous liquors, they have a regular and uninterrupted use of their understanding, which is always directed to the advancement of their own interest; and this disposition, as may be readily imagined, sometimes occasions them to be charged with fraudulent habits. They will submit with patience to the severest treatment, when they are conscious that they deserve it; but will never forget or forgive any wanton or unnecessary rigor. A moderate conduct I never


found to fail; nor do I hesitate to represent them, altogether, as the most peaceful tribe of Indians known in North America.

There are conjurors and high priests, but I was not present at any of their ceremonies, though they certainly operate in an extraordinary manner on the imaginations of the people in the cure of disorders. Their principal maladies are rheumatic pains, the flux, and consumption. The venereal complaint is very common; but though its progress is slow, it gradually undermines the constitution, and brings on a premature decay. They have recourse to superstition for curing diseases, and charms are their only remedies, except the bark of the willow, which being burned and reduced to powder, is strewed upon green wounds and ulcers. They also use vapor baths, or places contrived for promoting perspiration. Of the use of simples and plants they have no knowledge; nor can it be expected, as their country does not produce them.

Though they have enjoyed so long an intercourse with Europeans, their country is so barren as not to be capable of producing the ordinary necessaries naturally introduced by such a communication; and they continue, in a great measure, their own inconvenient and awkward modes of taking their game, and of preparing it when taken. Sometimes they drive the deer into the small lakes, where they spear them, or force them into inclosures, where the bow and arrow are employed against them. These animals are also taken in snares made of skin. In the former instance, the game is divided among those who have been engaged in the pursuit of it. In the latter, it is considered as private property; nevertheless, any unsuccessful hunter passing by, may take a deer so caught, leaving the head, skin, and saddle, for the owner. Thus, though they have no regular government, as every man is lord in his own family, they are influenced more or less by certain principles which conduce to their general benefit.

In their quarrels with each other, they very rarely proceed to a greater degree of violence than is occasioned by blows, wrestling, and pulling of the hair; while their abusive language consists in applying the name of the most offensive animal to the object of their displeasure, and adding the terms ugly, and chiay, or still-born.

Their arms and domestic apparatus, in addition to the articles procured from Europeans, are spears, bows and arrows. Their fishing-nets and lines are made of green deer-skin thongs. They have also nets for taking the beaver as he endeavors to escape from his lodge, when it is broken open. It is set in a particular manner for the purpose, and a man is employed to watch the moment when he enters the snare, or he would soon cut his way through it. He is then thrown upon the ice, where he remains as if he had no life in him.

The snow-shoes are of a very superior workmanship. The inner part of their frame is straight, the outer one is curved, and it is pointed at both ends, with that in


front turned up. They are also laced with great neatness with thongs made of deerskin. The sledges are formed of thin slips of board, turned up also in front, and are highly polished with crooked knives, in order to slide along with facility. Close-grained wood is, on that account, the best; but theirs are made of the red or swamp spruce-fir tree.

The country which these people claim as their land, has a very small quantity of earth, and produces little or no wood or herbage. Its chief vegetable substance is the moss, on which the deer feed; and a kind of rock-moss, which, in times of scarcity, is a resource against starvation. When boiled in water, it dissolves into a clammy, glutinous substance, that affords a very sufficient nourishment. But notwithstanding the barren state of their country, with proper care and economy, these people might live in great comfort, for the lakes abound with fish, and the hills are covered with deer. Though, of all the Indian people of this continent, they are considered as the most provident, they suffer severely at certain seasons, and particularly in the dead of winter, when they are under the necessity of retiring to their scanty, stinted woods. To the westward of them the musk-ox may be found, but they have no dependence on it as an article of sustenance. There are also large hares, a few white wolves, peculiar to these regions, and several kinds of foxes, with white and grey partridges, etc. The beaver and moose-deer they do not find till they come within 60° north latitude; and the buffalo is still farther south. That animal is known to frequent a higher latitude to the westward of their country. These people bring pieces of beautiful variegated serpentine or steatite, which are found on the surface of the earth. It is easily worked, bears a fine polish, and hardens with time; it endures heat, and is manufactured into pipes or calumets, as they are very fond of smoking tobacco, a luxury which the Europeans communicated to them.

Their amusements or recreations are but few. Their music is so inharmonious, and their dancing so awkward, that they might be supposed to be ashamed of both, as they very seldom practise either. They also shoot at marks, and play at the games common among them, but in fact they prefer sleeping to either; and the greater part of their time is passed in procuring food, and resting from the toil necessary to obtain it.

They are also of a querulous disposition, and are continually making complaints, which they express by a constant repetition of the word eduiy, "it is hard," in a whining and plaintive tone of voice.

They are superstitious in the extreme, and almost every action of their lives, however trivial, is more or less influenced by some whimsical notion. I never observed that they had any particular form of religious worship; but as they believe in a good and evil spirit, and a peculiar state of future rewards and punishments, they cannot be devoid of religious impressions. At the same time, they manifest a decided unwillingness to make any communications on the subject. On this subject all Indians are taciturn.


The Athapascas have been accused of abandoning their aged and infirm people to perish, and of not burying their dead; but these are melancholy necessities, which proceed from their wandering way of life. They are by no means universal, for it is within my knowledge that a man, rendered helpless by the palsy, was carried about for many years, with the greatest tenderness and attention, till he died a natural death. That they should not bury their dead in their own country, cannot be imputed to them as a custom arising from a savage insensibility, as they inhabit such high latitudes that the ground never thaws; but it is well known that when they are in the woods, they cover their dead with trees. Besides, they manifest no common respect to the memory of their departed friends, by a long period of mourning, cutting off their hair, and never making use of the property of the deceased. Nay, they frequently destroy or sacrifice their own, as a token of regret and sorrow.

If there be any people who, from the barren state of their country, might be supposed to be cannibals by nature, these people, from the difficulty they at times experience in procuring food, might be liable to that imputation. But, in all my knowledge of them, I never was acquainted with one instance of that disposition; nor among all the natives which I met with in a route of five thousand miles, did I see or hear of an example of cannibalism, but such as arose from that irresistible necessity which has been known to impel even the most civilized people to eat each other."

Of the Strongbows, Copper-Mine Indians, and other tribes of the widely-spread Athapasca family, we are less fully informed; and distinct from their language, the interest they have excited is less perfectly developed. Nor have they, so far as our knowledge of their ethnographical movements extends, exerted much influence on the tribes of the southerly latitudes of the continent.


The Saskatchawine river of Lake Winnipeck originates in the Rocky Mountains, in north latitude about 50° and 54°. Between its great southern and northern forks, in a fertile, game country, are found the Pecaneaux, Blackfeet, and Blood Indians. These tribes constitute a group which is different from their neighbors, speaking a language on the lower parts of the river, agreeing with that of the Assinaboines, who are Dacotas, or the Kenistenos, who are Algonquins. Traders and interpreters of the region pronounce it peculiar. Mackenzie informs us, that their track of migration has been towards the north-west, expressing the opinion that they have a "language of their own." From a vocabulary of it exhibited to the late Mr. Gallatin, he was inclined to deem it referable to the Algonquin family, and has so classified it in his


"Synopsis of Tribes," the tribe constituting Language 64 of Family III. (Vide Vol. III., page 401.) If this ground be well taken, in which, however, we have been unable to obtain the concurrence of the Missouri interpreters and fur traders, they probably have affinities with the Kenistenos, having, agreeably to the authority above expressed, migrated from the south-east.

In whatever these tribes differ, however, from their neighbors, and the rest of the Indian stocks, they agree with them in their hostilities to each other, and in their continuous broils and disputes. These perpetually recurring disturbances finally led to a general feud, in which they separated into two parties — the one distinguished by the Red, or bloody flag, and the other, from reverence to a noted leader, who had fallen, the Black flag. The young and more warlike warriors, generally ranged themselves under the Red banner; the more elderly and sedate, under the Black ensign. After numerous skirmishes, and endeavors to entrap each other, a great battle was finally fought, in which the party of the Red flag triumphed. This led to a final separation. The party of the Black flag fled towards the south. Continuing on in this direction, they reached the banks of the Missouri. This flight appears to have taken place in the autumn, after the prairies had been burned over, and the black ashes of the grass and shrubbery colored their moccasins and leggins. In this plight, they were first met by the Upsaroka, or Crow Indians, who called them Blackfeet. The term was adopted by the Gros Ventres and Mandans, and soon spread among all the tribes. They had extended their hunting and war parties to the head waters of the river Meriאs, and never proceeded farther east than Milk River, — a stream falling into the Missouri on the west, about one hundred and fifty miles above the Yellow Stone.

By this flight, they had now found a new country, abounding in every requisite of Indian life. But they had not left behind that spirit of internal dissension and discord which had produced the split on the Saskatchiwine. A new feud arose among the Missouri Blackfeet, which resulted in another division of the tribe, under an ambitious leader, called Piכgan, or the Pheasant. After several defeats, he was driven across the Missouri, and took shelter in the mountains. The three recognized divisions of the tribe, are, therefore, in the order of their organization — the Bloods, the Blackfeet, and the Piכgans. (Vide Appendix, No. 5.) The whole number of these divisions has been estimated at nine thousand six hundred, occupying twelve hundred lodges. (Vol. III., p. 629.) They were greatly over-estimated in former accounts, received from persons residing in the Indian country, who, without the slightest intention to deceive, have not had the means of accurate computation. They suffered much from the ravages of small-pox, which swept through the Missouri valley, in 1837.

The character and reputation of the Blackfeet nation, has been, perhaps, underrated, from occurrences which transpired in 1805, during the celebrated expedition of Lewis and Clark. They are described by later observers, as having more decision and fixity in their camp regulations, or laws and customs, than other tribes on the Missouri,


but not as being more cruel, or blood-thirsty, while these very traits are designed to uphold the two great principles of their association, namely, war and hunting. Like all prairie tribes, they wander over the plains, following the buffalo, and having no permanent location. Priding themselves on great courage, they bring up their youths to follow in their footsteps. As soon as a young man is capable of drawing the bow, he enlists under the wolf-skin banner of some ambitious chief, and takes his first lesson in war and hatred to his fellow tribes. To bring back the scalp of an enemy, is the great object of ambition, and this alone settles his position and character in the lodge circle, and at the festive and council board. The tribe holds itself up as surpassing all others on the war-path. They disdain alliances with the other tribes, and bid defiance to them all. Their enemies on the Missouri are the Dacotas, Gros Ventres, and Crows. But they push their hostile excursions over the Rocky Mountains in quest of the Indian horses of Oregon, where they fight the Flatheads, Pends d' Oreilles and Nez Percטs. They can endure the extremes of savage life with stoicism. They never complain in hunger or suffering. The prairie is their spontaneous garden. It yields them roots and medicines. They cultivate nothing. They have abundance of food when game is plenty, and starve when it is scarce. The only enterprise in which they engage, besides war and the chase, is horse-stealing; and this too is an honorable achievement, and a point of great distinction for the young, the brave, and the active. Human scalps are their glory, and the buffalo their reliance. They are the most perfect specimens of savage life found on the continent.

Yet there are always some abatements to the severity of the manners and customs of even the most barbarous tribes. A person of good judgment and observation, who has spent the better part of his life in commercial dealings with these, and the neighboring tribes of the Sioux, Upsarokas, Mandans, etc., makes replies which furnish the grounds of the following observations.

The character of the Indians is composed of two things — ferocity and goodness. That these Indians are of a cruel, treacherous, and inexorable disposition, that, to take vengeance on an enemy, they often pass many days, forgetting the calls of nature, crossing forests and prairies without paths, subsisting on what the woods and plains furnish; that they will listen without pity to the piercing cries of the unhappy victims that fall in their hands, and receive a diabolical pleasure from the tortures they inflict on their prisoners, is only too true.

Accustomed from their infancy to bear pain, they soon become superior to the dangers of fear: forest precepts and practices never cease to precede or follow one another; however they may fail in their enterprises, they at once flatter themselves with the hope of better success in the future. They are as sly as a fox, possess the agility of a deer, the eyes of a lynx, and the unconquerable ferocity of the tiger.

They are generally well proportioned, tall, and straight, and there is seldom a deformed person among them. Their skin is of a reddish or copper color, their eyes large and


black, their hair coal-black and straight, and very seldom curly; they have very good teeth, and their breath is as pure as the air they inhale. The bones of the cheeks are a little high, but more particularly in the women. The latter are not as tall as the European females, although there are often agreeable and pretty figures among them; they incline more towards fatness than the other sex. The men hate beards, or being hairy except on the head, and take great pains to pull out the beard. For this purpose they take their gun-worms, or split pieces of hard wood, and by a sudden jerk extract the hair. The men of the upper Missouri nations differ very little in their dresses, except those that traffic with whites; these change their peltries for blankets, cloth, etc., with which they adorn their persons for promenading in their camp, or for visiting some of their friends in other camps; but in their dancing, they never wear this apparel.

Those men that wish to appear more expert than others, pull out the hair of their head, except a bunch that they leave on the top of the scalp. They paint themselves fantastically with red, yellow, or black paint, men as well as women.

Their shoes or moccasins are made with the skin of deer, elk, or buffalo, well dressed; they are garnished with beads, or dyed porcupine-quills. The Indians in general pay more attention to their ornaments, than to the dress itself, or the accommodation of their wigwam.

The tools which they use in fabricating their utensils are so defective, that they very seldom work anything but what they are absolutely in want of, as wooden bowls, spoons, stone-pipes, pipe-stems, bows and arrows, and war-clubs. Their principal implements are knives, heated awls for boring holes, fire-steels, and small hatchets, which they obtain from the whites. Knives and fire-steels are two very essential articles in war. The European costume sits badly on the Indian; in general, they make a better appearance in their native dresses than anything they can procure from the whites. In their own costume, they are more free in their movements; when they have foreign clothing on, they have the appearance of being confined.

When the female seats herself, she places her limbs decently, both knees together, and turns her feet side-ways; but that posture helps to make them walk badly, so that they seem to be lame. They have no midwives among them, nor do they suffer much in parturition; they often absent themselves from their daily work but a couple of hours. The men take little notice of domestic affairs; indolent from pride and custom, they leave the women not only to do all the internal work, but often send them after the meat of the game they have killed, although sometimes at a great distance.

The women place their children, as soon as born, on a piece of hooped board, stuffed with grass; the child is laid on its back, on one of this kind of cradles, and enveloped with pieces of skin or cloth to keep him warm. This forest-cradle is tied with pieces of leather bands; to these they tie other straps, to suspend from their heads, or hang them to the limbs of trees, while the mother does the necessary work of the lodge.


The Indian women are remarkably decent at the time of their periodical illness. They make a little lodge close to the large ones, where they retire. At that period, the men debar all intercourse with them; not even fire is brought from the lunar retreats of these women. They are very superstitious in this matter; if one of their pipe-stems splits, they believe that the pipe has been lit at one of these menstrual fires, or that the smoker has been speaking to one of these secluded women.

If an Indian of these bands has been absent from his family many months, on a war or hunting excursion, when the wife and children go to meet him at a little distance from camp, instead of the natural affections that would rise in the heart of a civilized people, and mutual pleasure of meeting, the warriors continue to walk on their course without paying the least attention to these feminine visitants. When the warrior gets to his lodge, he sits down, and smokes with the same imperturbability and apparent insensibility, as if he had been absent only a day or an hour.

If the Indian is insensible in his feelings or manners towards the female, it is an insensibility which he applies to himself. He goes several days without food, and is too proud or stolid to murmur. If you tell him that one of his sons has killed many enemies, and has brought many scalps, and taken many prisoners or slaves, his eyes glisten, but he expresses no rapture. Instead of this, if you tell him that one of his sons has been killed or taken prisoner, he receives the intelligence in silence; not a look or a word shows the feelings of his heart. Notwithstanding examples of apparent indifference, I have never seen, says my informant, among other people, more real examples of paternal affection, than among these mute foresters; and the men, in general, are not without conjugal affection. Their children are loved; and, according to their manners, loving to their parents. (Mitcell.)

There are some particular rules as to visits from wigwam to wigwam. If an Indian goes visiting to a particular lodge, he names the person that he comes to see, and the rest of the family immediately depart. The same method is practised in regard to the other sex, but then he must pay particular attention not to speak of love as long as the sun is above the horizon.

The Blackfeet have words in their language to express the general lapse of time; they do not count the hours, but the days. They count time by winters, or as they express themselves, by snows. They count their years by moons, making them consist of twelve moons; but after observing twelve moons, they add one more, which they call the lost moon.

Every month, with them, is an expressive name of the season. They call March the green moon; April, the moon of plants; May, the moon of flowers; June, the hot moon; July, the moon of the deer; August, sturgeon-moon, for in that month they catch that fish; September, the fruit-moon; October, the travelling-moon, for at that season they leave their dwellings, and go to their hunting-grounds for the winter season; November, the beaver-moon, for at that season these animals commence to go


in their dwellings, having gathered their winter food; December, the hunting-moon; January, the cold-moon; February, the snowy-moon. They make use of significant hieroglyphics. They also draw, on bark, correct maps of the country they are acquainted with, although very ignorant of general geography.

These traits, derived from the social life of the Indians, mitigate our ideas of a people who have been pronounced savage, cruel, perfidious, voracious, and addicted to thieving, murder, and plunder; without forecast or precaution, idle and improvident. If they show some glimmerings of knowledge that could be improved by culture, and some manliness of character that could be directed to better energies, they also exhibit a class of suite features in the Indian race, that, modified as it may be, are essentially the same that it was found in the valley of the Ohio, throughout the basins of the great lakes, and along the wide-spreading borders of the Atlantic.


This term is derived from a verb in the Chippewa language, which does not imply stealing, but taking openly, by an exertion of self-constituted authority, and as such, the tribe rejoices in it. They went out, originally, from the ancient capital of the Chippewas at Chegoimegon, on Lake Superior. The whole tribe of this name, have, from early days, been progressive towards the north-west. Language denotes that the race had, in early epochs, dwelt on the shores of the Atlantic, and their own traditions confirm this view. But what changes of name they had undergone, it is impossible to tell: all the names of tribal divisions of the stock, which have reached us, seem modern. They are identical with the great Chippewa family.

They were found by the French, in their discovery of the country, at the central position of the large group of islands which occupy this commanding lake, about La Pointe Chegoimegon, on Lake Superior, which has been shortened to LAPOINTE. This magnificent body of water, with its confluent rivers, affords them an opportunity for the display of their skill in canoe-craft and navigation, in which they have so much excelled. The variety of fish in its waters afforded a reliable resource at all seasons. The surrounding shores were celebrated for their abundance of the beaver, and small furred animals, so much valued on the opening of the fur-trade of Canada; and were equally celebrated for the deer, elk, moose, and bear. It was here that the French established their first mission in the upper lakes, under D'Ablon, Marquette and Marest. Their early traditions of conquest speak of celebrated men called Noka, Bianswa, and Waub Ojeeg. Under these, the martial spirit of the tribe drove the Ontagamies, and the Sauks, from the country, at the source of the Ontonagon, Montreal, Wisconsin, and Chippewa; expelled the Sioux, or Naudowessie, from the Upper St. Croix and Rum rivers, and carried them to Sandy lake, and Leech lake, at the sources of the Mississippi river.


The conquerors fixed themselves first, centrally, at Sandy lake, and finally at Leech lake, the largest of all the tributaries of the Upper Mississippi, and this has continued to be their location from the earliest times, so far as positive history guides us. It is this tribe, and the Sandy lake Chippewas, that have been the severest, and most effectual enemies of the Sioux. These bands have often fought with Spartan valor. Their devotion is worthy of a better cause. Better woodsmen and foresters than their enemies, they have often pounced out of their forests, in comparatively small parties, led by the spirit of hereditary revenge, and defeated their more numerous enemies. Even down to the present day, such leaders as Pugasainjigun, and Hole-in-the-Day, leave us to wonder at the effective vindication of their acts.

The principal seats of the Pillagers are at Leech lake, and at Otter-Tail lake, the latter of which is the eastern source of Red river of lake Winnipec. They also have permanent villages at lake Winnibeegish, and at the ancient Upper Red Cedar, or Cass lake.

They number about 1200 souls, who occupy a country some four hundred miles in circumference, interspersed with innumerable lakes, well supplied with fish of different species. The white-fish and trout equalling those of Lake Superior. (Vide Plate.)

Their country has been well adapted to Indians living in the hunter state; but at this day they have nearly exterminated the furred animals, and they are obliged mostly to follow the chase in the hunting grounds of the Sioux.

Formerly the Pillagers resided altogether at Leech lake, but within a few years they have made a gradual advance westward. The band at Otter-Tail lake, once on the very outskirts of their country, now number 300. The Sioux have gradually receded westward, and they have followed them closely, taking possession of their deserted villages. An informant asserts, that within a little more than a hundred years, they have advanced from the shores of Lake Superior to their present position, a distance of 300 miles.

The Pillagers, according to the accounts of their old men, separated from the main body of the tribe, at the general council-fire on Lake Superior, and before the settlement of Canada, and, ascending the St. Louis river, wrested Sandy Lake from the Dacotahs, and drove them westward, taking possession of their country around the sources of the Mississippi.

The name by which they are at present known, has its origin in the following circumstance, which they themselves relate.

The band, while encamped at the mouth of a small creek, known to this day as Pillage creek, ten miles above the mouth of Crow-Wing river, were visited by a white trader who had entered the Mississippi, and followed it a great distance with a canoe load of goods to barter with them for furs. He arrived among them sick and unable to trade. His goods having been wetted by a rain, he ordered his men to untie the bales and spread them out to dry. The Indians, being on the point of holding a grand medicine dance, were eager to trade, as on those occasions they spare no expense for


finery. The goods spread out before their eyes were a temptation that they could not resist. A young man commenced the pillage by tearing off a breech-cloth, remarking at the same time, that he had furs to pay the trader. Others followed his example, till it became a general scramble, and the sick man's goods were all taken from him. He left the inhospitable camp the next day, but died on his way down the river, at Sauk Rapids.

From Indian accounts, this circumstance happened about the time of the first settlement of St. Louis, by the French. About this time, the Fur Company of Laclede, Maxan, & Co., commenced operations, and it is not an improbable surmise to suppose that the trader here mentioned was sent up by them. Another tradition denotes that the goods had come from Canada, by the way of Lake Superior, and the name of Berti is given as the name of the unfortunate trader. The act has given the name of Pillagers to this band; — a name that they are proud of, and it must be said that in modern times they have acted honorably in their intercourse with the whites.

They are a warlike people, and have always been the advanced bulwark of the Chippewas; having been in the van, they have been in the very midst of the fire of the enemy, and stood the brunt of the war with the Sioux.

It is impracticable to mention all their battles, surprises, and massacres, during this feud, and only two or three notices of these incidents, of modern date, will be given.

Their present chief, called Guel Plat by the French, Flat-Mouth, or Esh ke bug e coshe, who is now an old man, he distinguished himself in his younger days by heading a war-party of 160 warriors, who fell on a camp of fifty lodges of Sioux, and destroyed all but six men. This happened at the northern end of Long Prairie, where the Winnebago Agency is now located. A severe fight occurred here also, previous to the above, and during the life-time of Flat-Mouth's father, many men were killed on both sides, and the Sioux men driven off the prairie.

A brave warrior by the name of Black Duck, about forty years ago, raised a considerable war-party, and proceeded into the Sioux country about the head waters of St. Peter's river. All of his party returned but forty tried warriors: with these he proceeded into the very midst of the Sioux country, and falling on a large village, destroyed many lives, and would have killed all of the inhabitants had not a friendly Assineboine warned them in their own language that a large village of Sioux was near by, and that the attacked party had sent for the warriors to come to their aid. On hearing this, Black Duck suddenly struck his blow and reluctantly retreated, their ammunition being also exhausted. They had not proceeded far, when, while traversing a wide prairie, clouds of dust from the direction of the massacred village, told them that their enemy was approaching.

At this time, had they separated and each sought to escape, many might have returned home safe, but preferring to meet death together, they seated themselves on the prairie and began smoking their pipes, quietly waiting the enemy. Three hundred


mounted Sioux warriors dashed up to, and surrounded them: the struggle was with knives, tomahawks, and spears. It was short and bloody, and but one Chippewa, escaped to tell the tale. The loss of so many of their bravest warriors at one blow, was a stroke on the Pillagers that they did not recover for some time. Mr. Warren observes, "At the time of Mr. Schoolcraft's visit to Leech lake, in 1832, Flat-Mouth had just returned from the war-path. The Pillager warriors had attacked the large Sioux village at Lake Traverse, on the head of the St. Peter's, and had suffered a considerable loss in killed and wounded, not greater, however, than they inflicted on the Sioux. This act he carefully concealed."

For the last hundred and fifty years, hardly a year has passed between these two tribes in peace. War has become a pastime among them. By their indiscretion, the Pillagers have often caused much loss of life to their brother Chippewas of the Mississippi, who have, of late years, been more peaceably disposed towards the Sioux.

The great massacre of the Chippewas by the Sioux, in 1837, at Stillwater and Rum river, was caused by two Pillagers killing a Sioux for the sake of his scalp.

The last considerable fight between these two hostile tribes, took place in the winter of 1847. A war-party of fifty Sioux fell on a camp of twenty-six Pillagers, while on a buffalo-hunt within the country of their enemies. The Sioux were driven off with the loss of one killed and six wounded. The Pillagers lost one of their principal elders and warriors; they had also four severely wounded. Three lives were also lost in a skirmish which took place towards the spring of the same year.

In the summer of 1849, a son of Flat-Mouth, with six Pillagers, joined a war-party from Red Lake, numbering 80 men. Falling on an equal number of Sioux, a fight ensued, in which the young chief, with his Pillagers, are said to have greatly distinguished themselves. One of them was severely wounded, and they brought a scalp home.

It will require time and strong influence to induce the Pillagers to live at peace with the Sioux. Nothing has so much hurt Flat-Mouth's influence among his bands, as his disposition for peace. In 1846, he signed a treaty of peace with the Sioux at Lapointe, through the importunity of the Sub-Agent, who gave him a flag and medal. For this act, he was obliged to flee his country for his life, and remained away nearly two years. He has never regained his former influence since, and he is now careful that he does nothing without the consent of his warriors. (Warren.)

The Pillagers, as a body, are living in the hunter state, but the game in their own country is fast disappearing; and it is evident to themselves, as well as to people acquainted with their habits and feelings, that in order to continue in this state, they must emigrate further west, which it is noticed they are gradually doing. If, otherwise, and they are forced to remain in their own country, they must turn their attention to agriculture; and for this they need and require the aid of the Government,


which aid must, in the natural course of events, be given as an equivalent for the sale of lands.

Of the Chippewas residing within the limits of the United States, the Pillager band is the least contaminated with the evils consequent on the intercourse with whites; but since the commencement of annuities, a change is taking place, and in a few years they will put off the wild, free habits and manners of the sons of the forest.

They speak the same language, in pronunciation and idiom, with the Chippewas of Lake Superior and the Mississippi; have the same customs, and are, in every respect but their predatory habits and name, the same people. It is to be regretted that they were not included in the first treaties with those bands. At the treaty in 1837, at St. Peters, it was understood amongst themselves that they would sell as a nation, and share alike the annuities. Under this understanding, Flat-Mouth was the first to sign that treaty; but the matter being left to the Indians, selfishness and cupidity induced the Chippewas of Superior and Mississippi to deny, the ensuing year, the Pillagers a share in the annuity. This circumstance has caused a temporary breach between them and their fellow-Chippewas; but it has been happily adjusted; and a few years of intercourse with the government has led to harmony of interests, and all are now pursuing the same policy of improvement and industrial progress.

The Leech Lake Indians have no missionaries residing among them. Two attempts have been made to establish a mission; one by Rev. W. F. Boutwell, under the auspices of the American Board of Foreign Missions, and one by P. O. Johnson, for the Western Evangelical Mission Society. Both of these attempts failed; the Indians killing the cattle, and in every way annoying them, soon caused them to desist from their efforts, and leave the country.

Their traditions say that the old French first traded with them, and sold them firearms, which enabled them to drive the Sioux from their country. The English came after the French; and of late years the Long Knives, or Americans, have become their traders.

Within the remembrance of the old men, beaver were once plenty in the country they now occupy; and it was as easy in those days to trap a beaver, as it is now to trap a muskrat. About thirty-five or forty years ago, beaver suddenly died; their dead bodies were found floating on lakes and ponds, and only a few living in running water escaped the beaver pestilence. At this day, there are none found in the country.

Until late years, the Pillagers have had more intercourse with the British than with the Americans. They have in their possession more British medals than American, and within a short time have evinced a prepossession in their favor. The government


of this tribe is that of the ancient Indians, by chiefs and councils. The Pillagers have a principal chief, sub-chiefs, war-chiefs, warriors, and medicine-men. Flat-Mouth is the principal by hereditary descent. Besheke, or Buffalo, is the head war-chief. There are six sub-chiefs, who preside over the different villages about Leech and Otter-Tail lakes. The principal of these is the chief of Otter-Tail lake, Gabimubeeno, whose band numbers 300 souls. They have twenty-eight noted warriors, at the head of whom is Ogechedaw, chief of great darers, a name they have earned by repeated acts of bravery in their war with the Sioux. They can raise at least 200 men capable of bearing arms. They have not suffered as much loss of life in their wars, as would he supposed, on account of the great adaptation of their country for defence. Sioux war-parties seldom, if ever, enter their lands to attack their villages; their country being so broken up into lakes and swamps, the key to which only they know, that it is dangerous for an enemy, however strong, to penetrate to their villages, even with guides. In this respect, it is equal to Florida; and the warlike disposition of the Pillagers and northern Chippewas, is not surpassed by the Seminoles.

Among the Pillagers, all the old men, and many of the old women, are medawes, and practise medicine. There are a few, say seven, who are noted medicine-men, having passed through the eight grades of me-da-we, which makes them high priests, or initiators. They are deemed masters of their religion and medicine. As priests, they have no recognized authority in the councils of the tribe. Flat-Mouth, and the older chiefs, are priests at the same time.

Soon after the death of the great Shawano prophet, brother of Tecumseh, who caused such commotion among nearly all the western and northern tribes, a prophet arose among the Chippewas of Lake Superior, whose creed spread like wild-fire among the Pillagers. Flat-Mouth himself, who is more intelligent than the generality of his fellows, believed, and even acted as a messenger for the prophet to the British Indians. The excitement, however, like that caused by the Shawano, soon died away, and the Indians returned to their old customs.

Till within ten years (to 1839), the British supplied the Pillagers with fire-water at their trading-posts on the frontier-lines. Four and five hundred miles were not considered


by these Indians as too far to go in order to procure liquor. During this time, many made yearly visits to Michilimackinac and Canada for spirits, and to receive the presents that Great Britain, till within three years, has been accustomed to give to the different Indian tribes on the lines, in order to secure their help or neutrality in case of a war with the United States. This practice, however, has been lately stopped, at the remonstrance of our Government; and the Chippewas no longer make these yearly visits as formerly.

Since the St. Peter's treaty, in 1837, when the Chippewas ceded their lands to the mouth of Crow-Wing river, within a day's journey of the Pillager country, they have been plentifully supplied with ardent spirits from the region of St. Anthony's Falls. Whiskey-traders followed up the line of the ceded territory, and located themselves at the confluence of the Mississippi and Crow-Wing rivers. They supplied the Pillagers and Chippewas of Mississippi with all that their hunts could pay for. From that time to the removal of the Winnebagoes, in 1848, upwards of sixty barrels of whiskey have been sold to them yearly. They were fast degenerating, and becoming miserably poor; lives were lost, also, in drunken brawls and quarrels. Since the removal of the Winnebagoes, however, and the building of Fort Gaines (now Ripley), this state of things has been stopped by the indefatigable exertions of their agents. At their annuity payments in 1839, the Pillagers unanimously promised their agent to allow no liquor to be introduced into their country; and to this time, not a drop has, to the knowledge of the writer, been introduced among the Pillagers, and this fine body of bold and manly men are free from this bane of the Red man.

To this outline of a martial tribe, who confessedly stand at the head of the Chippewa tribes, may be added some notices of the country they inhabit, and its advantages, present and prospective. The chief, and central point of attraction, at this time, is LEECH LAKE.

The perimeter of this lake is about 160 miles. Twenty-seven rivers empty into it, and one departs from it, called Leech Lake river, which falls into the Mississippi. It has nine large bays, and many small ones; ten large projecting capes, and a great number of small ones. Its population (Indian) is above 1000, of which there are 200 warriors.

The soil of the borders and about the lake is susceptible of a high degree of culture, and can be successfully tilled as gardens and as farms. Several varieties of clay occur, of which some are very fine, sometimes mixed with sands of talcose rocks, and sometimes these rocks are superposed, but always covered with a bed of rich vegetable earth. The forest trees are of a fine growth, many of them very old. They appear less subject to the diseases which destroy the forest trees of the south and the west: elm; maple, hard and soft; oak, red, white, post, and others; red and yellow pine; balsam; cedar; basswood; birch; poplar; ash, and quantities of sugar-maple. Shrubs, wild plum, wild-pear, cherry, blueberry, blackberry, raspberry, hawthorn.

The lake furnishes great quantities and great varieties of leeches, from which it


derives its name, kah Suguskwגjema Kגg, or leeches. It produces white-fish, tulibee, mushkonoshג, pike, sucker or carp, pickerel or golden carp, and several other kinds.

Its game consists of ducks of several kinds; bustards; geese; pelicans; loons; gulls; fish-hawks; bald-eagle; wolf; bear; muskrat; mink; raccoon; fox; marten; porcupine; ground-hog, or wood-chuck; weasel; squirrels, red, striped, and flying; three kinds of turtle, one from ten to fourteen inches long.

The climate is conducive to health, the winter being less subject to sudden and frequent changes than in the New England States.

The seasons are regular, with one or two storms of hail, in the month of July of every year, and sometimes land water-spouts, but rarely.

The bays of the lake, and the shore-parts of the rivers furnish abundance of wild rice. During the harvest, they go to these places with a canoe, one person bends over the stalks, another strikes or threshes them, and the canoe is soon filled. For this process, see Plate IV., page 63, Vol. III. In the early days of the fur-trade, this article was much relied on by the traders, for supporting their men while engaged in this business, and no place was so celebrated for it as this lake.

The Chippewas of Leech Lake, or the Robbers as they are often called, live much on islands in the lake. Their country is the region of the lake. They have been settled there from time immemorial. If they absent themselves for weeks, or months, they always return. In this respect they are not, perhaps, more nomades or cosmopolites than the whites, who travel for months and for years about their affairs. The Chippewas, and all Indians when they travel take with them their house, their menage, and their family. But it is only for a limited time — they return to their own country as soon as they can. The whites do not take their houses with them, because they build them wherever they have to pass all the seasons of the year. But the Pillagers, like all savage nations, are distinguished as fixed or permanent, and as nomade or travelling. All the savage nations found on the borders of the settlements, are the descendants of those who lived on the same soil — some have been forced off by wars, by treaties, and by the exhaustion of the country. But does not the whole face of the globe offer many similar examples, from similar causes, among the most civilized people, ancient as well as modern?


This term was applied by the French to several tribes and bands of Indians of the Algonquin lineage, who clustered around the borders of Lake Michigan. The lake itself takes its name from them, being a compound of two words which signify great and lake. Of these, the once noted Mascotins, or Fire-Indians, have disappeared. Of the several bands of the Illinese, who dwelt around the head of the lake, and extended along the banks of the Illinois river, the country has long been destitute of a trace,


except in those works of defence of a nomadic and predatory people, which are still observed in tumuli, ditches, fortified cliffs, and inaccessible defiles, which they were expert to occupy. Such are the picturesque features of the so called Staved Rock. Mount Juliet, though of artificial construction, is one of those features capable of mound uses, which they once doubtless occupied. And the antiquary may take a melancholy pleasure in seeking out the site of the once celebrated works, of which Fort Crevecoeur was the earliest attempt of French military occupation on that stream. The human bone, the pipe, the stone axe and arrow-head, which are turned up almost every season, by the plough, serve to recall the hunter age of the country, and the history of a people who are exterminated, or have followed their favorite pursuits in regions better adapted to them. Though the Illinese have passed from their ancient haunts, some of their descendants are yet living in the Peorias and the Kaskaskias, west of the Mississippi. The Pous, or Pottowattomies, who once dwelt on the islands at the entrance into Green Bay, and who, being mixed with the Chippewas and Ottowas, once made Chicago the central point of their residence, or periodical gatherings, have also joined the colonized tribes west. The Miamis, dwelling on the St. Joseph, in the early history of La Salle and the missionary fathers, retired to the Wabash, in so imperceptible a manner, that history hardly takes any notice of the movement. Several bands of the Ottowas and Chippewas remain. The ensuing observations on the traditions and the actual state of the Chippewa bands at Grand Traverse Bay, on the peninsula, are derived from personal visits to the principal villages, together with the explorations of others in this field.

The common opinion of these people is, the Indian tribes were created by the Great Spirit on the lands which they occupy. There is a discrepancy in the accounts. Some say that the Great Spirit created one man and one woman, in the beginning, from whom all the Indians sprung. Others say, God made one pair of each distinct tribe, and gave them different languages. The details of this latter opinion are as follows: This continent is an immense island: at first it had been an extended plain. One large tree was created, from the seeds of which, carried by the winds, this plain was in time covered with trees. The first man and woman created were called Shah-wah-no, and were placed in the centre of the island, south-east from this lake. This family, or tribe, still live in the south, and have always been held in the highest respect on account of their wise and peaceful character. The Oshah-wah-noes, or Oshah-wa-nצg, are known by no other name. The next pair created were named O-buh-ne-go. Their exact location is not known. They say there are bands of them now living in Canada, some distance up the river Thames.

The next pair were called O-dah-wah, to whom was given the country they still occupy, viz., the peninsula south of the straits of Michilimackinac. The next pair were called O-jib-wa, and the country lying north of the straits of Mackinac was given to them. Some of the O-jib-wa bands occupy part of the O-dah-wah country south


of the straits. It was given by the latter to the former to settle a difficulty which had arisen between the tribes. These bands occupy Grand Traverse Bay. This tradition of the origin of different tribes and languages, is simple enough, if not satisfactory. It is a very natural way for minds like theirs, to account for facts which they cannot as satisfactorily explain as other occurrences. It is more consistent, perhaps, for unlettered men, ignorant of revelation, or the extent of the human family over the globe, than to trace him to one common stock. There are tribes of which they give no account, and with which they do not acknowledge any relationship, as the O-bwah-nug or Sioux, and the Nah-dah-waig or Iroquois.

If the Indian tribes have not much history, they are not, however, deficient in a species of imagination; and, where there is little or no tradition, they often cover the deficiency with a legend, or an allegory. These tales and allegories do not, generally, agree, but differ widely in their details, which arises from the narrator having no sure standard, and attempting to supply from fancy, what he, perhaps, cannot extract from memory.

The Indians of this portion of country have no idea of having emigrated from any part of the old world to this continent.

Their oldest people related that this continent is an island, and speak of it as being a minishance, i. e., a small island; at its creation, it was a perfect plain, destitute of trees, and after its creation the Good Spirit planted trees. After this, he formed the Indian with red clay, and gave him life, and then formed the woman. He next made all manner of beasts and living animals, for the use of the Indian, which would be food for him. The master of life and the Good Spirit, saw that the Indian needed assistance in the chase, and the dog was given to him, that he might find game, and bark. The dog was not created here on earth, he was formed in heaven and sent down to aid the Indian in the chase; the master of life gave it power to scent, and spoke to him, saying, "You will do all that lies in your power to assist and be faithful to the Indian, and he will in return take good care of you, and you will increase and multiply exceedingly, but the Indian will have power to kill you and offer you up as a sacrifice, not that I need a sacrifice, but it will be habitual for him to do so."

Manabozho was called at this time, and directed to give names to all things living, and to trees and herbs, which were created for the use of the Indian. Corn first grew in heaven, and the Good Spirit commanded it to come upon earth, but being a sentient being, it felt reluctant to do so, and the Good Spirit said to the corn, "Go down upon earth and do good to the Indian, and he will do good to you in return; the Indian will kill game of every description, and season you with all manner of meat; this will afford you an opportunity of eating the same food with the Indian, while you will be beneficial to him;" so corn came down from heaven to benefit the Indian, and this is the reason why they esteem it, and are bound to take good care of it, and to nurture it, and not raise more than they actually require, for their own consumption. True Indian philosophy!


A whole town of the Miamis were severely punished for a disregard to this rule: they raised an immense crop, and hid it under ground, and packed a great quantity for immediate use, in bags; but the crop was so great that the Miami young men and youths were regardless of it, for many ears of corn remained on the stalks; the young men commenced playing with the shelled cobs, and threw them at one another, and finally broke the ears on the stalks, and played with them in like manner as with the cobs. After this, the whole of the Miami made preparations to quit their village, in order to spend the winter where game was in abundance: they loaded their canoes with corn, and moved to their hunting-grounds and encamped; all the men who were capable of pursuing game went out to hunt, as deer seemed to abound, and when the Indians returned in the evening, they brought no game; not proving successful, these hunting excursions were repeated from day to day, but still unavailingly.

An old man who had an only son, said one evening to him, "My son, I feel hungry for meat and broth, try and get me some." The young man, answering his father, said thus: "How can I get meat for you, when all the hunters of our village cannot kill any deer, although so abundant." At this time, the elders of every family began to apprehend that they would starve to death, as their tempting supply of the article was now exhausted; their young men set out on the following day. The old man who had an only son, rose earlier than usual, and again requested his son to try, if possible, to bring in some meat; in the meantime, he told his son, he would request some of the men who were going to get corn, to bring in some for them; upon this the young hunter started for the chase in obedience to his father's will: he walked all day and saw numerous herds of deer, but could not kill any. He became faint, weak, and exhausted; wandering, he knew not whither, he suddenly emerged from the woods, striking the borders of a fine wide stream: he looked every way, and admired it. At some distance from him he saw smoke issuing from a small lodge, and on reaching it, he went cautiously, and peeped through the lodge door; saying within himself, I will encamp here for the night, as I feel too weak and exhausted to return home; and besides this, I have no venison to carry home to my aged father, who so anxiously expects some from me. On this reflection he walked into the lodge, and discovered a very aged man lying on one side of it with his back turned to the fire. The old man groaned, and, lifting up his head, turned himself and saw the young hunter. "Oh! my grandfather," ejaculated the young hunter, "I am benighted, faint, weak, and hungry; we, the people of our village, cannot kill any game, although it abounds in the plains and forests. Our people are nigh starving. We have eaten up all our corn, and our elders have sent off their young men this morning to our summer village, to bring in supplies which they have hid under ground."

The decrepid old man, in whom we see a magician in disguise, replied, saying, "My grandson, the Indians have afflicted me much, and reduced me to the condition you now see me in. Look, look to this side of the lodge and you will find a small kettle,


take it, eat and replenish yourself, and when you have satisfied your hunger, I will speak to you."

The guest finding the kettle near the walls of the lodge, it was full of fine sweet corn, superior to any he had ever eaten; after his repast, the old man again spoke and said, — "Your people have wantonly abused and reduced me to the state you now see me in: my back-bone is broken in many places; it was the foolish young men and youths of your town that have done me this evil, for I am the Mondamin, or corn, that came down from heaven, for they played and threw corn-cobs and corn-ears at one another, thus thinking lightly and contemptibly of me; I am the corn spirit they have so injured. This is the reason you experience bad luck and famine. I am the cause; you feel my just resentment, and thus your people are punished. This is an injury I do not experience from other Indians; those tribes who regard me, are well at present. Have you no old men in your town, to have checked their youths in such wanton and malicious sport? You are an eye-witness to my sufferings. This is the result of the cruel sport you have had with my body." The old man groaned and covered himself up.

The young hunter rose early in the morning, and on his return home, killed a very large, fat porcupine, and presented it to his father, but did not relate anything concerning his adventure.

The party sent for corn, on arriving at the Miami town, commenced opening their corn-repositories: they were dismayed to find them all empty, and not containing even a single grain. After this disappointment they returned to their temporary homes, exhausted and hungry, and they were so reduced that they could scarcely raise their voices to tell the sad tale.

The benighted young visitor to the lodge of the corn-spirit, at this time mentioned to his father the adventure he had had, relating all that the old broken-backed man had said to him. Indians are very cautious, and do not now play with corn in the ear: they are careful not to break the ears when gathering it. After the harvest is over, the corn returns to heaven, the ears that are in good condition come back again the next spring, upon earth, if the Indian who raised such corn paid proper attention to it. Here ends the tale of Ogimawish, one of the old sages of the village of Grand Traverse Bay.

It is thus, by reminiscences and fancies of the past, that the Indian tries to solace himself for the miseries of the present. He often clothes instruction in a symbol, and hides truth in an allegory. It is surprising that such a vein of thinking should run through the minds of a race, who scarcely have, from day to day, a meal to keep them from starving, who are whirled in a constant change of trying vicissitudes, and who struggle with the very beasts of the forest for mastery.

The Michigamies, as their traditions are given by this band, hold the Shawanoes in the highest respect, believing that they had the original precedence among all the


tribes; and if any tribe has the right to call general councils, it should be them. They received from Shawnee, about forty years ago, a message for a great council, to be held on the Wabash, and gladly sent delegates to attend it. They call the OBUNEGOS grandfather, but give no reasons why. The Shawanoes are called Eldest Brother; the Odawas, Elder Brother; the Pedadumies, Brother. They say that these terms are descriptive of the relationship in which they have been placed to each other by the Great Spirit.

Each clan or family has a totem, which serves to keep up the line of descents. This is different, in principle, from, the system of guardian spirits. Every individual, male and female, has one of the latter, no matter what the totem may be. Totems are by descent — guardian spirits by choice or experience. This experience is chiefly sought in fasts and dreams, a series of which are undertaken for this purpose, at the age of puberty. The fast is undertaken to prepare the body for the dream. These dreams are continued until some animal or bird, or other animate object, appears, which is fixed on as the genie, or guardian spirit. Thus the mind of the Indian, dark in itself, gropes after truth. Feeling the need of some supernatural power, it aims to strengthen itself by reliance on the shadowy, the mysterious, and the symbolic. It is believed that the guardian spirit leads the man safely through the vicissitudes of life, preserves him in battle, and gives him success in the chase.

With the rest of the Algonquin tribes, they believe in magic, witchcraft, sorcery, and the power and influence of minor monedos, as well as one great ruling good monedo, and one great counteracting bad monedo. Like these tribes, too, they are under the direction of their forest-priests, medais, prophets, and medicine-men; for with them medicine is generally, but not always, exhibited in connection with necromancy, incantations, and songs. The ties of consanguinity are apparently upheld with a good deal of strength. Marriage is observed in a manner which is beneficial to the Indian state of society. Polygamy is rare, and has been for years almost unknown in their villages. Children are loved, and wives, in general, well treated. The greatest evils known have resulted, heretofore, from intemperance; but this is greatly abated. The tribe has been under teachers for about sixteen years, i. e. since 1839. Schools are kept, under the care of efficient instructors, where the children are brought forward in the elements of knowledge, civilization, and Christianity. Farming, and some of the mechanic arts, have been taught. They dress, in some measure, after the civilized costume, and wear hats and store-bought shoes. Their houses are small tenements of logs. They split rails, and put up their own fences. A limited number of the adults are united in the obligations of church-fellowship, under the care of a regular pastor. Temperance, industry, and morals, thus go hand-in-hand; and notwithstanding some adverse circumstances, their prospects are such as to inspire bright hopes for their advance.



The Rocky Mountains have, from immemorial ages, been the location of certain tribes of Indians, who appear, at first, to have sought shelter there from sanguinary hunter-tribes, roving over the plains or slopes on either side of the chain. Or it may be thought that the mountain tribes have reached these eminences in search of the buffalo, which are known to retire into, or pass through its gorges, at certain seasons. Lewis and Clark, who in 1805 crossed the range between the sources of the Missouri and the Columbia river, found its summits in possession of the Shoshone group of tribes. These people, in their divisions, appear to have been progressive, at least from this point, towards the south; from about 42°, which is the verge of the Great Salt Lake basin, they have diverged towards the south-west into California, and the south-east into Texas, at the same time continuing the track southerly into New Mexico.

Two distinct tribes, speaking dialects of other languages, appear as intrusive, or at least to have shared with the Shoshone group this general position; namely, the Upsarokas, or Crows, and the Utahs. The Upsarokas, by some traditions, fled from the Missouri valley, during a time of extensive commotions of the tribes in that quarter. The Utahs appear to have been progressive from the south, where from an early period they have, with the Apachee tribes, been residents of the elevated plains and geologically disturbed districts, of New Mexico. The great Colorado river, of California, has its principal origin and course through the Utah territories. Our knowledge of the vocabularies of the mountain tribes, is not sufficient to enable us satisfactorily to classify them, and deduce their history. It is evident that the widespread Comanche tribes of Texas are of the Shoshone stock. (Vol. II., p. 125.) It is equally so that the Root-diggers or Bonacs, of north-eastern California, are likewise so. (Vol. IV., p. 221.)

The present point of inquiry is with respect to the Utahs. Of a good, middle-sized stature, and much strength of muscle, they are predatory, voracious, and perfidious. Plunderers and murderers by habit, they have long been the terror of the Spanish settlements of New Mexico, and have thus far taxed the energies of the Americans to keep them within bounds. The use of the horse has doubled their power of depreciation, and excited their energies and ambition. To kill and rob on foot, is a far less exciting species of Indian ambition, than to perform the same atrocities on horseback, and fly to their recesses for safety; and this flight, too, leads to and through impassable gulfs and caסons, which put a dragoon at defiance. The Spanish never dreamt that, when they abandoned some of their first settlements, and turned the horses loose in the pampas and prairies, they were thus furnishing the predatory wild tribes with one of their most effective means of aggression.


Of a tribe whose history is so obscure, and who have but recently come under American jurisdiction, we must judge, in a great measure, by details transmitted by the agents of the Government in charge of them; and these are retarded both by the great distance of the country they occupy, and the difficulty of obtaining reliable information. It is but recently that they murdered Capt. J. Gunnison, U. S. A., and his party, while executing a reconnoissance in that quarter; and when their ferocity is not excited, their suspicions are so great, as to render what they say unreliable, if they do not remain altogether incommunicative.

The following facts are drawn from information chiefly communicated by Mr. J. H. Holman, the agent for Utah.

For the last fifty years, a large tribe of the Shoshonies, who are sometimes called Snakes, inhabited the Upper Missouri. This tribe in bands, under some favorite chief, occupied the country upon the head waters of the Arkansas, and all the country extending as far as Fort Hall, Salmon river, etc. They were at war with all the various tribes by whom they were surrounded; and by these wars and the small-pox, which was very fatal among them, they were reduced in numbers, and split up into small bands. In the spring of 1822, a war broke out between them and the Crows, a large and warlike tribe, which continued for several years, when the Shoshonies were finally driven from the country on the Upper Missouri. In past times, a village of about 150 lodges, from the south, under the chief Nat-che-to, settled on Bear river, some 200 miles from the present location of Fort Hall. They had been in the neighborhood of the Spaniards, but had had but little intercourse with them, and, as reported by these traders, had never seen a white man, meaning an American. Their first meeting caused much surprise; they had, as they asserted, never seen a looking-glass, and were much astonished at seeing themselves reflected in the glass. They had no knowledge of the use of fire-arms, and would fall to the ground on hearing the report of a gun. Their only weapon was the bow and arrow. They would give a horse for a common butcher-knife. Falling out with the Spaniards, they were travelling to join the Bonacks, and finally took possession of the country about Fort Hall. Their present chief is the celebrated Snag. A few years subsequently, several other bands of the Shoshonies, under the chief Tan-a-kee, one of the best Indians known to the whites, came to the present territory of Utah, and settled in Salt Lake Valley, extending their boundary to what is now called Cash Valley, lying between Salt Lake and Fort Hall. These bands occupied Salt Lake Valley until driven out by the Mormons, the chief being killed by a Mormon, while walking through his farm. A portion of this band still reside in Cash Valley and on Bear river; some have joined the "Diggers" who live principally on the waters of the Humboldt, and the mountains bordering on Oregon. The Digger Indians, who may be called a tribe, are very numerous; they are the poorer class of all the tribes who formerly resided in this section of the country. When the Mormons and whites commenced their travel to California and Oregon,


unfriendly feelings arose. The Indians were badly treated — the Mormons would frequently profess friendship, get them into their camps, shoot them down, take their horses, and by forced marches leave the Indians to seek revenge on the first party of emigrants who travelled the road. The enmity between the whites and the Indians became general. Scarcely a train passed that was not robbed. Many were killed on both sides. The Indians, having no weapon but the bow, finding they could not compete with the rifle, determined to leave the country; those who had horses generally went, leaving only those who were too poor to travel. Thus the "Diggers," as they are called, are a band made up of the poorer and fragmentary classes of the Shoshonies, the Utahs, the Bonacks, the Sosokos, and the Washano tribes. They live, during the summer season, on the Humboldt river and its tributaries, north-west of Salt Lake: they subsist principally on fish and roots; the roots somewhat resemble the potato, are very nutricious and palatable; they roast them when in a green state; they dry large quantities for winter use. They are very destitute generally, having but few horses or fire-arms, and little clothing. It is thought that there are abandoned white men among them, who have induced them to depredate on the emigration, and that the whites receive the benefit of the spoils. The oldest traders, who have been longest acquainted with these various bands and tribes of Indians, report them as having been friendly, until they were provoked and excited by the Mormons.

About 1822, or 1823, the band of Shoshonies, who now reside on the Sweet Water, and Green river, and about Fort Bridger, consisting of some 150 or 200 lodges, settled, and occupy the country from the North Platte to Bear river, under the chief, Petti-coat (a great medicine-man). This band is at present controlled by the celebrated warrior Wo-so-keek, who is a devoted friend to the whites, and his band frequently render service to distressed and suffering emigrants.

To the south of the Shoshonies, or White river, and on Green river and its tributaries, there resides a large band of the Utah tribe, under the chief Birne (One-eye) — about 150 lodges; they live on friendly terms with all the Indians, and are at present kindly disposed towards the whites, although they have heretofore been bad Indians; being some 100 miles from the emigrant route, they have but little intercourse with the whites, except the traders who visit their country.

They are a part of the Utah tribe, who reside on the Elk mountains, towards Taos, in New Mexico. This tribe is very large, and claim the country from the Elk mountains, west, and south-west of Salt Lake, to the Sierra Nevada, and are controlled by various chiefs, who command separate bands, all being of the Utah tribe, though some are called Pi-Utahs, who are friendly towards each other. Some of these bands have been inclined to rob and murder the whites, since the first settlement of Salt Lake Valley — occasioned, it is said, by the forcible occupation and settlement of their land by the Mormons, against whom they make many grievous complaints.

Another band of Utahs, called the Uwinty-Utahs, under the chief Castel, are the


remains of a band formerly under the chief Uwinty, from whom the band, and the valley in which they reside, take their name. They number about 100 lodges.

There are other bands of these Utahs — one under the celebrated chief Walker, the other under his brother, Saw-ry-ats; they reside in and about Sanpitch Valley, about 150 miles from Salt Lake: they number 150 or 200 lodges. They have been much more numerous, but were driven off and killed by other tribes, with whom they have been at war. Walker, although a prominent chief, with much influence in his tribe, is not considered a great warrior; his high standing is in consequence of his daring and ingenious thefts; he makes his annual visits to the Mexican or Spanish countries, south, and steals horses, sometimes hundreds in a drove. Upon one occasion he left the Spanish country with about 3000; he was closely pursued, and drove so hard that half of his lot gave out, and were left. He got in safe with the remainder. Upon another occasion, after collecting a large drove, he was pursued by a strong force of Mexicans, for several hundred miles. Being aware of the pursuit, he knew he must be overtaken or abandon his drove, as the animals were much fatigued, unless he could extricate himself by stratagem. Late in the evening he selected a point suitable for operations, and encamped. The Mexicans came in sight, and from the careless manner of Walker's camp, concluded that he was not aware of the pursuit, and being fatigued themselves, they determined to rest for the night, and capture Walker and his party in the morning, as they considered it impossible for him to escape. Consequently they laid down to sleep, not dreaming that the eye of Walker was upon them. They had no sooner become quiet, than Walker and his band surrounded their horses, and quietly drove them to their own camp, when, putting all in motion, they were soon safe from their pursuers. In the morning, the Mexicans found themselves on foot, and unable longer to continue the pursuit, and had to retrace their steps home the best way they could; while Walker, now conscious of his safety, leisurely pursued his course homeward, with the addition of some 100 fine horses to his band, and arrived in safety. He had been so successful in these thefts, and they have been so numerous, that the Mexican authorities have offered a reward of 5000 dollars for his head. This, however, does not deter this mountain-chief from his forays. Whenever he wants horses, he knows where to get them, and never fails to secure a good drove.

A very large band of Utahs and Navajoes, residing on the lower waters of Green and Grand rivers, and extending to the Colorado, are the most treacherous and bad Indians in the country; they raise considerable stock — horses, cattle, and sheep; they manufacture very beautiful and serviceable blankets; they cultivate corn, vegetables, etc. Green river heads in the Rocky Mountains, as it pursues its course, being enlarged by the various streams which put into it — the river changes its name from Green river, and is called Grand river, then Colorado, etc. In consequence of the many mountain gorges, through which the river passes, and its immense rocky falls, this river is not, and perhaps never can be, made navigable farther up than Grand river.


Another large band of the Pi-Utahs reside in the country south and south-west of Salt Lake, on and about Lake Sevier, and Walker's river, and occupy the country as far as Carson river, and Sierra Nevada; they are in bands from 200 to 400, under some favorite brave or chief, but all friendly, as composing one united band.

There are several tribes or bands residing on Goose creek, the Humboldt and Carson rivers, and in the mountains adjacent to these rivers. A large band of about 500, a mixture of Bonacks and Shoshonies, under the chief Too-ke-mah (the Rabbit), of the Bonack tribe, claim the country about Goose Creek mountain, Spring Valley, and west as far as the Humboldt, extending north some 200 miles towards Fort Hall.

There are two bands of the "Diggers," as they are called, principally of the Shoshonie tribe, who reside on the Humboldt river, and in the adjacent mountains. The first under the chief Ne-me-te-kah (Man-eater), whose band numbers about 500; they occupy the country around and about the junction of the north and south forks of the Humboldt. The other, numbering about 450, under the chief Oh-hah-quah (Yellow-skin). This band reside in the neighborhood of Stony Point, a place made noted from the frequent difficulties between the Indians and emigrants. Within the limits of the country claimed by this band, the celebrated Porter Rockwell, a Mormon, being the same man who attempted to assassinate Governor Boggs, of Missouri, killed six of this band. There was a large party, mostly Mormons, returning to Salt Lake, from California; Rockwell, seeing these Indians at a distance, called them into camp, professed towards them the greatest friendship, gave them provisions, and while they were eating, he drew his revolver and killed the whole six. He took their horses and arms, and left the Indians lying on the plains. Many of the Mormon company, however, were much opposed to this brutal transaction. Upon another occasion, an Indian was killed while in the act of being persuaded to join a company of Mormons; while one of the company drew his attention by giving him a piece of tobacco, another shot him dead. They took his horse and arms, and left him as the others. These, and other acts of unkindness and bad treatment, produced the difficulties which afterwards occurred with the emigrants on this whole route, all these Indians being previously friendly to the whites.

Near the sink of the Humboldt, there is a band, chiefly of the Banock tribe, under the chief Te-ve-re-wena (the long man), numbering about 600.

In Carson Valley, and the country south, there are several bands of the Pi-Utah tribe, numbering 600 or 700, under their favorite chiefs, and scattered over the country from the head of the valley to the sink of the river. It is a curious fact, that while Carson river heads in the Sierra Nevada and runs eastward, the Humboldt river heads in the range of the Humboldt and Rocky Mountains, and runs westward.

The waters of both these rivers form large lakes, and sink, there being no outlet between the sinks of these rivers, some 50 miles apart. It is this district that forms the Great Desert; the crossing of which has caused so much suffering to the California


emigrants. Walker's river, heading in the Sierra Nevada, also sinks in the same manner, as also Deep Creek, a stream between Salt Lake and the Goose Creek mountains. (Vide Appendix, No. 5.)


The elevated summits of New Mexico lying north of the Gila, and west of the upper Rio Grande, may be said to be rather infested than occupied, by this predatory nation. They are the most completely nomadic, in their habits, of any tribe in North America. They have no permanent towns or villages, but rove over immense tracts in small bands, in quest of subsistence and plunder. They are the dread of the contiguous Spanish settlements, from whose ranches they steal horses, cattle, and sheep. They fall upon the unwary travellers who are weak in numbers, and unprotected; and for the sake of the booty, also take life. They rely upon their bows and darts for everything to sustain life; and when this resource fails, as it often does, they wander about wretched and poor, without a morsel to eat, and with scarcely a shred of clothing to hide their nakedness. Whether such a people should be most despised, or pitied, is a question.

The Apaches speak a language, the tones of which are difficult to be caught and recorded by the English alphabet. It abounds equally with guttural, hissing, and indistinctly uttered mixed intonations. A full vocabulary of it has been obtained. It is very meagre in sounds, and in equivalents for English and Spanish words; and so deficient in grammar, that their verbs appear to have no tenses. Deficient as it is, however, many of its sounds are peculiar, and denote it to be the parent language of the surrounding tribes. It abounds in the sound of tz, so common to the Shemitic languages; of zl, of d, and the rough rr, which are wanting in the old Atlantic tribes. It is equally removed from the mountain genus of languages, the Shoshonees, and from the great and wide-spread Dacota stock of the Mississippi Valley. Yet, their traditions are that they came originally from the north; and they would appear, in past ages, to have migrated along the eastern base of the Rocky Mountains. Until vocabularies are obtained for investigation, which record the same words on the same system of notation, it will be impossible to determine the point, and give them their just rank in the scale of language. But it may be suggested that its proper affinities


are to be found in the Athapasca, of the Hudson's Bay territory — thus dropping out two thousand miles in the tribal link, which has been filled up by the central Vesperic tribes who occupy the eastern slopes of the Rocky Mountains and the western borders of the Mississippi Valley.

Nor, until we increase the means of comparison by receiving vocabularies of these tongues, and construct grammars of the language, can it be expected that we should be set right in both the history of this people and their languages. In the meantime, every addition to our information on these heads, is important. "The Apaches," observes Governor Lane, "the Navahoes, and the Lepans of Texas, speak dialects of the same language. The Jicarillas (Hic-ah-ree-ahs), Muscaleros, Tontos, and Coyateros, are all bands of the Apaches; and I am induced to think the Garoteros (who handled Aubrey so roughly) are also an off-shoot of the Apache tribe." (Appendix, V.)

The traditions given to Dr. Ten Broeck (Vol. IV., p. 72), by the Navahoes, only go to prove a general parity of beliefs on this subject by the Indian tribes, from the Arctic circle to the Straits of Magellan — namely, that they originally dwelt in some concavity of the earth, located according to their varying geography, from which they, with the quadrupeds, emerged to the surface. The introduction of the "horse" (only known in America about three centuries) into the tale of the flood, together with its symbolic allusions to modern moral tenets, denote that the web of this story has been woven from mixed materials, furnished since the advent of the Spanish in Mexico. (Vol. IV., p. 89.)

From the remarks of Lieut.-Col. Eaton, U. S. A., the southern and south-western portions of New Mexico, and mainly the valley of the Gila, are the principal seats of the Apaches, who rove, however, over two-thirds of the territory. He expresses no opinion whether the Pueblo bands are derived from this, or other definite stocks. He deems the dialects of Navajoes, Jicarillas, Coyateros, Muscaleros, Gilenos, and some others, cognate with the Apaches. He repels the idea of the Navajoes having "a civilization of their own;" remarking that they do not live in houses of stone — do not make butter or cheese — that they are not remarkable for personal bravery — have scarcely any government at all — and are thieves. Against these particulars he sets the facts that they cultivate corn, pumpkins and melons, and a little wheat; that they are semi-graziers, raising small horses or ponies, sheep, and a few cattle; and that they make a species of basket, of a very close texture and durable colors.

With regard to their history, he was informed that they attribute their origin to the north-east, which, in their present position, agrees generally with the Apache traditions. The account he gives of their origin differs, in its details, from that above narrated, but coincides in the general Indian opinion of their being extricated from the bowels of the earth, through the instrumentality of the animated creation. In manners and customs, he notices a coincidence of their carrying a waving brand of fire, which is mentioned in the narrative of Coronada as being observed on the banks of the Colorado, in 1542. (Vol. IV., p. 216.)


Lieut.-Col. Backus, U. S. A., completes this picture by detailing the mode of forming the thread, and weaving the blanket, among the Navajo and Moqui tribes, to whom, this art is alike known. (Vol. IV., p. 436, Plates XXVI, XXVII.) In detailing the leading events of the introduction of a fort into the territory of the nation, in 1851, this officer observes, that the Navajoes raise no cotton, and of course have no fabrics of this sort; while the Moquis, who cultivate the plant, make nothing but fabrics of the coarsest cloth. He represents many of the principal Navajoes as being rich in sheep, which they drive from valley to valley to find grass and water. But these men possess no houses; and, by an anecdote he introduces, they sleep like the sheep they drive, on the grass and chips, "just like a dog." (Vol. IV., p. 209.)

To these details of the state of art among the Navajoes and Moquis, we add one or two indicative facts. Having observed descriptions of the Navaho dwelling denoting a higher state of the social condition than this tribe have any claims to, drawings of this structure, from persons on the spot, have been given in Vol. IV., Plate 37. This structure depicts a lodge of deflected poles, tied at the top in the Sioux manner, and forming a pentagon, or a many-sided figure, partially covered with flat stones — a mode evidently adopted from the scarcity of bark or wood in those bleak positions.

Popular reports and publications exaggerate the general state of advance of these tribes, while these notices denote them to have the manners of a shepherd life curiously engrafted on the savage stock; and this fact shows what may be important in our future efforts with the nomadic prairie and mountain tribes — namely, that the care of cattle and sheep, and the introduction of grazing, form the true links here, as they did in Asia and Europe, between the hunter and the agricultural state. The change, at once, from the bow and arrow to the plough, is too violent. Arts ever advance in the aboriginal stocks but slowly.

It has been represented that these tribes wear leather shoes. The application of the chemical principle of tanin, converts hides into leather, imparting solidity and firmness of texture. Inquiry from persons who have visited or been stationed in New Mexico, disaffirms this observation, showing that in all cases the Navajo shoes are skins, dressed and smoked after the Indian method. Another fact of equal significance is connected with the use of wool. Wherever the sheep is kept for its wool, among civilized nations, the fleece is sheared at the proper season for this purpose. No process of this kind is at all known in that quarter. When its flesh is required, the sheep is killed, and its skin stripped off, after the method of the hunter. The wool is then cut off with a knife by the Indian women, who are exclusively the possessors of the blanket-making art. In this case, "the wind does not require to be tempered to the shorn lamb," though the hand of Providence be leading these tribes "in a way they know of;" and the entire amelioration of their condition, through the arts of peace, appears to be quite practicable.

The history of the Apache tribes appears to be one of much interest, although


involved in obscurity. Their position, at the earliest dates, was the region lying between Sonora and Chihuahua. At this era, they did not apparently partake of the Cubiacan civilization. They were on the outer circle of those ill-amalgamated and conflicting groups of tribes on its west and north-west periphery, which acknowledged fealty to Montezuma. They did not, at first, reach to the banks of the Rio Gila; and when checked by the Spaniards for their depredations, sheltered themselves in the Los Mimbres mountains, or the Sierra Madre. They have, for generations, been retracing their track of migration from the north; and there seems but little question that they were the destroyers, not the authors, of that semi-civilization of which there are ruins on the banks of the Gila.

The following observations on the history, manners, customs, and condition of this leading tribe of New Mexico, are from Dr. Charlton Henry, U. S. A., who has been several years stationed in the country of the Apaches, and has devoted considerable attention to the subjects discussed.

"It would seem that the Apaches took but very little part in the events which occurred at the period of the discovery and conquest of Mexico. This is the more readily explained when we view the geographical position of their country, and also that they had less to do with Montezuma than other Indian tribes. However, it is probable, by the veneration they have until this day for the name of Montezuma, that they acknowledged and were under the sway of his powerful empire, and had attained a certain degree of civilization; because, according to their tradition, they were living in peace, and cultivating the land. The banks of the Del Norte, the Gila and Los Mimbres were covered with rich crops of corn; and their caravans frequenting the principal towns of the empire of Montezuma procured luxuries and food of every kind. But after the fall of Montezuma, when the great temple of the sun had been pillaged, and the cross of the Spaniard was everywhere displayed, their extreme rapacity for gold led large and numerous parties toward the high and distant lands where the Apaches dwelt. While searching for gold, the Castilians met with these bands. At first the simple and pacific natives, allured by trifling presents and protestations of friendship, received the invaders graciously. But among the Spaniards were many priests of the Franciscan and Jesuitical orders, who, forwarding the conquests of the Church of Rome under cover of the Spanish sword, had already succeeded in planting the cross among the more pacific natives of the plains. But this method of introducing religion met with no success in the case of the Apaches. The holy doctrines of the Cross were losing their force under this mode of treatment, and could not suit the wild temper of the mountain tribes; therefore they were forced to retreat and discontinue their mission. They, however, established missions along the Rio Grande, from which the Apaches kept far aloof. Ere long a series of hostilities commenced between the mountain Apaches and those Indians who had settled on the plains in company with the Spaniards. The latter had by this time made settlements as far north as Santa Fי, a central post,


from which further explorations were made, and conquests extended. In the course of time the Spanish had penetrated west to the coast of the Pacific, to which they gave the name of California, which some writers think was probably the Aurea Chersonea of the ancients.

But at the same time their increasing rapacity for gold, and their exactions against the Indians, whom they kept in a state of servitude, soon raised ill-feelings against them. The year 1688 brought about a revolution, in which the Apaches joined in a common cause with the Pueblo Indians (vaja campana), for the purpose of driving the Spaniards out of the land; and as this revolution was kept secret, and broke out at once in every point, taking the Spaniards by surprise, the assailing party drove them out of New Mexico to the other side of the Passes del Norte, where the assailed made a stand; soon new reinforcements enabled the Spanish to reconquer their lost ground, and bring again to submission at least the "Pueblos."

But much mischief had already been done. The missions had been destroyed, and their priests massacred. Most of the mines were in the hands of the insurgents, and any Spaniard who went toward them was massacred without pity. In this state of affairs the Spaniards gave up the Indians, and contented themselves in holding their own ground till more reinforcements arrived. But the affairs of the metropolis being on a decline, matters remained in status quo until the natives of Spanish blood, emboldened by their own increase, and smarting under the tyranny of the Spanish government, took arms in turn, and with the help of the Indians (Pueblo mostly), in many instances drove the Spanish troops from place to place, until the discomfiture of Murillo in modern times, when his army enabled Iturbide to complete the overthrow of the Spanish dominion, himself then assuming the supreme power.

But soon dissensions and pronunciamentos threw the states of the north into constant trouble. The Apaches frequently sided with either one of the opposing parties, and often again harassed both conjointly. The States of New Mexico, Chihuahua, and Sonora, suffered the most from their incessant inroads; on both sides the most barbarous war was carried on. In those times the various Apache tribes had one common chief of great valor. The latter was finally killed, some say, by the unexpected discharge of a cannon in the hands of an American, a trader with the Sonorians; others say, in a pitched battle between the Apaches and the people of the State of Sonora. His death caused dissensions among the various chiefs of the respective Apache tribes, each one assuming to the supreme command. Since then the Apaches have never been united in a common cause, carrying on war only in small marauding parties, and ceasing to be a very dangerous enemy.

The following are the different tribes, with their respective chiefs, and range of each.

Jicarillas — under Chacon Rouge — they range about the Sacramento Mountains. Gila Apaches — Mangus Colorado, chief — range about the Gila river. A few smaller tribes under Ponci, whose range is up and down the valley of the Rio Mimbres. An attempt


has been made recently to conclude a treaty of peace with these tribes, only partially successful, however. They are very averse to settling down to cultivate the soil; and much prefer to live by stealing. The bad administration of the Spanish and Mexican governments is principally to blame for this. It is very doubtful whether these deluded savages will ever be materially improved.

The geography of the country inhabited by the Apache nation is comparatively little known as regards its precise bounds; and as there exists at present no reliable map of it, we can do no more than give an imperfect sketch of it, with no reference to its precise latitude and longitude. This can be more readily determined by others when we state that their range (i. e. that of the Apaches,) scarcely extends farther north than Albuquerque, except the Masceleros; nor more than two hundred miles south of El Paso del Norte; east, the vicinity of the White Mountains; west, generally no further than the borders of Sonora, unless when they visit the more settled portions of that state on marauding excursions.

The names of the different tribes have reference to their location generally.

"Los Apaches tontos," so named by the Mexicans for their notorious imbecility, greatly beyond that of the other tribes; the word "tonto" meaning "idiot" in the Spanish language. The low stage of the mental faculties of this tribe (which is very numerous,) seems to have its origin in the slight intercourse they have had with the whites. They seem to range about the head springs of the Gila, situated on the Sierra del Mogoyen. This mountain seems to be the head-quarters and the stronghold of all the Apaches on the western side of the Rio Grande. They boast of being able within a few days, by means of signal-fires, to muster a force of five hundred warriors; and as they have their "caches" full of mescal and have plenty of livestock, they deem the place impregnable.

Los Gileסos, or Gila Apaches, seem to range as far as the Rio San Francisco, and the range of mountains of the same name. They are the best warriors of any Apache tribe.

Los Mimbreסos, who derive their name from the Sierra del Los Mimbres, and Rio del Los Mimbres, their hunting-grounds, have their range from the Sierra San Matteo to the north, to the Sierra J'lorida to the south, Sierra de los Burros to the west, and one of the spurs of the Mogoyen to the east, on which latter is situated the old Mexican mine of Santa Rita del Cobre, being about fifty miles east from the Rio Gila, and ten westerly from the Rio Mimbres. This mine will probably belong to the State of New Mexico, when more perfect observations shall have determined the true boundary line of that territory. This portion of the country appears very rich in minerals of every description, but especially in copper and gold.

Los Apaches Mascaleros seem to range from La Sierra de Guadalupe to La Sierra de San Andre north, and south to the Rio Pecos, and to the Rio Grande to the west — which range includes mines of silver worked in former times by the Spaniards; but these mines have been in possession of the hostile Mascaleros since the revolution of


1688. The name which is borne by this tribe is very probably derived from a certain plant, called mescal by the Apaches and Mexicans, which plant, being roasted in holes in the ground covered over with hot stones, and reduced to a pulpy mass, is the principal food of the Apaches when hard pressed by their enemies, or from other causes. This plant grows in abundance all over the country where they range; its taste when raw is very bitter, and scorches the tongue and lips; but when baked, it tastes sweet, but somewhat astringent. The leaves are sharp-pointed and lanceolate in form; no doubt this species is allied to the African Palma. In fact, the mescal, as found in this Indian country, resembles greatly the Rahout des Arabes. This plant no doubt possesses medical properties; and preparations of it must be efficacious in pectoral diseases, or rather demulcent from the mucilage it yields. It has been conjectured that the manna of the ancient Israelites might have not been unlike this plant. The Indians and Mexicans make a rather palatable liquor from the juice.

Los Apaches Jicarillas have within their range on the Sacramento Mountains, some striking ruins which the Mexicans call the Gran Quivיra. From the appearance of those ruins, and from traditional accounts, it appears that there existed there, at the time of Montezuma, a large Indian city, with a Temple to the Sun where a continual fire was kept burning, until the Spaniards took the town, and converted the temple into a Catholic Church, when they were driven out of it in 1688; but as there were rich mines around it, and many riches in the church, it was destroyed and plundered by the insurgent Indians. In general, all the country inhabited by these tribes partakes of the features of the rest of the country of New Mexico, with the exception that the Apaches are the lords of the Uyged and Mist-Befringed Mountains, generally choosing for their abiding-place those most inaccessible. The fertility of the country is quite considerable wherever irrigation can be conducted. The banks of the Gila and Mimbres can yield abundant crops of corn, as well as those of the Rio Grande; and wheat, and most garden vegetables, attain perfection. As a grazing country, it stands justly high. The surface of the country is but scantily supplied with wood on its approaching towards the plains, plateaus, and level lands generally. Within the deep mountain caסons, however, grows the Pinus Altissimus; and the Pinus Monophyllus, and Vesinosus, are also common in similar situations. The scarcity of timber on the plains, is perhaps caused by the infrequency of rains. The whole range of the Apache country presents traces of a general conflagration. The "Jornadas" or deserts, so common in this country, are generally between two ranges of mountains — the interval immediately between them; and although there is a total absence of springs or streams in them, they yield nearly the whole year round an abundance of what the Mexicans call gramma-grass (Aetheroma Oligistarchon), very nutritious to cattle. The climate of the Apache range is one of the healthiest in the world; and to it must be due, in a great measure, the great longevity of many of its inhabitants. Many of the Indian chiefs number over a hundred summers, and are still capable of undergoing all


the fatigue and exertion of a man of middle age. The principal feature of the climate is its dryness. The nights are, in general, cool and bright. The winters are quite severe, some seasons, in the mountains; but the cold is never of long duration continuously. In June, July, August, and September, rains or rather hard showers are frequent; during the rest of the year, very little rain falls.

Snow falls during December and January, in the mountains, not unfrequently, but seldom in large quantity. The prevailing wind is north, except during the rainy season; then the south prevails. East and west winds are very rare. It is highly probable that caves are to be met with in the mountains, where saltpetre or nitrate of potassa is found nearly pure, since the Indians are able to manufacture a kind of coarse cannon-powder, in cases of emergency; in fact, they say as much.

The principal animals found within this range are wolves of two species, deer of two species, bears of two species — grizzly and black bear — wild cats, antelopes, and many smaller quadrupeds.

Their catalogue of birds includes the turkey, and two species of eagles. The more barren and sandy portions of the country abound in rattle-snakes of highly venomous character. The Apaches dread them; and on their list, they hold the place of evil spirits, or the abode of the souls of pernicious men. From this, it is to be inferred that the Apaches believe in metempsychosis; for the same reason, they are observed to pay great respect to the bear, and will not kill one, nor partake of the flesh; and cherish the same opinion with regard to the hog as the Asiatic tribes, viz.: that it is an unclean animal. They have a great respect for the eagle and owl, and appear to think there are spirits of divine origin within, or connected with them. The same holds true with regard to any bird which is perfectly white.

Among the Apaches are found no ruins or mounds which might throw any light on their former history, or which might prove them to have once been civilized; still, however, there are some ruins of houses to be found along the Rio Grande, Gila, etc., which might go to prove they formerly lived in villages. During the time of Montezuma, they claim to have had the art to manufacture a kind of pottery, painted with different colors of imperishable hue; but if so, they have now entirely lost the art, with that of building; and when asked now why they do not build houses, they reply they do not know how, and those of their nation who did know, are all dead. Some, however, give as a reason for not building, that it is because they always move a camp when any one of their number dies. The calumet, or pipe of peace, is not now used by the Apaches; they use instead the corn-shuck cigarito of the Mexicans. Their utensils for the purpose of grinding breadstuff, consist of two stones; one flat, with a concavity in the middle; the other round, fitting partly into the hollow of the flat stone.

Their arrows are quite long, very rarely pointed with flint, usually with iron, and are feathered mostly with the plumes of the wild turkey, unless they can procure


those of the eagle, which they are rarely able to do. The feather upon the arrow is placed or bound down with fine sinew in threes, instead of twos; that is, we may say on three sides of the arrow-shaft — a rather improper expression, because the arrow-shaft is round. The arrow-shaft is usually made of some pithy wood, generally a species of yucca.

Beside the iron-pointed arrows, these Indians use others, with the heads simply of wood hardened in the fire, for the purpose of killing small game. The generality of them have no guns, though there are a few in their possession, in the use of which they are far from expert. All are mounted on small ponies, descendants of the wild breed, and capable of great endurance. The women all ride a-straddle. The Spanish bit, or simply a cord of hair passed between the jaws, are the bridles used by them. Panniers of wicker-work, for holding provisions, are generally carried on the horse by the women. The shells of the pearl-oyster, and a rough wooden image, are the favorite ornaments of both sexes, to which they attach great value. They are also fond of beads and metal buttons. Their feet are protected by high buckskin moccasins with lengthened square toes, pierced at the sole near the end with two or three holes to admit the air. The principal articles of clothing are made out of coarse cotton goods, which they seem never to wash. Their quivers are usually made of deer-skin, with the hair turned inside or outside, and sometimes of the skin of the wild cat, with the tail appended. The organization of the Apaches is much like that of some of the ancient tribes, the chiefs being the wealthiest men, the most warlike, the first in battle, the wisest in council; and the more popular take a wife, whom they buy from another tribe, giving in exchange horses, blankets, and trinkets of various kinds. These can have any number of wives they choose; but one only is the favorite. She is admitted to his confidence, and superintends his household affairs; all the other wives are slaves to her; next come his peons, or slaves, and his wife's slaves, and the servants of his concubines; then the young men or warriors, most generally composed of the youth who have deserted other tribes on account of crimes, and have fled to the protection of the chief of this tribe. (This does not protect them from the chances of private revenge.) Then come the herdsmen and so on.

The strength of a tribe ranges from 100 to 200 souls, and can muster from 25 to 50 warriors, headed by a capitancillo, or capitan, under the chief's command, who mostly remains at home, and very seldom leads in a foray, taking the field only in cases of emergency. This captain is often the oldest son of the chief, and assumes the command of the tribe on the death of his father, and then he chooses a captain among his bravest warriors. A council of chiefs is assembled in cases of undertaking a marauding expedition. Should the son of a chief prove unfit for the situation of captain from want of courage, energy, or otherwise, he soon finds himself deserted by all his warriors, who go and join a more expert captain, or chieftain, leaving him (the former) at the head of a crowd of women and children. Many of the Apaches dress in the


breech-clout only; but they are beginning now to imitate the Mexicans by wearing the serape or blanket pretty generally, and not a few wear the straw hat or sombrero. The women wear a short petticoat, and wear their hair loose over the naked shoulders. The women, in mourning for husbands killed in battle, cut their hair off short. The younger children go mostly entirely nude. Those under the age of two years are carried in a kind of osier basket by the mother, in which the child is fastened in a standing posture. There is a cover fits over the head of the child, much resembling the niche of a statue of a saint as seen standing at the corners of the streets of the cities in Spain. When on a roving expedition, if on foot, the mother fastens this basket to a strap, which depends from the forehead, while the basket is swung to the back as they progress, in a stooping position. When on horseback, the basket is fastened to the saddle on the near side.

The women dye their faces with a kind of paint, black and red, or one of those colors; and the men daub vermilion on their faces, all over evenly; when they are about to go to war, they also grease their bodies. The captains of the bands wear a kind of helmet made of buckskin, ornamented with crow or turkey feathers. The Apaches wear no beards on their faces; they are naturally rather bare of this appendage, but otherwise they pull away by the roots whatever hair may present itself on any part of the body. The women do the same; but they allow the hair of their head to attain its greatest length. Their hair is very black and straight, much resembling horse hair. In general the shape of the head and body of the Apache appears to belong to the Asiatic type of the human family. Their behavior is grave and often passionate; they are naturally inclined to intemperance in strong drinks, though necessity often obliges them to adopt restraints, which they seem to bear with great ease.

Promiscuous intercourse between the sexes seems to be common among them, although they are very jealous of their women; any one found guilty of infidelity is barbarously mutilated by having her nose shaved off even with the face. And yet it is but too true, that the tenor of such a punishment is not always a restraint to the commission of crime; for at Fort Webster, while stationed on the Rio del Mimbres, no small number of Apache squaws came in with their comrades repeatedly thus mutilated. But since their recent intercourse with the Americans, this custom seems to be less observed, as many have been known to prove unfaithful, and yet escape the usual punishment."

The same observer communicates the following additional facts.

"They have a tradition that in the time of Montezuma a bear went into his palace and carried away one of his daughters to a cave, where he had offspring by her. All the Apaches can understand the language of the Navahoes and Camanches, and vice versa.

There are no lakes of any size within the Apache range but the Ojo Calienta, or hot


spring, which is situated on the Mimbres, some fifteen miles south-east of El Cobre, or the copper-mines. The water is somewhat below 210° in temperature. Various salts of lime and magnesia exist in a state of solvency in it. The minerals are block-tin, gold, silver, and lead, mostly mixed with cretaceous formations. Shells there are none. The knowledge of medicine is very limited; they seem to be hydropaths mostly. They have not any fixed rates of barter. Their animals (wild) are becoming less and less every year. A great part of the Indians are addicted to falsehood. They believe in one God. They are very much given to frequent "fiestas," or feasts, on which occasions the females do the principal part of the dancing. The women and children captured from the Mexicans they treat very cruelly. They have no respect for female virtue in the case of their enemies or captives. They will often force the very young girls they take captive. Such cases have fallen under my own eye. They do not scalp their enemies. They dread to have the body of one of their people killed in fight fall into the hands of their enemies, and make every effort to prevent it. Probably they bury their dead in caves; no graves are ever found that I ever heard of. They are fond of smoking; do not chew tobacco. They still hunt, mostly, except antelopes, which they surround on horseback in large parties. Their lodges are built of light boughs and twigs; they never remain in one encampment long at a time. Have probably no knowledge of taking game by means of traps or snares. They are somewhat given to a monotonous kind of singing when idle. Are fond of cards, which they learned from the Mexicans. When fighting, they keep their horses in rapid motion, and are never at rest in the saddle. Am not aware they respect the wolf. They have no idea of boats. There are several species of weeds, the seeds of which they eat; also piסons and cedar-berries."

Not ten years have yet elapsed since the Americans came into possession of the Apache country. Agreeably to their own traditions, they have held possession of these latitudes since the conquest of Mexico by Spain. What condition they were in, at that time, with regard to arts and civilization, is doubtful. Coronada, and his successors, found them fierce, sanguinary, and treacherous. They assailed detached parties with fury and cruelty. They appear, by their manners and habits, to be as nomadic as the wildest Bedouins of the Arabic deserts. Their country was soon overrun and subjugated. They acquiesced, for a time, in receiving missionaries and teachers from the Spanish; but they soon became restless under a system that condemned unrestrained vice and passion, and having, in 1688, organized a rebellion, and secured the concurrence of other tribes, they expelled the Spanish from their territories; and although this expulsion did not become permanent, they never afterwards received any instructors or missionaries who might teach the maxims of civilization, or at least narrow the limits of their indulgence. The years — nay, ages — which have rolled over their heads since, have been ages of predatory wandering, want, and barbarism. They seem willing to take the credit of having, by their ancestry, been the


builders of the stone houses whose ruins are found along the valley of the Gila, and of having made the painted pottery which is found scattered about these antique vestiges; but there is little reason to believe that their ancestry had anything to do with such arts.

Had such a wild and roving tribe, who set the laws both of God and man at defiance, by their manners and acts, been annexed to the United States on a territory whose soil and advantages admitted of general cultivation, white settlements could be formed, at various points, to serve as checks in keeping them within limits. But with three-fourths of the whole area of the Apache country consisting of barren volcanic rocks, or sterile ridges, where no plough can be driven, and no water is found, there is little hope of surrounding the lawless tribes with settlements. Our chief resource to bring them under government, is to advance military posts and stockades into the country, along with executive agents who shall keep the government well informed of their condition and wants, and at the same time discharge the civil duties required. In the meantime, these duties are of the severest character, imposing privations and dangers which are peculiar to very remote and isolated positions in the wilderness, which are often subject to be cut off from the means of supply or reinforcement. The soldier who upholds the flag of his country in these desert positions, is cheered by no stimulant but that of duty. He is called on to repel the assaults, or avenge the frequent depredations, of these western Arabs, without the hope of glory to reward success. He leads a few men over barren plains, or through difficult defiles, and falls — a bright example, indeed, of fortitude, strength, and courage — with the bare hope that savages will be restrained by principle, or appalled by daring. But the labor seems almost as endless as it is often fruitless. It is to be recommenced every spring, and is but periodically stopped every fall. The Apache sweeps over the barren and bleak plains, like the furious winds of autumn. He often pounces down from his hiding-places, like a pestilence, on a village. Its inhabitants fall, before an alarm can be spread; its flocks are driven off to satisfy the rites and demands of a demoniacal priesthood, and its women to fulfil the basest purposes of human passion.

Relations of such atrocities committed on the frontiers, characterize the pages of our diurnal press. For awhile, they rouse up the deepest feelings of the human heart; but the account of one atrocity rapidly succeeds another, and the intelligence at last partakes of that class of passing events which rather palls by its frequency, than excites. Pity is the common expression for weakness and ignorance, though, as in this case, it be clothed with temporary power. It is one of the noblest attributes of our nature to forgive the erring and the ignorant; and it is found that before our vials of retaliation are half exhausted, the inquiry returns with force, what can be done for the Apaches?

There is an American missionary residing at Laguna, another at Fort Defiance, in the heart of the Navajo country, and another at Santa Fי, in addition to the operations


of the Roman Catholic bishopric of that city, which embraces the care of all the pueblos of the Rio Grande, and, it is believed, of New Mexico.

The Indian tribes are born to respect all that pertains to war. They learn its arts as soon as they are able to bend a bow. It is the dream of their youth, the pride of their manhood, and the pleasing reminiscence of their age. To expect to control the wild and fierce tribes without it, is indeed a fallacy; but it must only be resorted to as a means to an end. It is undoubtedly by the arts and counsels of peace, reiterated at every proper pause in the howling of the human tempest that sweeps along our frontiers, that it becomes practicable or possible to lead them forward in the scale of society, and to induce their sages to place a veto on the maxims of their ancestors. (Vide Appendix, No. 5.)


During the intervening period between the years 1769 and 1776, the Spanish organized eighteen Indian missions in California, embracing, at their highest period of prosperity, 16,231 souls (Alcedo). The disbandrnent of these missions, and the dispersion of the population which had been thus brought under the influence of instruction, has rendered it impracticable, were it even now attempted, to distinguish the various grades of the aboriginal population. When the Americans succeeded to the occupancy of California, the sites and buildings of these missions were observed on the coast, from San Diego to San Francisco; but they appeared to have been abandoned, as centres of teaching the natives, for long periods. Lieut. A. W. Whipple, U. S. A., who passed through the bands on the line of survey between San Diego and the coast opposite the mouth of the Gila, found the Diegunos laying stress on the fact of the tribes having been formerly organized in a Spanish mission, and speaking many Spanish words, and evincing some evidences of improved manners, without much industrial or moral character. But before reaching the Colorado, he entered the territories of the Cushans or Yumas, who are the merest barbarians. "Warriors dye their faces jet black, with a strip of red from the forehead, down the nose, and across the chin. Women and young men usually paint with red, and ornament their chins with dots or stripes of blue or black; around their eyes are circles of black. (Vol. II., p. 113.) There were also encountered, on this part of the route, other bands; and he pronounces those living near the mouth of the Gila, as "a desperate set of rascals" (p. 110).

In the manners and customs of the tribes living in the circle of country around San Diego, we perceive nothing that lifts them above the darkest superstitions of the most degraded hunter-tribes of other latitudes. "In their religious ceremonial dances," says an observer on the spot, "they differ much. While, in some tribes, all unite to celebrate them, in others, men alone are allowed to dance, while the women assist in


singing. Of their dances, the most celebrated are those of the hawk-feast, the dance of peace and plenty, the dance of victory, that of puberty, and that of deprecation. These are all considered religious, and apart from those of mere amusement.

That of deprecation obtains when any person of the tribe falls sick unaccountably. All believe it to be the work of witches, or rather of wizards; for among them the males are more liable to be accused, and in this their gallantry is superior to ours. On this occasion, all the members of the tribe assemble, bringing with them each an offering of the products of their gathering. The whole is deposited in a basket, and the dance begins. Significative words are sung by the women, children, and the old, while generally the warriors alone dance to time, kept in their ordinary way, by arrows, used as castanets. This is kept up till a late hour, when the priest rises and presents the offering, waving it high from right to left, and shouting at each wave, the tribe responding by a deep groan. During this part of the ceremony, no other noise is heard, but all is deep and respectful attention. Here the dance breaks up, and all disperse. The offering is prepared and cooked on the following day; and in the night, the inefficient old men of the tribe alone, meet and eat it. Here the ceremony ends, and they conclude that the evil genius should be appeased.

On the first proof of womanhood in the maiden, a great ceremonial feast comes off. The girl is interred, and the ground beaten, so that a profuse sweat succeeds, and is kept up for twenty-four hours. During this interval she is withdrawn and washed three or four times, and reimbedded. Dancing is kept up the whole time by the women, and the ceremony ends by all joining in a big feast, given by the parents of the girl.

One of their most remarkable superstitions is found in the fact of their not eating the flesh of large game. This arises from their belief that in the bodies of all large animals the souls of certain generations, long since past, have entered. It is not the metempsychosis of Pythagoras, but one of their own, as they always say they were people long since passed away, whose souls have been thus translated. It is probable that the superstition, in its purity, extended to all large animals; but the Mission Indians, being fed entirely on beef, and their robberies consisting mostly of herds of horses, the superstition has been removed from the domestic animals, excepting the hog. This was preserved in the Missions for its lard, and was difficult to steal in quantity — hence the continued prohibition of its flesh amongst them. These prohibitions are set aside in case of the old and inefficient men of the tribes, as they can eat anything and everything that comes in their way. A white man at first finds it difficult to believe in their good faith, but a couple of proofs may be adduced here: On one occasion, a half-Indian wished to amuse himself at the expense of the devout. He prepared a dish of bear-meat for them, and saying it was beef, all eat heartily. When the trick was made known to them, they were seized with retchings, which only ended


with their cause. A term of reproach from a wild tribe to those more tamed is,"They eat venison!"

On an eclipse, all is consternation. They congregate and sing, as some say, to appease, and others to frighten, the evil spirits. They believe that the devils are eating up the luminary, and they do not cease until it comes forth in its wonted splendor. All pregnant women are confined within their huts during the eclipse, as they believe them to be engaged with the devils.

This does not certainly look as if there were any remaining traces in their minds of any teachings that ever were brought to their notice at the Mission of San Diego.

An opinion has been expressed that the California Indians are of Malay origin. This idea is mentioned by Dr. Pickering, (Races of Man, p. 105,) who observes that their complexion is too dark for the Mongolian race, (111). It is not conceived that the remark is generally sustained by the particulars introduced by him, physiological or philological. Repetitious syllables are common to most of our tribes east as well as west of the Rocky Mountains, who have scanty vocabularies. Tattooing also prevails in many of the Vesperic tribes east of these northern Cordilleras. The old Creeks formerly practised it; the Knistenos still do. A peculiar softness of the skin (p. 107,) is a noticeable trait with the Indians of the Mississippi Valley, and of the Appalachian group. The assertion (108,) that language radically changes, on migration, into diverse stocks, requires examination. The remark that syphilitic diseases (109,) are derived through "converted natives," appears designed to be severe.

Most observers in California, although admitting them to be a degraded type, have deemed the Indians to coincide in their general features and character with the general race of these tribes in the older parts of the United States, as remarked by General Hitchcock, U. S. A.

"It is a mistake, in my judgment, to suppose that the Indians on this coast, except, perhaps, a few ‘digger bands,’ differ materially from those found by the pilgrims at Plymouth, from whose descendants there sprang up in time a Philip or a Tecumseh. It is by no means certain that the seeds of dreadful massacres and barbarities are not already sown."

The manners and customs of the California Indians, while they denote a lower grade of art and ingenuity than the tribes in eastern longitudes, are, at the same time, general. They do not erect a lodge of the least pretensions to architecture. They dwell in roofed pits. The Bonacks subsist on the pap-pa, or wild potatoes, and on berries, acorns, and seeds, which are procured by the labor of the women; the men obtain fish in most of the streams, and sometimes kill small game. But the chief reliance, summer and winter, is on seeds. The females construct, with much ingenuity, baskets


of willow or osier, for gathering and cleaning these seeds, and for transporting them to their lodges or places of depפt, to be stored up for future use. These several operations are exhibited in Plates 26, 27, 28. The men are described by Mr. Pickering as being generally of tall stature. They make a beautiful and delicate kind of dart from obsidian, or chalcedony, for the purpose of killing small game. The objections of the California tribes to eating the flesh of the bear, which has been frequently stated, is peculiar. Some of the customs of these people resemble those of the Hindoos; but it is believed that these traits may be accounted for on other principles. They burn their dead. They also sacrifice widows on the pyre with their deceased husbands, an instance of which, by the tribes occupying the sources of the Mercedo river, within the range of the Nevada Mountains, is described at page 226, Vol. IV. The coast tribes manufacture the bow and arrow with great skill; but they are destitute of the war-club, the tomahawk, or the battle-axe. There are no ruins or antiquarian monuments in the country, to denote that it had ever been occupied by a people more advanced in arts. Mentally, their aspirations are not high. They do not appear to refer their creation to a DEITY. They ascribe their origin to the coyote, or wolf. From the decay of its carcass they date the origin of other quadrupeds. To prevent the process of putrefaction, and avoid the multiplication of insects in the world, they adopted the custom of burning the dead.

The numerous small tribes and bands of north-western California are described in the Journal of Mr. G. Gibbs (Vol. III., p. 99). Their population (given on page 634) is estimated to exceed 9000 souls. Ample specimens of eighteen of these dialects of tribes, dispersed along the coast between San Francisco and the Klamath river, reaching inland to the Shaske or Shashtl Mountains, are inserted in the same volume, at pages 428 to 445. For additional information, vide Appendix, No. 5.

With regard to the classification of the California tribes, the state of our vocabularies from that quarter is still too scanty to make the attempt. The dialects of the Bonacks, together with their manners and customs, prove them to be of the Shoshonie stock of the summits of the Rocky Mountains. This stock, known under the names of Snakes and Bonacks, on that range, are perceived by the vocabulary transmitted by Mr. Neighbors (Vol. II., page 494), to have been the parent tribe of the present Camanches of Texas, where the possession of the horse has exalted them into a new existence.


This tribe, Mr. Potter informs us, formerly occupied the Merrimack valley. Their seat of power was at Amoskeag Falls. They were in amity with the surrounding tribes, amongst whom they exercised an important influence. They were under


the government of a powerful sagamore called PASSACONNAWAY, who was at once the depository of political and religious power. His wisdom in council was respected, but his power as a native priest and sorcerer made him to be feared. He resisted the gospel, when it was first offered him and his band by Eliot; and they regarded the advent of the whites in the country as fraught with influences adverse to their prosperity, and destructive to aboriginal tribes. They made the most determined resistance to the settlement of New England and New Hampshire especially, of any tribe on the borders of the North Atlantic; and when they were expelled from the Merrimack, they returned from the north and wrest, whither they had fled, with a degree of fury, and spirit of vengeance, which is almost without a parallel. These events are stated, in their order, in the following observations, as gleaned from the authorities by a gentleman resident in the district of country whose aboriginal history is under discussion.

"The voyagers to the coast of New England, in the early part of the seventeenth century, found multiplied divisions among the several tribes of Indians, though all speaking radically the same language, namely, the Algonkin. Captain John Smith, one of these early voyagers, gives the most minute account of these tribes. He says: ‘The principal habitations I saw at Northward, was Pennobscot, who are in Warres with the Terentines, their next northerly neighbors. Southerly up the Rivers, and along the coast, wee found Mecadacut, Segocket, Pemmaquid, Nusconcus, Sagadahock, Satquin, Aumughcawgen, and Kenabeca: to those belong the countries and people of Segotago, Pauhuntanuck, Pocopassurn, Taughtanakagnes, Wabigganus, Nassaque, Mauherosqueck, Warigwick, Moshoquen, Waccogo, Pasharanack, etc. To those are allied in confederacy the Countries of Aucocisco, Accominticus, Passataquak, Augawoam and Naemkeck; all those, for any thing I could perceive, differ little in language, or any thing, though most of them be Sagamos and Lords of themselves, yet they hold the Bashabes of Penobscot the chiefe and greatest amongst them. The next is Mattahunt, Totant, Massachuset, Paconekick, then Cape Cod, by which is Pawmet, the Iles Nawset and Capawuck, neere which are the shoules of Rocks and sands that stretch themselves into the maine Sea twenty leagues, and very dangerous, betwixt the degrees of 40 and 41.’ Most of these tribes named by Smith occupied the same relative positions for more than a century after the country was permanently settled by the English.

West of Cape Cod were the powerful tribes of the Narragansets and Pequots, while in the country, upon the rivers and lakes, were several powerful tribes; the Nipmucks, in the interior of Massachusetts and New Hampshire, and occupying the valley of the Merrimack, in New Hampshire and Massachusetts; and the Norridgewocks, seated upon the branches of the Kennebeck, and the lakes in the northern interior of Maine. This last tribe was called Abanakis by the French, and was principally noted for their adherence to the French interests, and their inroads upon the French settlements, which their connection with the French led them to undertake.


East of the Penobscot were the Scootucks, or Passamaquoddies, inhabiting the Scootuck or St. Croix river, and the shore of the Passamaquoddy Bay; the Milicetes, in the valley of the river St. John; and the Mic Macs, occupying the rest of New Brunswick, and the peninsula of Nova Scotia.

The Mic Macs were, and still are, a warlike people. Living mainly upon the seashore, athletic, of powerful frame, and most expert canoe-men, they were fond of warlike expeditions, and often were a source of fear and anxiety to their western neighbors, under the dreaded name of Tarratines. They even extended their war expeditions against the tribes of Massachusetts, within the knowledge of the English; and in some of the earliest stipulations between the tribes of New Hampshire and Massachusetts and their English neighbors, mention is made of their dread of the Tarratines.

When Captain Smith coasted along the shore of New England, in 1614, making the island of Monheagan the centre of his operations, the Penobscot tribe was one of the most powerful in New England. They were under the control of a bashaba or chief, who held the tribes of Maine, as far west as the Saco, as tributary, or subject to him. He was then at war with the Tarratines; and in 1615, that warlike people sent an expedition against him, with such secrecy and consequent success, that they took him by surprise, and put him and his family to death. Divisions arose as to the succession of the bashaba, of which the Tarratines, taking the advantage, soon overpowered the other tribes of Maine, and extended a war of extermination along the coast of Massachusetts. Hand in hand, as it were, with war, stalked pestilence, so that in 1620, the tribes upon the sea-coast, from the St. Croix to Cape Cod, had become greatly depreciated in numbers, and some places had become almost entirely depopulated.

Speaking of this depopulation, Captain Smith says: "They had three plagues in three years successively, neere two hundred miles along the sea-coast, that in some places there scarce remained five of a hundred," * * * * "but it is most certaine there was an exceeding great plague amongst them; for where I have seene two or three hundred, within three years after remained scarce thirty."

Whatever this disease may have been, it seems to have extended little farther south than Cape Cod, and to have been limited in violence, at least, to the tribes of the sea-coast, so that the Pilgrims in 1620, and for many years subsequent, had but little to fear from the once powerful tribes upon the sea-shore north of Cape Cod; but, on the contrary, had to use every precaution, and much vigilance, against the power of the southern tribes and those of the interior, which had been less afflicted by disease and war.

At this period, the most powerful tribes of the interior, and probably of New England, north of the Pequots, had their residence in the valley of the Merrimack, upon the productive falls and fertile meadows of that beautiful river. These meadows, or "intervales," as they are usually called, are basins made up of alluvial and vegetable


deposits, and were, doubtless, once covered with water, which has gradually passed away through the Merrimack, that, continually deepening its channel, has burst the rocky barriers of these bays, or lakes, and left their former beds dry and arable land. That these "intervales" were submerged, and at a comparatively late period, hardly admits of a doubt, as the barriers of these ancient bays can be readily traced above Pawtucket, Amoskeag, Hookset, Garvin's and Sewell's Falls; and upon most of these basins, or intervales, have been found, far below their surface, logs, fresh-water shells, and other unmistakable evidences of submersion. The Merrimack, then, was a succession of bays, from Lake Winnepesaukee to the ocean; a part of which now remain at Sanbornton and Meredith, and which add so much of beauty to the scenery of that neighborhood. These intervales were of very great fertility, and of such ready productiveness, as to afford an abundant harvest to the scanty husbandry of the Indian. More than two centuries of culture have hardly decreased their fertility.

Then, the Merrimack afforded other superior advantages for Indian settlements. Rising in the White Mountains, at an altitude of six thousand feet above the level of the ocean, its waters find their way to the Atlantic, through the distance of two hundred and fifty miles; of course there are rapids and falls through most of its entire length. These afforded the most ample fishing-grounds to the natives, whereat to spear, and take with dip-net and seine, the myriads of alewives, shad, and salmon, that literally crowded the Merrimack during certain seasons of the year. Then, the woods upon its banks were filled with moose, deer, and bears; whilst the ponds and lakes, the sources of its tributaries, were teeming with water-fowl.

In this beautiful "valley of the Merrimack," with all these attractions of fertile planting-grounds, an abundance of fish, and hunting-grounds of unlimited extent, the first English adventurers found several tribes of Indians, occupying localities chosen with Indian taste, and with special reference to his comfort and his wants. From its mouth far above its affluents, the Winnepesaukee and Pemegewasset, the shores of this "silver stream" were dotted with Indian villages. It was the very paradise of the Indian imagination. Is it a wonder that the wresting of such a home from "the lords of the soil," should have been accompanied with strife and bloodshed? That the Indian, in his ignorance and wildness, when driven from the graves of his fathers at the hands of strangers, should have left the marks of his vengeance behind him, traced with all the horrors of the scalping-knife and tomahawk? It is not strange; nor is it so singular, or so much a matter of reproach, as that a people, fresh from the lash of oppression, laying claim to much of humanity, and ever bearing upon their arm the shield of morality and religion, should have driven the simple-hearted natives from their lands without even color of right, except what comes from that precept of barbarism that "might makes right;" and without even color of title, when title was pretended, except what was purchased for a few blankets, a trucking-coat, a few beads and baubles, or perhaps still worse, for a runlet of "occupee," or "fire-water!"


These tribes upon the Merrimack were the Agawam, Wamesit or Pawtucket, Nashua, Souhegan, Namaoskeag, Pennacook, and Winnepesaukee. The Agawam tribe occupied the eastern part of what is now Essex County, in Massachusetts, extending from tide-water upon the Merrimack, round to Cape Ann. Their territory, skirted upon two sides by the Merrimack and Atlantic, indented by bays, intersected by rivers, and interspersed with ponds, was appropriately called Wonnesquamsauke, meaning literally, the Pleasant Water-Place; the word being a compound from wonne, pleasant, asquam, water, and auke, a place. This word was sometimes contracted to Wonnesquam, often to Squamsauke, and still oftener to Squam, or Asquam. The deep guttural pronunciation of asquam by the Indians, sounded to the English like agawam, and hence the word as applied to the Indians of that locality. Several localities in Essex County are now known by names contracted and derived from this Indian word Wonnesquamsauke, as "Squam," the name of a pleasant harbor and village upon the north side of Cape Ann, and "Swamscot," the name of a pleasant village in the eastern part of Lynn. The Wamesits occupied the forks of the Merrimack and Concord rivers, near to the Pawtucket Falls in the former river. Wamesit is derived from wame, all or whole, and auke, a place, with the letter s thrown in betwixt the two syllables, for the sake of the sound. The Indian village at this place undoubtedly received this name from the fact that it was a large village, the place where all the Indians collected together. This was literally true in the spring and summer, as the Pawtucket Falls, near by, was one of the most noted fishing-places in New England, where the Indians from far and near gathered together in April and May, to catch and dry their year's stock of shad and salmon. Wamesit is embraced in the present town of Tewksbury, and the city of Lowell, in Middlesex County, Massachusetts.

The Indians in this neighborhood were sometimes called Pawtucket, from the falls in the Merrimack of that name. Pawtucket means the forks, being derived from the Indian word Pochatuk, a branch. Pawtucket seems, however, to have been applied by the English rather to all the Indians north of the Merrimack, than to the particular tribe at the falls of that name. The Nashuas occupied the lands upon the Nashua, and the intervals upon the Merrimack, opposite and below the mouth of that river. Nashua means the river with a pebbly bottom, a name said to have been peculiarly appropriate before art had deprived it of this distinctive beauty.

The Souhegans lived upon the Souhegan river, occupying the rich intervals upon both banks of the Merrimack, above and below the mouth of the Souhegan. Souhegan is a contraction of Souhekenash, an Indian noun in the plural number, meaning worn-out lands. These Indians were often called Natacooks, or Nacooks, from their occupying ground that was free from trees, or cleared landNatacook meaning a clearing.

The Namaoskeags resided at the falls in the Merrimack, known at present by the name of Amoskeag, and lying mainly in the city of Manchester. This word, written


variously, Namaske, Namaoskeag, Naumkeag, and Naimkeak, means the fishing-place, from namaos, a fish, and auke, a place.

The Pennacooks occupied the rich intervals at Pennacook, now embraced in the towns of Bow, Concord, and Boscawen, in the county of Merrimack. They were thus called from pennaqui, crooked, and auke, place; the intervals at Concord, which are extensive, being embraced within the folds of the Merrimack, which winds its way along in a very crooked manner.

The Winnepesaukies occupied the lands in the vicinity of the lake of that name, one of their noted fishing-places being at the outlet of the Winnegesaukee, now known as the Weirs, the parts of permanent Indian weirs having remained at that place long after the advent of the whites. Winnepesaukee is derived from winne, beautiful, nipe, water, kees, high, and auke, place; meaning literally, the beautiful water of the high land.

Of these several tribes, the Pennacooks were the most powerful; and either from their superiority, arising from a long residence upon a fertile soil, and hence more civilized; or from having been, for a long period, under the rule of a wise chief; and perhaps from both causes united, had become the head, as it were, of a powerful confederacy.

It is well known that the Winnepesaukee, Amoskeag, Souhegan, and Nashua tribes, were completely subservient to the Pennacooks; while the Wamesits were so intermarried with them as to be mainly under their control, acknowledged fealty to Passaconnaway, and finally, with the other tribes upon the Merrimack, became merged with the Pennacooks, and ceased to be distinct tribes, in fact or name.

The Agawams were also intimately connected with the Pennacooks, and acknowledged fealty to them, and doubtless were one of the earliest tribe to become merged with them; but still they ceased to exist as a distinct tribe at so early a date, that few particulars of their history have been preserved.

Besides the tribes in the valley of the Merrimack, the Pennacooks had control over the most of the tribes from the Concord river in Massachusetts, to the sources of the Connecticut, and from the highlands betwixt the Merrimack and Connecticut, to the Kennebec, in Maine. It is known that the Wachusetts, from Wadchu, (a mountain,) and Auke (place), near Wachusetts mountain in Massachusetts; the Coosucks, from Cooash (pines), upon the sources of the Connecticut river; the Pequaquaukes, from Pequaquis (crooked), and Auke (a place), upon the sources of the Saco, in Carroll county, in New Hampshire, and Oxford county, in Maine; the Ossipees, from Cooash (pines), and Sipe (a river), upon the Ossipee lake and river, in Carroll county, in New Hampshire, and York county, in Maine; the Squamscotts, from Winne (beautiful),


Asquam (water), and Aulce (place), upon Exeter river, in Exeter, and Stratham, in Rockingham county; the Winnecowetts, from Winne (beautiful), Cooash (pines), and Auke (place), in the Hamptons in the same county; the Piscataquaukes, from Pos (great), Attuck (a deer), and Auke (a place), upon the Piscataqua river, the boundary betwixt New Hampshire and Maine; the Newichewannocks, from Nee (my), Week (a contraction of weekwam, a house), and Owannock (come), upon one of the upper branches of the same river; the Sacos, from Sawa (burnt), Coo (pine), and Auke (place), upon the Saco river in York county, Maine; and the Amariscoggins, from Namaos (fish), Kees (high), and Aulce (place), upon the Ameriscoggin river, having its source in New Hampshire, and emptying its waters into the Kennebec — all acknowledged the power and control of the Pennacooks, and were members of the confederacy of which that powerful tribe was the head, and Passaconnaway the leading sagamore, or bashaba. These Indians from the interior were known and called among the tribes upon the sea-shore by the general name of Nipmucks, or fresh water Indians. Nipmuck is derived from Nip (still water), and Auke (place), with the letter m thrown in for the sake of euphony. And, true to their name, the Nipmucks usually had their residences upon places of still water, the ponds, and lakes, and rivers of the interior.

But the Indians in the Merrimack valley, although properly Nipmucks, and living in distinct bands or tribes, were usually called by the English Pennacooks, from the fact that the tribe at Pennacook was the most powerful one in the valley; and under the rule of Passaconnaway, had become, as has already been seen, the head of a powerful confederacy. This position of that tribe brought its people in contact with the English on all occasions of moment, such as conferences and negotiations; and hence the English, meeting on such occasions Pennacooks almost exclusively, applied the name of Pennacooks to the tribes generally inhabiting the Merrimack valley. And in course of time, as the Indians became reduced in numbers by emigration, war, and contact with civilization, the smaller tribes became united with the larger ones, till, in 1675, the Pennacooks were the only tribe in, and had exclusive possession of, the Merrimack valley.

The Merrimack, naturally, was but a series of falls, rapids, and ripples from the Souhegan to the lower Pennacook falls (now Garvin's). These afforded the most ample opportunity for fishing, and the name of Namaoskeag was doubtless applied to that section of the river and the adjacent country around; but in course of time, as fish became more and more limited, the name Namaoskeag came to be applied to the immediate neighborhood of the principal falls, now known as Amoskeag.

The fish at these falls were most abundant, and the facilities for taking them superior to those of any other place upon the Merrimack. The river below the main fall, in the course of a few miles, is entered by a number of rivers and rivulets having their sources in the lakes at no great distance; and of course at certain seasons it was filled with alewives, waiting an opportunity to pass up those small streams, thus both on


the Merrimack and in those streams, affording ready opportunity to take them in any quantity. Then at the same season the great basin or eddy at the foot of these falls and at the mouth of the Piscataquog river was literally filled with eels, shad, and salmon, waiting a passage up the falls occupied by their earlier or more expert companions, over and among which the Indian, in his canoe, could pass and spear or net at his will. Again, at the foot of the main fall, and upon the western branch of the river, here dividing and passing among and around certain small islands, was, and is at the present time a basin or eddy, emptied by a small passage easily rendered impassable for fish by a weir, and ever filled with fish in the season of them from the falls above, the force of the water rushing over the main pitch of the falls naturally and inevitably driving into this pool those fish that, in the rush, did not succeed in passing up the falls. Here they were as secure as in an eel-pot, and the Indians could take them at their convenience.

Then at the main fall, and at the Islands below, the river passes through the ledges and rocks in narrow channels; and upon these rocks and channels the Indian could stand through day and night, if he chose, and throw spear or dip-net without missing a fish at each "throw." And last, the various fish did not usually arrive at these falls until after the 20th of May, when the planting season was over; thus affording the Indians plenty of time to take and cure them without interruption from their agricultural pursuits, however scanty. Whereas at Pawtucket, and the rapids in that neighborhood, the fish arrived usually about the first of May, and continued through the busiest time of corn-planting. These peculiar advantages pertaining to the fishery at this place, made it, par excellence, the fishing-place; hence, as before suggested, the Indian name of Namaoskeag.

These were no ordinary advantages to the Indian, depending, as he did, for subsistence upon fish, flesh, and fowl, and such vegetables as his limited agriculture might produce. Hence we can readily suppose, that where fish were so abundant, and so readily to be taken, that there the Indians would flock together in vast numbers, to supply their future wants, and that the place would be one of great importance. Such was the fact; and Namaoskeag, for a long time, was not only the great point of attraction to all provident Indians, but was the royal residence of the ancient sagamores of the Merrimack valley.

At Namaoskeag, upon the bluff immediately east of the falls, was the main village or town occupied by the Indians, as is plainly shown by the abundance of arrow and spear-heads, and the debris of stones from which they were manufactured, together with pieces of pottery, and other unmistakable evidences of an ancient Indian town, still to be seen and found; while down the river to the Souhegan, there were smaller settlements, wherever were good fishing or planting-grounds. In Bedford, opposite Carthagena Island, on land of Hon. Thomas Chandler, and opposite the mouth of Cohas river, such settlements existed, the vestiges of which still exist at the former place,


and did at the latter, till the hand of improvement swept them away. But, as before suggested, the main Indian village was at the "Falls," called by Mr. Eliot "a great fishing-place, Namaskי, upon Merimak," and which, he says, "belongeth to Papassaconnaway."

Here, prior to 1650, Passaconnaway had a principal residence, and was so anxious to have the Rev. Mr. Eliot come here and establish his community of Christian, or "Praying Indians," as his proselytes were called, that he offered to furnish him with any amount of land that he might want for that purpose. The old sagamore held out such inducements, and the place was of so much importance, that Eliot, at one time, had serious thoughts of establishing himself here; but the distance was so great to transport supplies, and the natives in Massachusetts were so averse to going farther north, that he thought "the Lord, by the Eye of Providence, seemed not to look thither," he located himself at Natick.

There is no doubt that Mr. Eliot afterwards found opportunity to visit Namaoskeag, and to preach and establish a school there, as Gookin, in his account of the "Christian Indians," names "Naamikeke" as one of "the places where they (the Indians) met to worship God, and keep the sabbath; in which places there was, at each, a teacher, and schools for the youth at most of them." And as no other man established schools or preaching among the Indians of the interior, save Mr. Eliot, it follows, consequently, that he both preached and taught at Namaoskeag. So that Namaoskeag, now Manchester, not only has the honor of having been the scene of the philanthropic labors of "the Apostle Eliot," but also that of having the first "preaching and school" established within its limits, that were established in the State north and west of Exeter, however remiss its white inhabitants may have been in these particulars.

There was another noted fishing-place within the territory of the Pennacooks, where shad alone were caught, and which was almost equally celebrated with those at Namaoskeag and Pawtucket. It was located at the outlet of Lake Winnepesaukee, and was known by the name of Aquedaukenash, meaning literally stopping places or dams, from Ahque (to stop) and Auke (a place). This word had for its plural Ahquedaukenash, hence, by contraction of the English, Ahquedauken, and again, by corruption, Aquedoctau, a name which was extended by the whites to the whole Winnepesaukee river. It is a curious fact in the history of the fisheries upon the Merrimack, that while alewives, shad and salmon passed up the lower part of the Merrimack in company, yet the most of the alewives went up the small rivulets before coming to the


forks of the Merrimack at Franklin, while the salmon and shad parted company at the forks, the former going up the Pemegewasset, and the latter passing up the Winnepesaukee. This peculiarity was owing to the natures of those fish. The alewives were a small fish, and sought small lakes or ponds to deposit their "spawn," that were easy of access, warm, and free from large fish, that would destroy them and their progeny. The shad was a much larger fish, and sought large lakes, for spawning, where the water was warm and abundant; while the salmon delighting in cold, swift water, sought alone those waters, fed by springs, or formed by rivulets from the ravines and gorges of the mountain sides, which, meandering through dense forests, rippling over pebbly bottoms, or rushing over rocks or precipices, formed those ripples, rapids, whirlpools and falls, in which the salmon delights, and those dark, deep, cool basins or eddies, in which to deposit their spawn. Hence the fact that alewives were seldom found above the forks of the Merrimack, and that the salmon held exclusive possession of the cool, rapid, dark Pemegewasset, while the shad appropriated the warm, clear waters of the Winnepesaukee, neither trespassing upon the domain of the other. The Ahquedaukenash, then, of the Indians, and the Aquedauken and Aquedoctau of the English, were one and the same name, applied to the fishing-place of the Indians, at the outlet of Lake Winnepesaukee, now known as "The Weirs." This was called Ahquedaukee, or the Weirs, from the fact that the dams or weirs at this place were permanent ones. The Winnepesaukee is not a variable river, and at the outlet of the Lake, the water for some distance passed over a hard pebbly bottom, and did not average more than three feet in depth. This was an excellent place for Ahquedaukenash or dams, and could not fail of being duly improved by the Indians. Accordingly, as before suggested, they had here permanent weirs. Not being able to drive stakes or posts into the hard, pebbly bottom of the river, they placed large rocks at convenient distances from each other, in a zigzag line across the river. Against these they interwove their brushwood weirs, or strung their hempen nets, according to their ability. Such weirs were used in the spring and fall, both when the fish run up and down the river. Such Aquedaukenash were frequent upon this and other rivers; and the rocks thus placed in the river by the Indians remained in their position long after the settlement of the English in that neighborhood, and were used by them for a like purpose; hence the name of the Weirs, as continued at the present time.

The valley of the Connecticut, in the north part of Massachusetts and the south parts of New Hampshire and Vermont, was a kind of "debateable ground" betwixt the Mohawks and Pennacooks, between which tribes there was continual war; hence few places in it were occupied permanently by the Indians. At Bellows' Falls, and below, occasional parties of Indians were to be found, both of the Mohawks and Pennacooks;


yet neither made permanent settlements there, for fear of the other, and neither made much stop there, or in its neighborhood, unless they were in such force as to be regardless of an attack from the other.

On this account, the upper Connecticut valley affords few materials for Indian history. The Coos country, extending from Haverhill to the sources of the Connecticut, is an exception to this remark, as it was occupied by a band of Pennacooks, attracted there by its hunting and fishing-grounds, and who kept a kind of armed possession of that country for the protection and relief of the frequent parties which were passing and repassing from the various points upon the Merrimack to the Aresaguntacook Indians upon the river St. Lawrence, a tribe with which the Pennacooks ever maintained the most friendly relations.

With this tribe the Pennacooks were allied by frequent intermarriages, and with a band of this same tribe, located at the "Three Rivers," and known as the St. Francis; the remnants of the various New England tribes continued to unite, under French policy, till at length it became a powerful tribe, and proved an inexhaustible source of annoyance and hostility to the colonists of New England. In fact, from 1690 to 1760, most of the war parties that visited the New England frontiers started from St. Francis as a rendezvous, or had pilots and leaders from that tribe, naturally so hostile to the English. It was during this period, from 1630 to 1725, that the Indians of the Merrimack valley were, in any degree, formidable to the English colonists.

Having thus given a general account of the localities occupied by the Pennacooks or Nipmucks in the valley of the Merrimack, as well as of the several bands or tribes under their control, or connected with them, we shall follow out their history more particularly.

Passaconnaway was at the head of the powerful Indian tribe, or virtual confederacy of the Pennacooks, when the whites first settled in this country. His name is indicative of his warlike character — Papisseconewa, as written by himself, meaning "The Child of the Bear." We first hear of him in 1627 or 8. Thomas Morton, "mine host of Maremount," as he writes himself in his "New English Canaan," thus speaks of him, being in this country at that time. "That Sachem or Sagamore is a Powah of greate estimation amongst all kind of Salvages, there hee is at their Revels, (which is the time when a greate company of salvages meete from severall parts of the Country, in amity with their neighbours,) hath advanced his honor in his feats or jugling tricks, (as I may right tearme them), to the admiration of the spectators, whome hee endeavoured to perswade that hee would goe under water to the further side of a river to broade for any man to undertake with a breath, which thing hee performed by swimming over and deluding the company with casting a mist before their eies that see him enter in and come out; but no part of the way he has bin scene:


likewise by our English in the heat of all summer, to make ice appeare in a bowle of faire water, first having the water set before him, hee hath begunne his incantation according to their usual! accustom, and before the same hath bin ended, a thick clowde has darkened the aire, on a sodane a thunder clap hath bin heard that has amazed the natives; in an instant hee hath shewed a firme peece of ice to flote in the middest of the bowle in the presence of the vulgar people, which doubtless was done by the agility of Satan his consort." From which marvellous story we are to infer that Passaconnaway, to the character of a brave warrior, added that of a clever juggler. In fact, he held his people in great awe of him, the Indians supposing him to have supernatural powers; to have control over their destinies; that he could make a dry leaf turn green; water burn, and then turn to ice; and could take the rattle-snake in his hand with impunity.

With such reputed powers, his acknowledged ability as a warrior, and wisdom as a sagamore, Passaconnaway, as before suggested, was the acknowledged head of the most powerful Indian tribe east of the Mohawks; and as such, received the title of Bashaba, a title much of the same import as that of emperor.

Prior to 1629, the tract of land extending from the Piscataqua to the Merrimack westward, and from the line of Massachusetts thirty miles into the country northward, had been explored; and Mr. Edward Colcord, at the request of certain gentlemen of Massachusetts, had stipulated with Passaconnaway, the sagamore of the Pennacooks, and certain tributary chiefs, for its purchase. And on the 17th day of May, 1629, a deed, conveying the above tract, was executed at Squamscut (now Exeter), with due form and ceremony, conveying the same to John Wheelwright and his associates, for certain stipulated and valuable considerations. This deed was signed by Passaconnaway, the sagamore of Pennacook, Runnawit, the chief of Pawtucket, Wahongnonawit, the chief of Swamscut, and Rowls, the chief of Newichawanack; and was witnessed by two Indians, and some of the most respectable men of the plantations at Piscataqua and Saco.

This transaction was one of importance. It shows that Passaconnaway, as early as 1629, was not only the chief of the Pennacooks, but that he was a sagamore at the head of a powerful confederacy; and that thus early he had the sagacity to see the superiority of the English, and to wish them as a barrier betwixt his people and their eastern enemies. The deed expressly acknowledges, on the part of the chiefs of the Pawtucket, Squamscut, and Newichawanack, their being tributary to the sagamore of Pennacook; the seventh and last article stipulating that "every township within the aforesaid limits, or tract of land, that hereafter shall be settled, shall pay Passaconnaway, our chief sagamore that now is, and to his successors forever, if lawfully demanded, one coat of trucking-cloth a year."


It has been suggested that the Pennacooks were an off-shoot of one of the southwestern New England tribes; and it is certain that they spoke the same language with the Massachusetts and Rhode Island Indians. Some feud may have driven the ancestors of Passaconnaway to seek an asylum upon these meadows of the Merrimack, where he could find for himself and companions ready subsistence by taking game in the forests, fish at the falls, and raising corn and other vegetables upon the intervales. And here we see the striking effect that the cultivation of Indian corn has upon Indians. At the present time the Indians of the west who plant corn are more civilized than their neighbors who live by hunting. They are less inclined to rove, are more robust and intellectual. Planting, maturing, and gathering corn detains them longer in the same locality than any other occupation; and this detention makes them more social, more friendly and hospitable among themselves, and less inclined to a roving life. The result of this is, that such tribes become more civilized, more populous, and more powerful.

This position is true of the former state of the Pennacooks. They were a semi-agricultural tribe; and this fact, coupled with another, that they were for near a hundred years under the control of a wise and politic sagamore, accounts for their acknowledged superiority and power.

It may be that their power had been increasing with the increase of the tribe for centuries; but as nothing is learned from tradition or otherwise of any sagamore of the Pennacooks prior to Passaconnaway, it is fair to presume that the Pennacooks, as a tribe or nation, rose and fell with this sagacious, politic, and warlike chief. Nor is this a strange presumption. When we first hear of Passaconnaway, in 1629, he had doubtless been at the head of his tribe for many years; at least a sufficient length of time for a sagamore like him, possessing both political and religious authority, to have increased the number and power of his tribe, and the numerical strength and power of his people to the height at which our fathers found it at that time. In 1629, Passaconnaway was one hundred years old, as Gookin, who spoke their language, and was acquainted with their manners and customs, says of Passaconnaway: "He lived to a very great age, as I saw him alive at Pawtucket when he was about one hundred and twenty years old." He wrote this in 1675, when from this language we should infer that the old chief was at that time dead. General Gookin probably saw him in 1648. Eliot visited Pawtucket in 1647, at which time Passaconnaway left, and would not hear Eliot, or suffer his children to hear him; but in the spring of 1648 he again visited Pawtucket, and found the Pennacook chief there, who showed no repugnance to his preaching, but, on the contrary, listened with attention. As Gookin assisted Eliot in his labors and visited the Indians with him often, it is probable that he saw Passaconnaway at one of these visits. This would make him an hundred years old at the time of making "The Wheelwright Deed," in 1629. Still it is possible that Gookin is the man whom Hubbard refers to, when he says that in 1660, "one


much conversant with the Indians about Merrimack river" was invited to a dance, when Passaconnaway made "his last and farewell speech to his children and people." If this be so, it would make Passaconnaway twelve years younger in 1629 than he is made by other accounts. Be this as it may, in 1629 he was an "ancient Indian," and had doubtless been at the head of his tribe more than sixty years.

The Pennacooks must have numbered at this time from twelve hundred to fifteen hundred souls, as Dudley mentioned, in 1631, that Passaconnaway had "under his command four or five hundred men," plainly meaning warriors; and to allow the tribe to consist of three times the number of fighting men is not an exaggerated estimate, when this estimate includes women and children, and old men and others unfit for duty. Two thousand would doubtless be a fair estimate for the tribe. These were scattered up and down the Merrimack, occupying the intervales from the Pawtucket Falls in Massachussetts, to Lake Winnepesaukee. Passaconnaway and the chief men of the tribe resided at Pennacook, Amoskeag, and Naticook. Amoskeag was the place of their abode during the fishing season, when the banks of the river were thronged, as is evident from the vast quantities of arrow-heads, pestles, pieces of pottery, and the large number of graves that have been discovered up and down the river; while in the planting season the residence of the Bashaba was at Pennacook and Naticook. In time of peace, Passaconnaway had his principal summer residence upon the large island in the Merrimack, in Concord, known as Sewall's Island. This island contains some forty acres of excellent intervale; and being situated at the foot of the falls, where was most excellent fishing, it was doubtless the favorite retreat of this powerful chief. In time of war he retired to his fort, which was at Pennacook, as Major Waldron states, in a deposition made for the information of the General Court of Massachusetts, in 1665, that six years previous he visited the fort of the Indians at Pennacook, at the invitation of Passaconnaway, and found there a large gathering of Indians. Tradition, well preserved, has ever located this fort upon one of the headlands, either next north or next south of the intervale known as "Sugar Ball," in Concord. From a personal examination of the headlands in that neighborhood, made within a short time, we have no doubt that the Pennacook fort occupied the headland next south of "Sugar Ball;" and, in fact, there are unmistakable signs of this being the locality now plainly to be seen. In this situation, secured by nature and art, the Bashaba could bid defiance to the Mohawks and others of his enemies. Directly west of, and overlooked by the fort, were extensive planting-grounds, easy of access, and under cultivation. In fact, within the knowledge of the writer, the old "Indian corn-hills" have been plain to be seen at this place, never having been disturbed by the settlers, this part of the intervale having been found cleared by the whites, and having been used for pasturage until a few years last past. It is probable that soon after the


occupation of Pennacook by the traders, in 1665, and the building of trading and block-houses there, that Passaconnaway took his residence mainly at the islands of Natticook. These romantic and lovely spots upon the bosom of the Merrimack, chosen as chief residences, even now, shorn of their beauty, and deprived of the grandeur that surrounded them then, bespeak the taste of the Pennacook Bashaba.

Passaconnaway saw the superiority of the English, and with his usual sagacity, he perceived the entire hopelessness of the attempts of his people to subdue them. His policy was to make terms of peace with them; and it was in pursuance of this policy that he disposed of his lands to Wheelwright, reserving alone his right to fishing and hunting. It was that he might have the English as a protection against his enemies, who, since the plague had thinned his people, were becoming a source of terror to them.

The Tarratines of the east, and the Maquas of the west, were making continual inroads upon the New England Indians; and the Pennacooks, like the Mohegans, were quite willing to secure the friendship and protection of the colonists. Yet in 1631, the prejudice of Dudley led him to denounce Passaconnaway as a "witch," when the old sagamore was exerting himself to keep on terms of friendship with the colonists; and in September of the following year, when Jenkins, of Cape Porpoise, had been murdered upon the territory of the old chief, while asleep in the wigwam of one of his tribe, Passaconnaway anticipated the English in the arrest, and though the murder was committed upon his extreme limits, he sent with prompt despatch, had the murderer arrested, and delivered to the English.

In 1642, upon suspicion that a conspiracy was forming among the Indians to crush the English, men were sent out to arrest some of the principal Indian chiefs. Forty men were despatched at this time to secure Passaconnaway, but he escaped them by reason of a storm. Wannalancet, his son, was not so fortunate. He was taken by the party, while his squaw escaped into the woods. But while they barbarously and most insultingly led Wannalancet with a rope, he loosened it, and attempted to make his escape, his captors firing at him, and nearly hitting him with their shot. He did not effect his escape, but was retaken.

For this outrage, the government of Massachusetts feared the just resentment of Passaconnaway, and they sent Cutshamekin, whom they had arrested upon the same occasion, and had discharged, to excuse the matter to the old chief, and to invite him to go to Boston, and hold a conference with them. The answer of the old sagamore savors a good deal of an independent spirit; and had he been younger by a half century, his reply might have been still more proud and haughty: "Tell the English," was his reply, "when they restore my son and his squaw, then will I talk with them." The answer was that of a man who felt he had been most deeply wronged. His haughty spirit must have chafed under such wrongs; and it is possible, under the


sting such outrages could not fail to inflict, he might have regretted the policy he had marked out for himself. It is probable that this outrage upon the family of Passaconnaway made a deep impression upon his mind, and led him to doubt the sincerity of the professions of the English towards him; and in 1647, he exhibited this distrust in a most summary manner. At this time, the Rev. Mr. Eliot visited Pawtucket for the purpose of preaching to the natives. It was the fishing-season, and a vast multitude of Indians were present. Among them was Passaconnaway, with two of his sons. The old chief, doubtless smarting under his wrongs, and thinking that a religion which tolerated such wrongs was not worthy his attention, refused to see Mr. Eliot, and retired immediately from the neighborhood, taking with him his sons, saying "he was afraid the English would kill them."

In 1648, however, Mr. Eliot visited Pawtucket with better success; for it being the fishing-season, he found Passaconnaway there, and in a mood to hear his preaching. Mr. Eliot preached to the assembled Indians from Malachi, i. 11. This verse he paraphrased thus: "From the rising of the sun to the going down of the same, Thy name shall be great among the Indians; and in every place prayers shall be made to Thy name, pure prayers, for Thy name shall be great among the Indians." The Indians paid the most respectful attention; and after the discourse was closed, proposed many appropriate questions. After others had suggested questions and made remarks, Passaconnaway arose amid the most profound attention, and announced his belief in the God of the English. "He remarked," says Mr. Eliot, in a letter of 12th Nov., 1648, "that indeed he had never prayed unto God as yet, for he never had heard of God before as now he doth. And he said further that he, did believe what I taught them to be true. And for his own part, he was purposed in his heart from thenceforth to pray unto God, and that hee would persuade all his sonnes to doe the same, pointing to two of them who were there present, and naming such as were absent."

The old sagamore was, doubtless, sincere in his change of religion, and continued in the Christian belief till his death. For, "long after," says Eliot, "he said to Captain Willard, ‘that he would be glad if I would come and live in some place thereabouts, to teach them. * * * * * * And that if any good ground or place that hee had would be acceptable to me, he would willingly let me have it.’"

In this same letter, Mr. Eliot intimates his intention of visiting Amoskeag the following spring, as thus: "There is another great fishing-place about three score miles from us, whither I intend (God willing) to go next spring, which belongeth to the before-named Papassaconnaway; which journey, though it be like to be difficult and chargeable for horse and men, in fitting provisions, yet I have sundry reasons which bow and draw my heart thereto."

Mr. Eliot, in a letter bearing date October 29th, 1649, thus speaks: "I had and still have a great desire to go to a great fishing-place, Namaske, upon the Merrimack


river, and because the Indian's way lieth beyond the great river, which we cannot pass with our horses, nor can we well go to it on this side of the river, unless we go by Nashaway, which is about and a bad way unbeaten, the Indians not using the way; I therefore hired a hardy man of Nashaway to beat out a way, and to mark trees, so that he may pilot me thither in the spring. And he hired Indians with him and did it, and in the way he passed through a great people called Sowahagen Indians, some of which had heard me at Pawtucket and Nashua, and had carried home such tidings that they were generally stirred with a desire that I would come and teach them; and when they saw a man come to cut out the way for me, they were very glad; and when he told that I intended to come that way next spring, they seemed to him to be full of joy, and made him very welcome." "But in the spring when I should have gone, I was not well, it being a very sickly time, so that I saw the Lord prevented me of that, journey. Yet when I went to Pawtucket, another fishing-place, where, from all parts, they met together, thither came diverse of these Sowahagen and heard me teach." And in this same letter Mr. Eliot goes on to say that Passaconnaway, the "Great Sachem" of all the tribes that dwelt in the valley of the Merrimack, "did exceeding earnestly and importunately invite me to come and live at his place, and teach them. He used many arguments; * * * * this was one, that my coming once a year did them but little good, because they soon forgot what I had taught." He enforced his meaning thus: "You do as if one should come and throw a fine thing among us, and we should catch at it earnestly, because it appears so beautiful, but cannot look at it, to see what is within; there may be in it something or nothing, a stock, a stone, or precious treasure; but if it be opened, and we see what is valuable therein, then we think much of it. So you tell us of religion, and we like it very well at first sight, but we know not what is within; it may be excellent, or it may be nothing — we cannot tell; but if you will stay with us, and open it to us, and show us all within, we shall believe it to be as good as you say it is."

This comparison seems more like one from civilized life, than from a savage chief just embracing Christianity, and is one of those unmistakable marks in the life of Passaconnaway that show him a man of eloquence and wisdom.

These extracts from Mr. Eliot's letters establish important facts as follows: The usual trail or path of the Indians from Sowahagen, Namaske, and places above, upon the Merrimack, to Pawtucket, was upon the east side of the Merrimack, and doubtless down the Beaver Brook. The first bridle-path from Nashua to Namaske was marked and beaten in 1648, for the accommodation of Mr. Eliot. That Eliot, before this date, had preached at Nashua, where the Sowahagen Indians had heard him. That a large body of Indians, known as Sowahagen Indians, lived upon the Merrimack, upon its west bank, above Nashua, and at and upon Sowahagen river. And lastly, that


Namaske, or Namaskeke, was upon the Merrimack above Sowahagen, and at the place now known as Namaskeke or Namaske, Amoskeag, and not in the neighborhood of Pawtucket Falls, as is erroneously claimed by some writers.

We hear nothing more of Passaconnaway, or his people, till 1660. At that time, being of very great age, he was seen by an Englishman, at Pawtucket, who was much conversant with the Indians upon the Merrimack. It is possible, as before suggested, that this Englishman was General Gookin.

There was a vast assemblage of the Indians at Pawtucket, and borne down with age and cares, the old sagamore, at a public feast, made his farewell speech to his people. On such occasions, the old sagamores relate the prominent incidents of their lives in songs and speeches, and give their advice to their people. It is highly probable that the fact had been announced to the confederate tribes that Passaconnaway was about to make his farewell address to his people. The anticipated event called together an unusual assemblage of Indians. The chiefs were gathered from all the confederate tribes, eager to hear the last words of their "Great Sagamore," who, by his wisdom, his natural powers of eloquence, and his supposed knowledge of the mysteries of nature, possessed an unbounded influence over the Indians.

The occasion filled all with sorrow, in spite of Indian stoicism. Passaconnaway was deeply affected, and his voice, tremulous with age and emotion, still was musical and powerful — a splendid remnant of that whose power and beauty, in the fulness and vigor of manhood, had soothed or excited the passions of assembled savages, and moulded them to suit the purposes of the speaker.

"Hearken," said he, "to the words of your father. I am an old oak, that has withstood the storms of more than an hundred winters. Leaves and branches have been stripped from me by the winds and frosts — my eyes are dim — my limbs totter — I must soon fall! But when young and sturdy, when no young man of the Pennacooks could bend my bow — when my arrows would pierce a deer at an hundred yards, and I could bury my hatchet in a sapling to the eye — no weekwam had so many furs, no pole so many scalp-locks as Passaconnaway's! Then I delighted in war. The whoop of the Pennacook was heard upon the Mohawk — and no voice so loud as Passaconnaway's. The scalps upon the pole of my weekwam told the story of Mohawk suffering.

The English came, they seized our lands; I sat me down at Pennacook. They followed upon my footsteps; I made war upon them, but they fought with fire and thunder; my young men were swept down before me when no one was near them. I tried sorcery against them, but still they increased and prevailed over me and mine, and I gave place to them, and retired to my beautiful island of Natticook. I, that can make the dry leaf turn green and live again — I, that can take the rattlesnake in my palm as I would a worm, without harm — I, who had communion with the Great Spirit, dreaming and awaking — I am powerless before the pale faces. The oak will soon break before the whirlwind — it shivers and shakes even now; soon its trunk will


be prostrate — the ant and the worm will sport upon it! Then think, my children, of what I say; I commune with the Great Spirit! He whispers me now, ‘Tell your people Peace, Peace is the only hope of your race.’ I have given fire and thunder to the pale-faces for weapons — I have made them plentier than the leaves of the forest, and still they shall increase! These meadows they shall turn with the plough — these forests shall fall by the axe — the pale-faces shall live upon your hunting-grounds, and make their villages upon your fishing-places! The Great Spirit says this, and it must be so! We are few and powerless before them! We must bend before the storm! The wind blows hard! The old oak trembles! Its branches are gone! Its sap is frozen! It bends! It falls! Peace, peace with the white men is the command of the Great Spirit, and the wish — the last wish — of Passaconnaway."

It has been supposed that Passaconnaway died about this time, and our histories are silent of him after the time of the delivery of "his dying speech to his children." But this supposition is erroneous. Passaconnaway was alive in 1663, and at the head of his tribe, so that his speech of 1660 can hardly be considered his "dying speech," without some stretch of the imagination. Captains Willard and Johnson, and others of the Commission of 1652, were rewarded by grants of land near Dunstable, upon the Merrimack. In 1656, a grant of land was made to William Brenton, of Rhode Island, at Natticook, upon both sides of the Merrimack, including what is now Litchfield, and the part of Merrimack below Souhegan river. The grant was made to Brenton in consequence of his assistance in furnishing the colonial troops with horses, in their expeditions against the Narragansets and other Indians. The grant was known as "Brenton's Farms." About 1655, Major Waldron traded in furs at Pennacook, and had a truck-house there.

In 1659, October 10th, he petitioned the Legislature of Massachusetts for the grant of a township at Pennacook. In this year Waldron had visited Pennacook in person, at Passaconnaway's invitation, and found him with a large gathering of Indians at the fort on Sugar Ball Hill. A personal view of the intervales at this place, then under cultivation by the Indians, doubtless raised in the mind of Waldron the desire to possess so fine a spot. Passaconnaway told him that Merrimack was the proper name of the river, and that Pennacook and Natticook were names of places upon it. Waldron's petition was received with favor, and a township was granted him and his associates at Pennacook.

Passaconnaway being thus "hedged in" above and below by traders, and by those having grants from the government of Massachusetts, already deprived of his planting grounds at Natticook, where he had planted for a long while, and the Legislature having announced their intention to grant his lands at Pennacook whenever "so many should present to settle a plantation there," began to think he soon should not have land enough to erect a wigwam upon. Accordingly, May 9th, 1662, he presented the following petition to the Legislature:


"The Humble request of y'r petitioner is that this honerd Courte wolde pleas to grante vnto vs a parcell of land for o'r comfortable cituation; to be stated for or Injoyrnent, as also for the comfort of oth's after vs; as also that this honerd Court wold pleas to take into y'r serious and grave consideration the condition and also the requeste y'r pore Supliant and to a poyiite two or three persons as a Committee to Ahthsum one or two Indians to vew and determine of some place and to Lay out the same, not further to trouble this honerd Assembly, humbly cravinge an expected answer this present sesion I remain yr humble Servante


The order of the court upon this petition is as follows, viz.: "In answer to the petition of Papisseconneway, this Court judgeth it meete to grant to the saide Papisseconneway and his men or associates about Natticot, above Mr. Brenton's lands, where it is free, a mile and a half on either side of Merrimack river in breadth, three miles on either side in length, provided he nor they do not alienate any part of this grant without leave and license from this Court, first obtained." Two persons were appointed surveyors to lay out this township for Papisseconewa and his associates — a duty which they executed promptly, and with faithfulness, giving him an ample tract a mile and a half in depth along the Merrimack, together with two small islands in the river. One of the islands Papisseconneway had lived upon and planted a long time. They also allotted him "about forty acres, which joyneth their land to Souhegan river."

It thus appears that in less than twenty years from the time that Passaconnaway first submitted himself to the colonists, and put himself under their protection, he and his tribe were literally reduced to beggary. The bashaba of the Merrimack valley, and the rightful owner of all its broad lands, had become a "pore petitioner" for a plantation of pine plains, and did "earnestly request the Honerd Court to grant two small islands and ye patch of Intervaile" to them — receiving them, doubtless, with all due submission and thankfulness, if not humility! Old age, as well as contact with civilization, must have done its work upon the spirit of this haughty sagamore, for him thus to have meekly asked his usurpers to grant him what was properly his own; for his sale at Exeter did not embrace "these two small islands or ye patch of intervaile;" and Massachusetts never pretended even a purchase from the Indians of the Merrimack valley, till after the date of this transaction.

Passaconnaway had four sons, if no more, and probably two daughters. His oldest


son, Nanamacomuck, was the sagamore of Wachuset, the section of country about Wachuset Mountain, in Massachusetts. Mr. Eliot saw him at Pawtucket, in 1648. He at that time promised to become a praying Indian. He was inimical to the English, and removed to the Amarisgoggin country, in Maine. He was father of the afterwards noted chief Kaucamagus, or John Hodgkins. In a petition to "the Worshipful Richard Bellingham Esq. Gov.," signed by Wannalancet and other Indians, they state that they sold a certain island, to redeem an Indian out of "bondage whose name is Nanamocomuck, the eldest sonn of Passaconnaway." This settles a much mooted question, and shows conclusively the name of Passaconnaway's "Eldest Sonn."

The second son of Passaconnaway, and his successor, was Wannalancet, of whom we shall speak hereafter. We think Vnawunquosett and Nonatomenut, were the names of two other sons of Passaconnaway, as their names are attached to the petition referred to above. The wife of Nabhow appears to have been the daughter of Passaconnaway. Another daughter of his married Montowampate, the sagamore of Saugus, prior to 1628; and was separated from him in consequence of a difficulty betwixt him and her father.

Passaconnaway died prior to 1669, full of years and honors; and was spared the pain of witnessing the overthrow of his tribe. The year of his death is not known. He was alive in 1663; and as Wannalancet was at the head of the tribe in 1669, and built the fort at Pawtucket at that time, it is evident that Passaconnaway was then dead.

He was a wise, brave, and politic sagamore. He gained his great power and control over the Indians of New England, by his wisdom and bravery, but more by his great cunning. He was an accomplished juggler; and being a man of superior intelligence, he turned his juggling skill to the best account for his own personal aggrandizement, and that of his tribe. A sorcerer was supposed by the Indians to have intercourse not only with the devil, the Bad Spirit, but with Manit, the Great Spirit; hence, a skilful juggler had most unbounded influence; and when to this character was united that of Powah or priest, and physician, in one and the same man, as it was in Passaconnaway, we can most readily account for his great power and influence.

In reflecting upon the character of the Merrimack sagamore, the conviction forces itself upon one that, at the head of a powerful confederacy of Indian tribes, honored and feared by his people, and capable of moulding their fierce passions to his will, the history of New England would have told another story, had Passaconnaway taken a different view of his own destiny and that of his tribe, and exerted his well-known and acknowledged power against the enemies of his race. But Providence seems to have tempered the fierce savage for the reception and triumph of the Anglo-Saxon race in a new world." (Appendix, 5.)






1. Iroquois Cosmogony.
2. Origin of Men — of Manabozho — of Magic.
3. Allegory of the Origin of the Osages from a Snail.
4. Pottawatomie Allegories.
5. Story of the Hunter's Dream.
6. Story of the Red Head.
7. Story of the Magic Ring in the Prairies.
8. Story of the White Feather.


CHAP. 1. Preliminary Considerations.
CHAP. 2. Extreme antiquity of Pictorial Notation.
CHAP. 3. Elements of the Pictorial System.
CHAP. 4. Symbols employed in the Kekeenowin and Medawin.
CHAP. 5. Rites and mode of Notation of Wabeno Songs.
CHAP. 6. Symbols of Hunting, and Feats of the Chase.
CHAP. 7. Symbols of the Prophetic Art.
CHAP. 8. Symbols of Love, War, and History.
CHAP. 9. Universality of the Pictographic System, with the Explanation of Bark-roll inscriptions presented from Lake Superior.
CHAP. 10. Comparative Views of the Symbols of the Samoides, Tartars, and Laplanders. — Iroquois Pictographs.




1. Choctaw.
2. Dacotah.
3. Cherokee.
4. Ojibwa of Chegoimegon.
5. Winnebago.
6. Chippewa.
7. Wyandot.
8. Hitchittee.
9. Comanche.
10. Cuchan or Yuma.


1. Census Roll of the Ojibwas.
2. Medicine Animal of the Winnebagoes.
3. Haצkah, a Dacotah God.
4. Indian Signatures, by Symbols, to a Treaty.
5. Menomonie Symbols for Music.


(a.) Cherokee Syllabical Alphabet.
(b.) Story of the Prodigal Son in this Character.


1. Allegory of the Transformation of a Hunter's Son into a Robin.
2. Allegory of the Origin of Indian Corn.
3. Fraternal Cruelty, or the Allegory of the Wolf-Brother.
4. Wyandot Story of Sayadio, or the Sister's Ghost.



1. Hiawatha, or the Iroquois Quetzalcoatl.
2. A Fairy Tale of the Boy-man, or Little Monedo.
3. Trapping in Heaven.
4. The Story of the Great Snake of Canandaigua — an Allegory of the Origin of the Senecas.
5. Shingebiss — an Allegory of Self-reliance in the Forest.


6. Song of the Okogis.
7. Chant of the Hawks.




1. Ogollala Drawing on a Buffalo Robe.
2. Comanche Inscription on the Scapula of a Bison.
3. Symbols on the trunk of a Tree in California.
4. Symbols from a Sandstone Rock on the Little Colorado, in New Mexico.
5. Symbolic Transcript from a Rock in New Mexico, in Lat. about 34° 40'.
6. Symbolic Characters from the Valley of the Gila.
7. Pictographic Inscription from Utah.
8. Mixed, or Indo-European Inscription by a Utah Indian.


1. A Shawnee Tradition purporting to be Historical.
2. Thanayeison, a Western Iroquois, to Conrad Wiser at Kaskaskia, in 1748. — An Allegorical Account of the first coming of the Whites.


1. Wabashaw before the British Commanding Officer at Drummond Island, at the close of the War of 1812.
2. The Shawnee Prophet before the U. S. Agent at Waughpekenota, Ohio, on agreeing to migrate to the West, in 1827.




Intellectual Capacity and Character.


THE theory of determining the capacities of the human mind, by the exactitude of geometrical admeasurements of the cranium, and its forms, has been strenuously advocated, and as strenuously denied. The means adopted by the late Dr. Samuel George Morton, in the elaborate study of his extensive museum of Indian crania, to ascertain the volume of the brain, were of the most mechanically precise and ingenious character. When the cubical volume had been obtained by these means, it was the result of an almost necessary induction, that it should be taken as the measure of the mental capacity; and until profounder investigations shall be made, this standard of comparison of the American Blumenbach must be regarded as fixed.

When we come, however, to apply it to the wide-spread tribes and families of the continent, as they exist, the laws of physics and mind do not appear completely to coincide; at least, there appears to be a necessity of discrimination between what may be termed the primordial measure of the intellect, and its active or expanded powers or qualities. It is from this view, that classifications of barbarous and civilized tribes, on merely physical data, appear to be untenable. Thus it is perceived that the Peruvians of the Atacama period (and this was the common Peruvian mind, as well before as under the rule of the Incas) had less cranial capacity, judged by the Mortonian standard, than other tribes in more northerly latitudes, who were yet exclusively in the hunter state. The examination of the Tlascalan and Aztec skulls, compared with tribes in the Mississippi valley, denoted similar results; while the Iroquois, and some other leading stocks, who were not advanced in arts or skill beyond the hunter and warrior state, had a volume of brain superior in cubical capacity to the South American tribes. The Iroquois were, together with the Lenapes and original Algonquins, and Appalachians,


superior men in their general physique, tone, nerve, bravery, and oratory, to the Toltecs and Peruvians. The principles of the system of the Crania Americana proceed on the theory that the cranial power, at assumed periods, is exhausted, and that its development must be regarded as concluded by its past, and cannot be awakened into higher activity by its future history. This does not, as we apprehend, conform to natural laws, physical or mental. If so, the classification of groups of tribes into "civilized and barbarous" stocks, on mental indiciae alone, encounters an objection. It may be doubted whether the physical volume of the Hellenic brain was not as physically great in its inchoate state, as after the Greeks reached their highest refinements; or whether the vigor of the Roman cranium were not equal before and after the building of Rome.

This question may be examined in relation to the Vesperic tribes, without following the ingenious author over the southern latitudes of the continent. The author is indebted to Mr. Phillips, who was the assistant of Dr. Morton, in his elaborate and carefully conducted cranial admeasurements, for re-examinations of the several groups of the home tribes, as established on the principle of languages. By these it is shown that the Iroquois, who evinced a superiority of mind by a confederacy of cantons, but who were still in the hunter and warrior state, had, in their highest specimens, a cranial volume of 102 1/2; while the Algonquins, as examined in a Chippewa cranium, gave 91; a Miami, 89; and a Natic, 85; the Appalachians, judged by a Muscogee, 90; a Utchee, 84; a Cherokee, 87. At the same time, the tribes of inferior manners and customs reached in the predatory Ottagamies, 92; in the idle and dissipated Pottawattamies, 92; in the buffalo-hunting Assineboins, 101; the fierce Dacotas, 90; and even in the degraded Chinooks and other Oregonians, 80. (Vol. II., p. 335.) We should be cautious in prescribing the range of intellect by arithmetical data, when we perceive such developments in the intellectual standard adopted.

The power of numeration, in the United States' tribes, has been deemed, from the earliest voyages, to be very low. By recent inquiry it is seen, however, that they are by no means deficient. They generally reveal a decimal system, having original names for the digits to 10. They then repeat these names, with a conjunction thrown between them, till 20, for which there is a separate inflection to the decimal, and this inflection is added to the primary particle for numbers till 100, for which there is a separate denomination. By awaking the latent powers of computation, most of the tribes, and all the instanced ones, it is believed, are found capable of denoting high numbers. Inquiries made of the Choctaws prove that they can compute, by doubling their denominators, or by new inflections, to 1,000,000,000; the Dacotas to the same; the Cherokees to 300,000,000; the Chippewas to 1,000,000,000; the Winnebagoes, the same; the Wyandots, 3,000,000; the Hitchites, but 1,000; the Pillagers, 100,000; the Camanches, but 30, etc., and even the wild and predatory Yumas have the decimal system. (Vol. II., p. 204.)


There have been, until very recently, no attempts by the Indians to invent a symbol for a sound, unless we consider such those devices for the few onomapoetic names which all barbarous nations accidentally possess. The devices which they draw on trees, bark scrolls, or sometimes the faces of rocks, are merely ideographic symbols, the general purport of which is understood by their tribesmen. Such devices are also drawn on the tabular pieces of cedar placed at the head of their graves. (Plate 56, Vol. I.) When this mode of commemoration aspires to any thing higher, as an ideographic or pictorial record of success in hunting or war, or skill in necromancy, it is called by the Algonquins kekewin, meaning instructions. (Vol. I., p. 350.) In all the latter instances, it is particularly deemed the art of their Medais, doctors, prophets, or priests, and becomes a branch of aboriginal learning; and the art then reaches beyond the knowledge of the commonalty. Its proper explanation, at all times, depends on the memory of the inscriber, for this knowledge of secret and occult things belongs only to the hieratic class, who derive their influence, chiefly, from the tenacity with which they keep this reserved knowledge. The sacred songs of their jossakeeds and powwows are also recorded by these pictorial appeals to the eye and memory. To the neophyte they reveal the agency of the spiritual and the mysterious; and these pictographs are not understood by the mere hunters, or common people. They are taught by the medais and priest-class, often at great expense, and are carved on wood or bark by the priestly sophomores of the medicine-dance society. A horse is known to have been given for one of these annotated songs. This system of pictographical representation has been exhibited, in its details, in relation to each of the great topics of Indian life. (Vide Vols. I., II., III. and IV.) Nothing of a higher character of notation has been observed, until the invention of the syllabical symbols of the Cherokee alphabet, represented, with examples, in Vol. II., page 228.

Surrounded by the forest, with the great phenomena of light and darkness, meteors and lightning, and the wild tumult of tornadoes, lakes and waterfalls, means are ever present to excite his wonder or fancy. A firm believer in daemonology, and a subtle system of genii, giants, dwarfs, and magical agencies, the Indian mind is filled with panoramas of the most vivid and sublime images. To him the wilderness is a storehouse of symbols; and when the mood for conversation and amusement comes in his lodge circle, he relates to the wondering listeners tales and legends, which have sometimes their origin, perhaps, in traditions, but are generally the combinations of a wild and grotesque fancy. In these tales of the wigwam, the sounds and sights of the wilderness are so many voices, which he understands. The world is a phantasmagoria; every thing is wonderful, when the mind is prepared to see wonders. The birds and quadrupeds he encounters are enchanted human beings. He sees the little footprints of fairies on the sands; the creaking of the branches of the antique trees of the forest are voices of spirits and monedas, who hover around his path for good or evil. He sees


translated in the glittering stars above, heroes of olden times. Examples of this species of the lodge stories of the Indians, derived from the relations of various tribes, have been given in the preceding volumes. They generally denote a habit of amusing thought, often a disposition to account for the existence of peculiarities in the animals, birds and other natural objects, and the creation of things around him. (Vide Vol. II., p. 229; Vol. III., p. 513; Vol. IV., p. 254.) These oral tales frequently betray a disposition to supply by imagination the lapse of their actual history. They are based on a (to us) new and aboriginal poetic machinery, namely, that of the agency of monedos, spirits of the woods, air and waters, the impersonation of thunder-gods, and the whole catalogue of the Indian mythology and cosmogony. Sometimes there is a moral, either plainly expressed, or shining out amid the grotesque heap of wild imaginings and superstitions. A rebuke is shown to fraternal neglect by the tale given (Vol. II.) of the wolf brother. An admonition to over-severity in fasting is implied by the transformation, to a bird, of the young hunter (Vol. II.), who undergoes his stated characteristic trial of endurance at the age of assuming manhood. A pleasing fancy is thrown around the story of the magic ring in the prairie (Vol. I.). The passage of the varying seasons, under the benevolence of the Great Spirit, is brought impressively to mind in the allegory of spring and summer; and it would not be easy to invent and throw more natural and vivid images around a tale of symbolic hunter life, than is shown by the allegory of the origin of Indian corn. The thread-work, and all the elements of these legends, have been gathered, with no small degree of literary labor and scrutiny, from the actual narratives of the natives in their own wigwams, omitting grossness, and the repetition of tedious verbal details, which serve no purpose, in the originals, but to while away the time, while they hinder the denouement of events of the story.

Because an Indian is furious in his resentments, in a state of war or fierce personal feuds, or cruel and unsparing in his wrath, it is not to be inferred that this is his natural or ordinary mood. But, it may be asked, is this unscrupulous fury, under such circumstances, greater than that of a brutal commander, who puts a whole garrison to the sword merely because they have defended a work with heroic bravery. Is his endurance at the stake, and his shouts and songs of triumph under torment, more strange than the firmness which has sustained martyrs in dying for a principle. We should regard the dawning of light in the Indian mind with a just appreciation, since., if with his imperfect glimpses of the true purposes of life, he evinces the intelligence denoted, it would seem to be only necessary to enlarge the circle of his knowledge to enable him clearly to see, and warmly to admire, the beauty and comely proportion of the entire fabric of civilization. But when the Indian quits the field of his imaginations and superstitions, leaving, for a moment, the ideal regions of his hopes and fears, which have been created by the teachings of his Indian priesthood and ghostly counsellors


of sorcery and magic — when these attractive scenes of his early beliefs and boyhood are left behind, and he comes to consider themes of real and vital interest, such as lands, properties, and his relative position as a man in society, as a man of wants and desires, who suffers in poverty and rejoices in prosperity — we behold no lack of mental vision, no want of shrewd intellect to guide the utterances of his tongue. Our earliest notices of him denote a man of excellent powers in oratory. Nothing that actually exists in his life and trainings would seem, indeed, to justify the expectation of so much vigor of thought and propriety of expression. But it is not recollected, in this view, that he has been brought up in the school of nature, where his mind, from childhood, has been impressed by images which are bold, vivid, and fresh. His books, truly, have been the heavens, with all their bright phenomena; and when he takes the oratorical attitude, and employs figures to enable him to express his meanings, within the compass of a limited vocabulary, it is from this storehouse of his thoughts that the selection is made. These illustrations are striking and pertinent, because they are simple and true. He is shrewd and cautious in dealing with the whites, because his suspicions have been schooled and awakened, all his life, by his position of danger, and distrust, and perfidy from his own race.

Nor is he deficient when he comes to discourse of things of the heart and of its affections. Stoical and imperturbable, indeed, he is in his manner; but it is sufficient to allude to the names of Garrangula; of Logan; of Sagoyawatha; or Red Jacket; of Cannasatigo, Pontiac, Skenandoa, of the once powerful Passaconnaway, and a line of renowned aboriginal speakers, to sustain the conclusion that they have produced men of intellectual, energetic, and eloquent minds.

So long as the North American Indian is in civilized society, he is much under the influence of its precepts. But when he retires from the council-house to his native woods, and hears the wild murmur of nature around him, he subsides into that state of domestic repose, nonchalance and indolence which are so characteristic of the Indian life. It is then that the aboriginal state assumes its most poetic garb. With the open heavens continually before him, his thoughts and dreams are of the spirit-world; and as a social being in his wigwam, he aims to illustrate life, in every aspect, by appeals to the wonderful and the mysterious.

Wonderful, indeed, in many respects, is the man: but he is not altogether inexplicable. If the physiologist does not perceive why the Indian should not develop mind — if he aims to preserve ideas of the strength and skill of his distinguished men, by mnemonic appeals to a rude pictography — if he invents fictions to amuse his hearers — if he is eloquent in council and debate, when he has great things at stake — if, in fine, his faculties can be stimulated to understand the mental operations of arithmetic, and to comprehend the elements of knowledge — it is not perceived why the aboriginal man is deficient in his natural intellectual powers. The gospel mystery of the union of God and


man has been dissolved before his eyes by Eliot and Brainerd, and a host of successors have made him feel his deficiencies in presenting himself, in his own strength and power of obedience, before his Creator. Letters have opened their golden caskets to many men and women, of the wild rover of the woods. He has been made to see the folly of intemperance as of a consuming fire. Industry has seemed, to the man thus awakened, as a golden yoke, which is not only easy to be borne, but redounds to the pleasure of the wearer. Art is not without attractions to the reclaimed Indian, who has excellent imitative faculties; and we have examples to show, that even strains of harmony and elegiac poetry have sometimes sprung from his lips.

Is not the race, then, worthy of the highest humanities bestowed on them?





1. Mandans.
2. Pontiac Manuscript — a Journal kept by a Civilian within the Fort, during the Siege of Detroit, by the Confederate Indians, in 1763.
3. Traditionary Gleams from the Island of Hayti (the ancient San Domingo) of Anacoana, the unfortunate Queen of the Caribs.


1. Strength of the upper Posts of 1778, from a Manuscript found in his own Hand-writing, among the Papers of James Madison.
2. Memoranda of a Journey in the Western Parts of the United States of America, in 1785. By Lewis Brantz — from the Original MSS.
3. Relation of the Voyages and Adventures of a Merchant Voyager, in the Indian Territories of North America, in 1783. By John Baptiste Perrault. From the unpublished MSS.


1. Diary of Matthew Clarkson on a Commercial Excursion West of the Alleghanies, in 1766. From the Original MSS.
2. Passages of the Incidents of a Tour in the Semi-Alpine Region traversed by De Soto, in 1542, West of the Mississippi River, from the Original Journal. By Henry R. Schoolcraft. [Deferred from Vol. III.]
3. Narrative of a Journey, in 1737, from Tolpehocken, in Pennsylvania, through the Forests to Onondaga, the Seat of the Iroquois Power in New York. By Conrad Wiser, Esq., Indian Agent and Provincial Interpreter. From the translated MSS.
4. Remarks concerning the Savages of North America, in the European Magazine, Vol. VI., A. D. 1784. By Dr. B. Franklin.
5. Seneca Traditions of the Era of the Revolutionary War. By Asher Tyler.


Position and State of Manners and Arts in the Creek Nation, in 1791.


Topical History.

[The following official letter, journal, and observations of Major C. Swan, U. S. A., in 1791, present the most full and satisfactory account of the Creek Nation of the era, which has come to our notice. The manuscripts having been obligingly placed at our disposal, are now first published; and will well repay perusal by all who take an interest in this once prominent and still important Indian nation.]


PHILADELPHIA, April 29, 1795.

SIR: — Pursuant to the letter of instruction which I had the honor to receive from you on the 18th of August, 1790, I accompanied Brigadier-General M'Gillivray and the chiefs and warriors of the Creek nation, who attended at the treaty in New York, from that place to their nation. Fortunately no disaster happened on our voyage to St. Mary's river, or on our journey by land through the country, that occasioned me to use the authority you were pleased to give me of drawing on you, in case it should be found necessary, and we all arrived safely at the first Indian village, on the Flint river, the latter part of September.

Situated as I found myself among these people, it was not only my inclination, but I found it my interest, to become as useful as possible to the great chief; and on all occasions I endeavored to impress on the jealous minds of the Indians in general, that the white people of the United States were sincere and candid in all their overtures of peace and friendship towards them; and that, being myself in their power, I was pledged to them for the truth of what I had told them, and which their friends had been witnesses of at the great white town.

I conceived that General M'Gillivray viewed me for some time rather in the light of a spy than otherwise; but from a uniform declaration to the contrary, and a persevering attention to his person, I was flattered that all his suspicions were removed; and from an alteration in his conduct towards me, I have reason to believe that I gained his confidence effectually.


I found from experiment that to learn the language, and to pronounce it well, must be a task of several youthful years; therefore, after obtaining a vocabulary of their principal words and some familiar sentences, I directed my inquiries more particularly to the other objects contained in your letter.

In making notes while in the country, I found myself watched with an eye of jealousy, and therefore thought it prudent to keep them out of sight, which I always did, even from my only friend, Mr. M'Gillivray himself.

Going into the country down at the southern corner of it — travelling up the Chattahoosee river to the Coweta district — from thence crossing the country westward to little Tallassie — and by coming out of it by the route through all the districts and tribes of the upper Creeks and Natchez, together with a variety of jaunts and visits to the different towns and villages of the Coosades and Alabamas while residing at little Tallassie, has afforded me a comprehensive view of the whole country of the lower and upper Creeks, and an opportunity of seeing all their largest villages, and of becoming generally known among them.

The following sheets contain the results of my observations during the excursion, which I humbly beg leave to have the honor of offering to you, with a hope that they contain such information, with respect to the natives and the fine country they possess, as may be pleasing and satisfactory to yourself, as well as interesting and useful to the government.

To be attached to the Indians and their manner of living, is at once sacrificing all the social virtues to the disgusting habits of savage barbarism.

It is a custom with M'Gillivray to spend his winters on the sea-coast among the Spaniards, leaving his wife, servants, and horses at a plantation he has near Tensau, within the borders of West Florida, about 180 miles down the Alabama river; and of returning to pass his summers in the nation. I therefore could not have remained in the country through the winter season without suffering the inconveniences of cold, and probably of hunger, and these without an associate or companion.

These, sir, are the reasons that induced me to leave the country so soon; and I presume that whoever may try the experiment, even for no longer a time than I have done, will find sufficient exercise for their patience, fortitude, and solitary philosophy.

I have the honor to be, sir,

With the most perfect veneration and respect,

Your devoted and obedient servant,

Deputy Agent, Creek Nation.

Secretary of the War Department.



August 19th, 1790. Sailed from New York with Brigadier-General M'Gillivray, and the Indian chiefs of the Creek Nation, bound to St. Mary's river, in Georgia.

September 1st. Captain Smith, of the schooner we were in, imprudently run the vessel through a large breaker, at the north end of Cumberland Island. The vessel struck on the sands several times, and afterwards went over.

Sept. 2d. Arrived all safe at Captain Burbeck's post, on St. Mary's, and received a visit of compliment from Don Carolus Caxton Howard, Secretary of the Government of East Florida, Mr. Leslie and others, from St. Augustine.

Sept. 8th. Proceeded up the river, and remained three days at Colonel L. Marbery's, procuring horses. Here several of the chiefs of the lower Creeks separated, and pursued their own routes homeward.

Sept. 11th. Took our departure from Spanish Creek, at the head of St. Mary's river.

Sept. 12th, 13th, 14th, 15th, 16th, 17th, 18th, 19th, and 20th. Incessant rains, and five of our horses died on the way.

Sept. 21st. Came to the Alabaha, a branch of St. Mark's river, and found it flooded by the late rains for half a mile on each side, over its natural banks. Our present prospects are gloomy: our provisions and clothing wasted and spoiled by the rains, our progress impeded by the floods, and we are 170 miles advanced from any white settlement.

Sept. 22d. Endeavored to build a canoe; having but one small hatchet, the attempt was fruitless.

Sept. 23d. The waters continue to rise.

Sept. 24th. The waters come to a stand.

Sept. 25th. The Indians killed a stray cow in the woods, and stretched her skin over hoops, into the shape of a bowl, with which to make the experiment of getting over the river.

Sept. 26th. Early in the morning the Indians commenced the business by swimming and towing the skin boat by a string, which they hold in their teeth, getting up a general war-hoop, to frighten away the voracious alligators that inhabit this river in vast numbers. By uncommon and hazardous exertion, we were, with all our baggage


safely towed over, and landed (to our great joy,) on the opposite side about dark, having met with no accident except the loss of four horses, which were entangled in the vines, and drowned in swimming through the waters.

Sept. 27th. Supplied ourselves with fifteen fresh horses, taken from J. Kinnard's negroes, whom we met in the woods, bound to St. Mary's with a drove for sale.

Sept. 28th, 29th. Journeyed in the wilderness, being much exhausted with fatigue, and on short allowance of provisions.

Sept. 30th. Arrived at the Chehau towns, on Flint river; found the Indians assembled in great numbers to hear the tidings from their chief, whom they had given up for lost.

October 1st. Encamped at John, or Jack Kinnard's, living on the borders of the lower Creeks and Seminolies, and here replenished our provisions.

Oct. 5th. Crossed the Chattahoosee river at the Broken Arrow, twelve miles below the Cassita and Coweta towns.

Oct. 7th. Crossed the Tallapoosee at the town of the Tuckabatches. Here the chief (M'Gillivray) made some further communications to the people, who were assembled to hear his talk.

Oct. 8th. Arrived at Little Tallassie, on the Allabamous river.

Oct. 20th. Attended a general meeting called by the Mad Dog, king of the Tuckabatches, where M'Gillivray made some further communications to the Red people. Some seem pleased; others throw their tobacco into the fire, in disgust.

Oct. 21st. Snow fell an inch deep in this country.

Oct. 22d. The moon totally eclipsed, and served to regulate my account of time, which from a variety of causes I have not been able to keep accurately.

Oct. 29th. A young woman, sister to M'Gillivray's wife, hanged herself in a fit of violent passion, but was cut down and saved.

November 20th. A woman related to M'Gillivray hanged herself at Little Tallasse, and was privately buried in the village the same evening.

Nov. 26th. Charles Weatherford brought a letter from the Secretary of War, dated 15th September last.


December 15th. Left Little Tallassie for the upper country, and arrived at the Natchez villages in two days.

Dec. 20th. Went over to the district of the Hillabes.

Dec. 21st. Arrived at the Ufalas, and attended the Square three times to the ceremony of the black-drink, at the pressing invitation of the White Lieutenant.

Dec. 22d. Crossed the Chattahoossee by the upper war-path, at the horse-ford, sixty miles above the Cassitah and Coweta towns.

Dec. 21th. Crossed Flint river at the upper falls, and stretched down the country in a south-east direction.

Dec. 27th. Crossed the Oakmulgee at the upper falls.

Dec. 28th. Crossed the Oconee at the falls ten miles above Captain Savage's post, at the Rock landing.

1791. January 17th. Left the Rock landing, and arrived in Philadelphia, via New York, on the 13th March, 1791.



St. Mary's river is very crooked, with a wide open marsh on each side, from its mouth upwards for thirty miles, where the marsh is terminated by thick woods; the river then becomes nearly straight for thirty miles further, up to Allen's, an Indian trader at the head of its navigation. At this trading-station, the river is like a dead creek, about four fathoms deep, and ten rods wide. It is well laid down in the Rev. Mr. Morse's map, but the great Okafanoka Swamp, which is the source of the river, is misplaced entirely; instead of spreading itself north-westwardly into Georgia, it extends away southerly into East Florida.

The old path from St. Mary's to the Creek Nation, is difficult to be traced, having been little used since 1783. After leaving St. Mary's, for 100 miles westward it is a continual soft, miry, pine barren, affording neither water nor food for men or horses; it is so poor, indeed, that the common game of the woods is not to be found in it.

The Alabaha is a considerable river, not laid down in any of the common maps of the southern country, 100 miles west from the head of St. Mary's, and runs in a southerly direction. It is often difficult to be crossed; the banks are low, and a trifling rain swells it to more than a mile in width. In a freshet the current is rapid, and passengers are liable to be entangled in vines and briars, and drowned; there is also real danger, from its great number of hungry alligators.

From the Alabaha it is ninety miles to the Chehau villages, low down on Flint river; and a continual pine barren all the way, though less sterile than that left behind.

Flint river is about thirty rods wide, and from twelve to fifteen feet deep in summer time, with a gentle current. It is thirty miles from the villages of the Chehaus to Jack Kinnard's, a rich half-breed chief; from Kinnard's to the tribes of the Euchees and Hitchetees, is about eighty miles, where the path crosses the Chattahoosee river, twelve miles below the Cussitah and Coweta towns, at a village called the Broken Arrow.

The Chattahoosee river is about thirty rods wide, and very rapid and full of shoals. The lands in general upon it are light and sandy, and the clay of a bright red. The lower Creeks are settled in scattering clans and villages, from the head to the mouth of this river; and from the high color of the clay, their huts and cabins, at a little distance, resemble clusters of new-burned brick-kilns.

From the Chattahoosee to the Tallapoosee river, is about seventy miles, by the main path which crosses at the falls just above the town of the Tuckabatches.

The Tallapoosee rises in the high-lands near the Cherokees; it runs through the high country of the Oakfuskie tribes in a westerly direction, and is full of rocks, falls, and shoals, until it reaches the Tuckabatchees, where it becomes deep and quiet; from


thence the course of it is west for about thirty miles to Little Tallassie, where it unites with the Coosa or Coosahatcha.

The Coosa river also rises in the high-lands near the Cherokees; its course is generally south, running through the country of the Natchez and other tribes of the upper Creeks, the roughest and most broken district in the whole nation. It is rapid, and so full of rocks and shoals, that although there is a sufficiency of water, it is hardly navigable even for canoes. It joins with the Tallapoosee, at little Tallassie, and there forms the beautiful river Alabama, which continues in a southwestwardly direction to the bay of Mobile.

This long river, and its main branches, form the western line of settlements or villages of the Creek nation, but their hunting-grounds extend 200 miles beyond, to the Tombigbee river, which is the dividing line between their country and that of the Choctaws.

The Alabama river is remarkable for its gentle current, pure waters, and good fish; it runs about two miles an hour; it is seventy or eighty rods wide at the head of it, and from fifteen to eighteen feet deep in the driest season of the year. The banks are about fifty feet high, and seldom, if ever, overflowed. Travellers who have navigated it in large boats, in the month of May, have gone in nine days from little Tallassie to Mobile bay, and compute the distance by water to be about 350 miles. This river, for forty miles downward, and probably much farther, is very beautiful; it has high, clear fields all along the banks, that afford romantic views of its different courses and windings for miles together. Having no shoals, or sand spits, it might be navigated with large boats up to M'Gillivray's, at Little Tallassie, through the centre of an inviting, fertile and extensive country, capable of producing every thing necessary to the comfort and convenience of mankind. The surrounding country is well watered; the soil is of a dark brown color, with deep strata of red or brown clay, and with the slovenly management even of the savages, it produces most abundantly.

It is well timbered with oak, hickory, mulberry, poplar, wild cherry, wild locust, laurel, cypress, bay, gum, cedar, iron, and white cork woods. The low-lands and bottoms are interspersed with numerous cane-brakes, of enormous growth; and the higher grounds, and banks of rivers, produce ginseng, and the seneca, or snake-root, and the genuine sarsaparilla of Mexico in perfection.

There are also a great variety of other medicinal plants and herbs, which remain to be analyzed by the skilful botanist, and, Avithout doubt, will be found as valuable and important as any hitherto discovered.

There are abundance of small waterfalls, and mill-seats of constant water to be had, in all parts of the country, within a few miles of each other.

There are useful mines and minerals on the Alabama, some specimens of which I have collected and have the honor herewith to present.

The western part of the country of the Creeks particularly, though but small compared


to the whole, is without doubt, from its natural advantages, of more real value than all the rest of their territory.

The whole of the country claimed by the Creeks, within the limits of the United States, at a moderate computation, must contain nearly 84,000 square miles, according to Bowen's maps and surveys, annexed hereto, which, by good judges, are affirmed to be accurate.

At present it is but a rude wilderness, exhibiting many natural beauties, which are only rendered unpleasant by being in possession of the jealous natives.

The country possesses every species of wood and clay proper for building, and the soil and climate seem well suited to the culture of corn, wine, oil, silk, hemp, rice, wheat, tobacco, indigo, every species of fruit trees, and English grass; and must, in process of time, become a most delectable part of the United States; and with a free navigation through the bay of Mobile, may probably, one day or other, be the seat of manufactures and commerce.

The climate of this inland country is remarkably healthy; the wet and dry seasons are regular and periodical. The rainy season is from Christmas to the beginning of March, and from the middle of July to the latter end of September. Between these two periods there is seldom much rain or cloudy weather.

The constant breezes, which are probably occasioned by the high hills and numerous rapid water-courses, render the heat of summer very temperate; and towards autumn they are delightfully perfumed by the ripening aromatic shrubbery, which abounds throughout the country.

The winters are soft and mild, and the summers sweet and wholesome.

There are no stagnant waters or infectious fogs about the rivers; consequently, neither alligators, mosquitoes, or sand-flies, have ever been known to infest this pleasant country.

The animals of the forest, in this country, differ little from those at the northward; the tiger, or panther, is more common here, but of less size than those taken towards Canada: large black wolves are plenty, and, I believe, peculiar to the country.

The birds in this region resemble ours, in the northern States, in every respect; but, in addition, may be counted the land stork, of prodigious size, commonly called the pine barren hooping crane. There are also great numbers of paroquets, and the beautiful red bird, so much sought for by Europeans, and called by them the Virginia nightingale.

The reptiles here are (except being generally larger, and more thrifty) very much like those found in the northern climates. But the gofer, a species of the land tortoise, might deserve some attention from the curious naturalist. This creature lives on the land altogether, feeds on grass, and chews the cud like a sheep. He retires to his hole, in some sandy place, in day-time, and at night comes out to feed. He is of the shape of common land tortoises, and of enormous strength; although but of about


eight or ten inches in length, and six or eight inches in breadth, he is able to walk on hard ground, carrying the heaviest man on his back with tolerable ease. The Indians have a belief that this animal has the power of causing droughts or floods; they therefore, whenever they meet one, dash him to pieces with religious violence.


Men of the best information and longest acquaintance with these Indians give the following account of the rise and progress of the nation.

Tradition, handed down from one generation to another, has established a general belief among them (which may be true), that a long time ago some strange, wandering clans of Indians from the north-west found their way down to the present country of the Seminolies: there meeting with plenty of game, they settled themselves in the vicinity of the then powerful tribes of the Florida and Appalachian Indians: that for some time they remained on a friendly footing with each other. The new-comers were styled Seminolies (signifying wanderers, or lost men).

These wanderers from the north increased, and at length became so powerful a body as to excite the jealousy of their Appalachian neighbors. Wars ensued, and finally the Seminolies became masters of the country. "The remnants of the Appalachians were totally destroyed by the Creeks in 1719."

In process of time, the game of the country was found insufficient to support their increasing numbers. Some clans and families emigrated northward, and took possession of the present district of the Cowetas; having established themselves there, other emigrations followed, and in time spread themselves eastward as far as the Oakmulgee river, and other waters of Georgia and South Carolina, and westward as far as the Tallapoosee and Coosa rivers, which are the main branches of the Alabama. Here they were encountered by the Alabama nation, whom they afterwards conquered; and by restoring to them their lands and river, gained their attachment, and they were incorporated with the Creek nation. The Creeks became famous for their abilities and warlike powers; and being possessed of a well watered country, were distinguished from their ancestors (the Seminolies of the low barren country) by the name of Creeks or Muscogies.

The kind soil, pure water, and air of their country being favorable to their constitutions as warriors, has perhaps contributed to give them a character superior to most of the nations that surround them.

Their numbers have increased faster by the acquisition of foreign subjects, than by the increase of the original stock. It appears long to have been a maxim of their policy, to give equal liberty and protection to tribes conquered by themselves, as well as to those vanquished by others — although many individuals, taken in war, are


slaves among them; and their children are called, of the slave race, and cannot arrive to much honorary distinction in the country on that account.

The Alabamas and Coosades are said to be the first who adopted the ceremonies and customs of the Creeks, and became part of the nation. The Natchez, or Sunset Indians, from the Mississippi, joined the Creeks about fifty years since, after being driven out of Louisiana, and added considerably to their confederative body. And now the Shawanese, called by them Sawanes, are joining them in large numbers every year, having already four towns on the Tallapoosee river, that contain near 300 war men, and more are soon expected.


The Seminolies are in small wandering hordes through the whole country, from the point of East Florida to the Appalachiocola river, near which they have Micasuka, and some other permanent villages. Their country being sandy and barren, occasions those who cannot live by fishing along the sea-shore to scatter in small clans and families through the inland country, wherever they can find hommocks of rising ground, upon which they can raise corn, or in other places accommodated with water, which is very scarce throughout the country. They are considerably numerous, but poor and miserable beyond description; being so thinly scattered over a barren desert, they seldom assemble to take black drink, or deliberate on public matters, like the upper and lower Creeks.

The Seminolies are the original stock of the Creek nation, but their language has undergone so great a change, that it is hardly understood by the upper Creeks, or even by themselves in general. It is preserved by many old people, and taught by women to the children as a kind of religious duty; but as they grow to manhood, they forget and lose it by the more frequent use of the modern tongue.

They are more unsettled, in their manner of living, than any other district of people in the nation.

Their country is a place of refuge for vagrants and murderers from every part of the nation, who, by flying from the upper and lower districts to this desert, are able to elude the pursuit and revenge of even Indians themselves.

The term Seminolies (signifying wanderers) is well applied to them, for they are, most of them, continually shifting from one place to another every year.

The foregoing account of the Seminolies was given by General M'Gillivray, who seldom, if ever, has visited their country. He is known to them as their great chief, but few of them have ever seen him.

The Seminolies are said to be principally under the influence of Jack Kinnard, a rich Scotch half-breed, living on the neck of land between Flint and the Chattahoosee


rivers, ninety miles below the Cussitah and Coweta towns — and of a Spanish half-breed chief, living on the Appalachiacola river, near the Micasuka village, called the Butty. But the truth is, they have no government among them.

Kinnard is a noted trader, farmer, and herdsman. He has two wives, about forty valuable negroes, and some Indian slaves. He has from 1200 to 1500 head of cattle and horses, and commonly from 5000 to 6000 Spanish dollars in his house, which are the produce of cattle he sells.

He accumulated his property entirely by plunder and freebooting, during the American war, and the late Georgia quarrel. This raised him to the dignity of a chief, and enabled him to go largely into trade, by which he supplies all the Indians around him, who are dupes to his avarice. He cannot read or write, and commonly has some mean person about his house to do it for him. He is addicted to excessive drunkenness, and, like all half-breeds, is very proud of being white-blooded. He is a despot, shoots his negroes when he pleases, and has cut off the ears of one of his favorite wives, with his own hands, in a drunken fit of suspicion.

He is of so much consequence, in his own country, as to threaten the Spaniards into compliance with almost any thing he demands.

The following is a copy of a letter he dictated and sent to Don Juan Nepomecena de Quesada, the Governor of St. Augustine, in August, 1790. The Governor, in consequence, released Allen, the prisoner, and sent an express near 700 miles, up to Little Tallassie, with a statement of the affair to Mr. M'Gillivray.

"I send you this talk. Our people have had a talk given out here, that our beloved white man, James Allen, is put in jail by your talk, for making the red men take away Lang's cattle, when Lang owed him 170 chalks, which was right. James Allen is our beloved white man, and must be given to us in twenty days back again, to buy our horses, as he did before. Now — give him back, and save you trouble — which shall be — now. This is my talk!

his mark.

The Bully is a man of as much property and influence as Kinnard. He is about fifty years old — keeps three young wives. For size and strength, has never yet found his equal. He is master of the art of English boxing — and has been the Sampson of these Philistines from his youth upward.



The smallest of their towns have from 20 to 30 houses in them, and some of the largest contain from 150 to 200, that are tolerably compact. These houses stand in clusters of four, five, six, seven and eight together, irregularly distributed up and down the banks of rivers or small streams; each cluster of houses contains a clan, or family of relations, who eat and live in common. Each town has a public square, hothouse, and yard near the centre of it, appropriated to various public uses — of which I shall endeavor to give a particular description, together with the ceremonies performed therein, hereafter.

The following are the names of the principal towns of the upper and lower Creeks, that have public squares, beginning at the head of the Coosa or Coosa-hatcha river, viz:

1. Upper Ufalas,
2. Abbacoochees,
3. Natchez,
4. Coosas,
5. Oteetoocheenas,
6. Pinclatchas,
7. Pocuntullahases,
8. Weeokees,
9. Little Tallassie,
10. Tuskeegees,
11. Coosadas,
12. Alabamas,
13. Tawasas,
14. Pawactas,
15. Autobas,
16. Auhoba,
17. Wetumpkees, big,
18. Wetumpkees, little,
19. Wacacoys,
20. Wacksoyochees.

Central, inland, in the high country, between the Coosa and Tallapoosee rivers, in the district called the Hillabees, are the following towns, viz:

21. Hillabees,
22. Killeegko,
23. Oakchoys,
24. Slakagulgas,
25. Wacacoys.

And on the waters of the Tallapoosee, from the head of the river downward, the following, viz:

26. Tuckabatchee Teehassa,
27. Totacaga,
28. New York,
29. Chalaacpauley,
30. Soguspogus,
31. Oakfuskee,
32. Ufala, little,
33. Ufala, big,
34. Sogahatches,
35. Tuckabatchees,
36. Big Tallassie, or half-way house,
37. Clewauleys,
38. Coosahatches,
39. Coolamies,

40. Shawanese, or Savanas, Shawanese Refugees.
41. Kenhulka,

42. Muckeleses.

Of the lower Creeks, beginning on the head-waters of the Chattahoosee, and so on downward, are the towns of
43. Chelucconinny,
44. Chattahoosee,
45. Hohtatoga,
46. Cowetas,
47. Cussitahs,
48. Chalagatsca, or broken arrow,
49. Euchees, several,
50. Hitchatees, several,
51. Palachuola,
52. Chewackala.


Besides near 20 towns and villages of the little and big Chehaus, low down on Flint and Chattahoosee rivers, the names of which I could not ascertain.

From their roving and unsteady manner of living, it is impossible to determine, with much precision, the number of Indians that compose the Creek nation.

General M'Gillivray estimates the number of gun-men to be between 5000 and 6000, exclusive of the Seminolies, who are of little or no account in war, except as small parties of marauders, acting independent of the general interest of the others.

The useless old men, the women and children may be reckoned as three times the number of gun-men, making in the whole about 25,000 or 26,000 souls. Every town and village has one established white trader in it, and there are several neighborhoods, besides, that have traders. Each trader commonly employs one or two white pack-horse men; besides these, there is, in almost every town, one family of whites, and in some two, who do not trade; these last are people who have fled from some part of the frontier, to this asylum of liberty.

It may be conjectured with safety, that, to include the whites of every description throughout the country, they will amount to nearly 300 persons — a number sufficient to contaminate all the natives; for it is a fact that every town is principally under the influence of the white men residing in it; and as most of them have been attached to the British in the late war, and of course have, from loss of friends and property, or persecution, retained bitter resentments against the people of the United States, and more especially against those living on the frontiers. They often, to have revenge, and to obtain plunder that may be taken, use their influence to send out predatory parties against the settlements in their vicinity.

The Creek Indians are very badly armed. The chief has made it a point to furnish them with muskets in preference to rifles, which, from the necessity of being wiped out after every shot, have been found less convenient than the former. Their muskets are of the slender, French manufacture, procured through the Spanish government at Pensacola, but are so slightly made, that they soon become unfit for any service.

If the Indians were able to purchase for themselves, they would, however, prefer rifles in all cases, because they find them more sure and lasting: a good one will, at any time, command the price of 100 chalks, or $50, to be paid in skins or horses in the country.

The most influential chiefs of the country, either in peace or war, are the Hallowing King, of the Cowetas; the White Lieutenant, of the Oakfuskies; the Mad Dog King, of the Tuckabatchees; the old Tallassie King Opilth-Mico, of the Half-way House at Big Tallassie; the Dog Warrior, of the Natchez; and Old Red-shoe, King of the Alabamas and Coosades. A treaty made with the before-named chiefs would, probably, be communicated to all the people of the country, and be believed and relied upon.


OF THE SQUARE. — The public squares, placed near the centre of each town, are formed by four buildings of equal size, facing inwards, and enclosing an area of about thirty feet on each side. These houses are made of the same materials as their dwelling-houses, but differ by having the front which faces the square left entirely open, and the walls of the back sides have an open space of two feet or more next to the eaves, to admit a circulation of air. Each of these houses is partitioned into three apartments, making twelve in all, which are called the cabins; the partitions which separate these cabins are made of clay, and only as high as a man's shoulders, when sitting. Each cabin has three seats, or rather platforms, being broad enough to sleep upon. The first is raised about two feet from the ground, the second is eight inches higher, and the third, or back seat, as much above the second. The whole of the seats are joined together by a covering of cane-mats, as large as carpets. It is a rule, to have a new covering to the seats every year, previous to the ceremony of the busk; therefore, as the old coverings are never removed, they have, in most of their squares, eight, ten and twelve coverings, laid one upon the other.

The squares are generally made to face the east, west, north and south. The centre cabin, on the east side, is always allotted to the beloved, or first men of the town, and is called the beloved seat. Three cabins, on the south side, belong to the most distinguished warriors; and those on the north side, to the second men, etc. The west side is appropriated to hold the lumber and apparatus used in cooking black-drink, war-physic,


etc. On the post, or on a plank over each of the cabins, are painted the emblems of the family to whom it is allotted, to wit: the buffalo family have the buffalo painted on their cabin; the bear has the bear, and so on.

Up under the roofs of the houses are suspended a heterogeneous collection of emblems and trophies of peace and war, viz: eagles' feathers, swans' wings, wooden scalping-knives, war-clubs, red painted wands, bunches of hoops on which to dry their scalps, remnants of scalps, bundles of snake-root war-physic, baskets, etc.

Such posts and other timbers about the square as are smooth enough to admit of it, have a variety of rude paintings of warriors' heads with horns, horned rattlesnakes, horned alligators, etc.

Some of the squares in the red or war-towns, which have always been governed by warriors, are called painted squares, having all the posts and smooth timber about them painted red, with white or black edges. This is considered a peculiar and very honorary mark of distinction. Some towns also have the privilege of a covered square, which is nothing more than a loose scaffolding of canes laid on poles over the whole of the area between the houses. Whence these privileges arose, I could never learn; and it is a doubt with me if they know themselves.

Travelling Indians, having no relations in the town, often sleep in the public square as they are passing on their journey. This is one of their ancient rites of hospitality. And poor old men and women, suffering for want of clothes, are entitled to sleep in the hot-houses of the town they live in, if they please.

The square is the place for all public meetings, and the performance of all their principal warlike and religious ceremonies.

If a man dies in the town, the square is hung full of green boughs as tokens of mourning; and no black-drink is taken inside of it for four days.

If a warrior or other Indian is killed from any town having a square, black-drink must be taken on the outside of the square; and every ceremony in its usual form is laid aside until satisfaction is had for the outrage.

Each square has a black-drink cook, and two or three young warriors that attend every morning when black-drink is to be taken, and warn the people to assemble by beating a drum.

Each square, as necessary appendages, has a hot-house at the north-west corner of it, and a May-pole, with a large circular beaten yard around it, at the south-west corner, which is called the chunkey-yard. These two places are chiefly appropriated to dancing. The yard is used in warm, and the hot-house in cold weather.

The hot-house is a perfect pyramid of about twenty-five feet high, on a circular base of the same diameter. The walls of it are of clay, about six feet high, and from thence drawn regularly to a point at the top, and covered round with tufts of bark. Inside of the hot-house is one broad circular seat made of canes, and attached to the walls all around. The fire is kindled in the centre; and the house, having no


ventilator, soon becomes intolerably hot; yet the savages, amidst all the smoke and dust raised from the earthen floor by their violent manner of dancing, bear it for hours together without the least apparent inconvenience.


Is a military institution, blended with religious opinions.

The black-drink is a strong decoction of the shrub well known in the Carolinas by the name of Cassina, or the Uupon Tea.

The leaves are collected, parched in a pot until brown, boiled over a fire in the centre of the square, dipped out and poured from one pan or cooler into another, and back again, until it ferments and produces a large quantity of white froth, from which, with the purifying qualities the Indians ascribe to it, they style it white-drink; but the liquor of itself, which, if strong, is nearly as black as molasses, is by the white people universally called black-drink.

It is a gentle diuretic, and, if taken in large quantities, sometimes affects the nerves. If it were qualified with sugar, etc., it could hardly be distinguished in taste from strong bohea tea.

Except rum, there is no liquor of which the Creek Indians are so excessively fond. In addition to their habitual fondness of it, they have a religious belief that it infallibly possesses the following qualities, viz.: That it purifies them from all sin, and leaves them in a state of perfect innocence; that it inspires them with an invincible prowess in war; and that it is the only solid cement of friendship, benevolence, and hospitality. Most of them really seem to believe that the Great Spirit or Master of breath has communicated the virtues of the black-drink to them, and them only (no other Indians being known to use it as they do), and that it is a peculiar blessing bestowed on them, his chosen people. Therefore, a stranger going among them cannot recommend himself to their protection in any manner so well as by offering to partake of it with them as often as possible.

The method of serving up black-drink in the square is as follows, viz.:

The warriors and chiefs being assembled and seated, three young men acting as masters of ceremony on the occasion, each having a gourd or calabash full of the liquor, place themselves in front of the three greatest chiefs or warriors, and announce that they are ready by the word choh! After a short pause, stooping forward, they run up to the warriors and hold the cup or shell parallel to their mouths; the warriors receive it from them, and wait until the young men fall back and adjust themselves to give what they term the yohullah, or black-drink note. As the young men begin to aspirate the note, the great men place the cups to their mouths, and are obliged to drink during the aspirated note of the young men, which, after exhausting their breath, is repeated on a finer key, until the lungs are no longer inflated. This long aspiration is


continued near half a minute, and the cup is taken from the mouth of the warrior who is drinking at the instant the note is finished. The young men then receive the cups from the chiefs or head warriors, and pass it to the others of inferior rank, giving them the word choh! but not the yohullah note. None are entitled to the long black-drink note but the great men, whose abilities and merit are rated on this occasion by the capacity of their stomachs to receive the liquor.

It is generally served round in this manner three times at every meeting; during the recess of serving it up, they all sit quietly in their several cabins, and amuse themselves by smoking, conversing, exchanging tobacco, etc., and in disgorging what black-drink they have previously swallowed.

Their mode of disgorging, or spouting out the black-drink, is singular, and has not the most agreeable appearance. After drinking copiously, the warrior, by hugging his arms across his stomach, and leaning forward, disgorges the liquor in a large stream from his mouth, to the distance of six or eight feet. Thus, immediately after drinking, they begin spouting on all sides of the square, and in every direction; and in that country, as well as in others more civilized, it is thought a handsome accomplishment in a young fellow to be able to spout well.

They come into the square and go out again, on these occasions, without formality.


The ceremony of the busk is the most important and serious of any observed by the Creek Indians.

It is the offering up of their first fruits, or an annual sacrifice, always celebrated about harvest time.

When corn is ripe, and the cassina or new black-drink has come to perfection, the busking begins on the morning of a day appointed by the priest, or fire-maker (as he is styled) of the town, and is celebrated for four days successively.

On the morning of the first day, the priest, dressed in white leather moccasins and stockings, with a white dressed deer-skin over his shoulders, repairs at break of day, unattended, to the square. His first business is to create the new fire, which he accomplishes with much labor by the friction of two dry sticks. After the fire is produced, four young men enter at the openings of the four corners of the square, each having a stick of wood for the new fire; they approach the new fire with much reverence, and place the ends of the wood they carry, in a very formal manner, to it. After the fire is sufficiently kindled, four other young men come forward in the same manner, each having a fair ear of new corn, which the priest takes from them, and places with great solemnity in the fire, where it is consumed. Four young warriors then enter the square in the manner before mentioned, each having some of the new cassina. A small part of it is given to the new fire by the priest, and the remainder


is immediately parched and cooked for use. During these formalities, the priest is continually muttering some mysterious jargon which nobody understands, nor is it proper for any inquiries to be made on the subject; the people in general believe that he is then communicating with the great master of breath.

At this time, the warriors and others being assembled, they proceed to drink black-drink in their usual manner. Some of the new fire is next carried and left on the outside of the square, for public use; and the women allowed to come and take it to their several houses, which have the day before been cleaned, and decorated with green boughs, for its reception; all the old fire in the town having been previously extinguished, and the ashes swept clean away, to make room for the new. During this day, the women are suffered to dance with the children on the outside of the square, but by no means suffered to come into it. The men keep entirely by themselves, and sleep in the square.

The second day is devoted by the men to taking their war-physic. It is a strong decoction of the button snake-root, or senneca, which they use in such quantities as often to injure their health by producing spasms, etc.

The third day is spent by the young men in hunting or fishing, while the elder ones remain in the square and sleep, or continue their black-drink, war-physic, etc., as they choose. During the first three days of busking, while the men are physicking, the women are constantly bathing. It is unlawful for any man to touch one of them, even with the tip of his finger; and both sexes abstain rigidly from all kind of food or sustenance, and more particularly from salt.

On the fourth day, the whole town are assembled in the square, men, women, and children promiscuously, and devoted to conviviality. All the game killed the day before by the young hunters, is given to the public; large quantities of new corn, and other provisions, are collected and cooked by the women over the new fire. The whole body of the square is occupied with pots and pans of cooked provisions, and they all partake in general festivity. The evening is spent in dancing, or other trifling amusements, and the ceremony is concluded.

N. B. All the provisions that remain are a perquisite to the old priest, or fire-maker.


Courtship is always begun by proxy. The man, if not intimately acquainted with the lady of his choice, sends her his talk (as it is termed), accompanied with small presents of clothing, by some woman of her acquaintance. If the young woman takes his talk, his proxy then asks the consent of her uncles, aunts, and brothers (the father having no voice or authority in the business), which being obtained, the young woman goes to him, and they live together during pleasure or convenience. This is the most common mode of taking a wife, and at present the most fashionable.


But if a man takes a wife conformably to the more ancient and serious custom of the country, it requires a longer courtship, and some established formalities.

The man, to signify his wishes, kills a bear with his own hands, and sends a panful of the oil to his mistress. If she receives the oil, he next attends and helps her hoe the corn in her field; afterwards plants her beans; and when they come up, he sets poles for them to run upon. In the meantime he attends her corn, until the beans have run up and entwined their vines about the poles. This is thought emblematical of their approaching union and bondage; and they then take each other for better or for worse, and are bound to all intents and purposes. A widow having been bound in the above manner, is considered an adulteress if she speaks or makes free with any man, within four summers after the death of her husband.

With a couple united in the above manner, the tie is considered more strongly binding than in the other case; being under this obligation to each other, the least freedom with any other person, either in the man or woman, is considered as adultery, and invariably punished by the relations of the offended party, by whipping, and cutting off the hair and ears close to the head.

The ceremony of cropping, as it is called, is done in the following manner. The relations of the injured party assemble and use every stratagem to come at the offender. This is called, in the phrase of the country, raising the gang upon him. Each of the gang carries a stick nearly as large as a hoop-pole. Having caught the offender, they beat him or her, as the case may be, until senseless, and then operate with the knife. It is extremely difficult to evade this punishment; but if the offender can keep clear of them by flight or otherwise until they lay down their sticks, the law is satisfied, and they (one family only excepted) have no right to take them up again. But the great and powerful WIND FAMILY, of whom Mr. M'Gillivray is a descendant, if defeated in the first attempt, have the right of raising the gang and lifting the cudgels as often as they please until punishment is duly inflicted.


The Creeks believe in a good and bad spirit, and in a future state of rewards and punishments.

The good spirit they style Hesבkבdum Eseי, which signifies God, or Master of Breath.

The bad spirit is styled Stefuts Asיgף, which signifies the devil, or rather sorcerer.

They believe that the good spirit inhabits some distant, unknown region, where game is plenty, and goods very cheap! where corn grows all the year round, and the springs of pure water are never dried up.

They believe, also, that the bad spirit dwells a great ways off, in some dismal


swamp, which is full of galling briars, and that he is commonly half starved, having no game, or bear's oil, in all his territories.

They have an opinion that droughts, floods, and famines, and their miscarriages in war, are produced by the agency of the bad spirit. But of these things, they all appear to have confused and irregular ideas, and some sceptical opinions.


When one of a family dies, the relations bury the corpse about four feet deep, in a round hole dug directly under the cabin or rock whereon he died. The corpse is placed in the hole in a sitting posture, with a blanket wrapped about it, and the legs bent under it and tied together. If a warrior, he is painted, and his pipe, ornaments, and warlike appendages are deposited with him. The grave is then covered with canes tied to a hoop round the top of the hole, and then a firm layer of clay, sufficient to support the weight of a man. The relations howl loudly and mourn publicly for four days. If the deceased has been a man of eminent character, the family immediately remove from the house in which he is buried, and erect a new one, with a belief that where the bones of their dead are deposited, the place is always attended by "goblins and chimeras dire."

They believe there is a state of future existence, and that according to the tenor of their lives, they shall hereafter be rewarded with the privilege of hunting in the realms of the Master of Breath, or of becoming Seminolies in the regions of the old sorcerer.

But as it is very difficult for them to draw any parallel between virtue and vice, they are most of them flattered with the expectation of hereafter becoming great war-leaders, or swift hunters in the beloved country of the great Hesבkבdum Eseי.


The Indians eat every green wild fruit they can lay their hands upon, which is said to engender the fevers that sometimes attack them in the latter part of summer; and their children are often afflicted with worms from the same cause.

The cassia fistularius, or pod of the wild locust, which grows here in abundance, furnishes them late in autumn with a kind of sweetmeats, which they gather and bring home wherever they can find it; and it is esteemed a good antidote in the complaints of their children.

Their diseases are real and imaginary. In their complaints and disorders, they sometimes employ male, but more frequently female practitioners, whom they call very cunning men or women, to attend them; and as all their disorders are to be cured by the herbs and styptics of the woods, assisted by magic, their mode of proceeding is


not less singular than superstitious. All physic and decoctions must undergo a process of boiling, stirring, or filtration, attended with blowing, singing, hissing, muttering, and a variety of mysterious and sublime operations, before it is fitted for use. If the physician fails in the cure, he will ascribe it to cats or dogs that may be about the house; and they are either killed instantly, or sent out of the neighborhood. If after all the patient dies, the chance is two to one that the doctor is considered as a witch or sorcerer, influenced by the devil, and is pursued, beaten, and sometimes killed by the surviving relations; but if successful in restoring the patient to health, he is paid almost his own price for his services, in skins or cattle.

Stitches in the side, or small rheumatic pains, which are frequent with them, are often considered as the effect of some magic wound. They firmly believe that their Indian enemies have the power of shooting them as they lay asleep, at the distance of 500 miles. They often complain of having been shot by a Choctaw or Chickasaw from the midst of these nations, and send or go directly to the most cunning and eminent doctress for relief. The cunning woman tells them that what they have apprehended is verily true, and proceeds to examine and make the cure. In these cases, scratching or cupping is the remedy; or, as is often the case, sucking the affected part with her mouth, produces to their view some fragment of a bullet, or piece of a wad, which she had purposely concealed in her mouth to confirm the truth of what she had asserted; after this, a few magic draughts of their physic must be administered, and the patient is made whole.

Gonorrhoeas are common among them, but not virulent. Contrary to what has been believed, their cures are undoubtedly imperfect, and not to be depended upon.

It is an established rule, that pregnant women be entirely alone at the time of delivery; and this rule is rigidly adhered to. Nature seems to have fortified them with strength to undergo the operation without assistance. On the 12th of December, 1790, four women came from the white ground, ten miles from Little Tallassie, to sell horse-ropes to the beloved man. The day was cold and rainy, with a sleet of snow; they stayed all night. About midnight, one of them, a young woman, was taken in travail; her mother was with her, and immediately ordered her to take some fire and go into the swamp, about thirty rods from the out-house where they slept. She went alone, was delivered of her child, and at ten o'clock next morning, being bare-footed and half naked, took the infant on her back, and returned home through the rain and snow, which still continued to fall, without the least apparent inconvenience.

This circumstance, had I not been present and seen the woman with the infant on her back, I might have been doubtful of its possibility.

In their periodical habits, the women are equally tenacious of being seen or touched, and never leave their hiding-places during the continuance of them.



They have an opinion that, to sleep with women, enervates and renders them unfit for warriors; men therefore but seldom have their wives in the apartments where they lodge. Every family has two huts or cabins; one is the man's, and the other belongs to his wife, where she stays and does her work, seldom or ever coming into the man's house, unless to bring him victuals, or on other errands.

The women perform all the labor, both in the house and field, and are, in fact, but slaves to the men, being subject to their commands without any will of their own, except in the management of the children. They are universally called wenches; and the only distinction between them and the negro women is, that they have Indian children; and when a man would have you understand that he is speaking of his wife, he designates her as his son's mother, etc. Yet even in this unhappy, servile state, the women are remarkable for their care and attention to the men, constantly watching over them in their desperate drunkennesses and quarrels, with the utmost solicitude and anxiety.

Beauty is of no estimation in either sex. It is strength, or agility, that recommends the young man to his mistress; and to be a skilful or swift hunter is the highest merit with the woman he may choose for a wife. He proves his merit and abilities to her as often as he can, by presenting her, or her guardian uncles and aunts, with bear's oil, and venison of his own killing.

Simple fornication is no crime or reproach among the Creeks; the sexes indulge their propensities with each other promiscuously, unrestrained by law or custom, and without secrecy or shame. If a young woman becomes pregnant before she is married, which most of them do, the child is maintained in her clan without the least murmuring.

If a young woman becomes pregnant by a fellow whom she had expected to marry, and is disappointed, she, in revenge, is authorized by a custom of the country, to destroy the infant at the birth, if she pleases, which is often done, by leaving it to perish in the swamp where it was born, or throwing it into the water. And, indeed, to destroy a new-born infant is not uncommon in families that are grown so numerous as to be supported with difficulty; it is done by mutual consent of the clan and parents, and without remorse.

The refined passion of love is unknown to any of them — although they apply the word love to rum, and every thing else they wish to be possessed of. The very frequent suicides committed in consequence of the most trifling disappointment, or quarrel, between men and women, are not the result of grief, but of savage and unbounded revenge.

Marriage is considered only as a temporary convenience, not binding on the parties


more than one year. If a separation is desired by either the man or his wife, it is commonly consented to, and takes place without ceremony; but he or she is not at liberty to take any other person as wife or husband, until after the celebration of the ensuing busk, at which, if they attend and partake of the physic and bathing, they are at once exonerated from the marriage-contract, and at liberty to choose again: but to be only intimate with any other person, between the time of separation and the ceremony of the next busk, is deemed as adultery, and would incur the penalty of whipping and cropping, as the custom of the country requires. This punishment, however, depends, sometimes, on the superior strength of the clan to which the injured party belongs.

The married women are termed bound wenches — the single girls, free wenches. The least freedom with a bound wench is considered criminal, and invariably punished, or attempted to be punished by the cropping law.

A plurality of wives is allowed of — a mother and her two daughters are often kept by one man, at the same time; but this is most frequently by white traders, who are better able to support them. A large portion of the old and middle-aged men, by frequently changing, have had many different wives, and their children, scattered around the country, are unknown to them.

Few women have more than two children by the same father; hence they have found the necessity of conferring the honors of chiefs and micos on the issue of the female line, for it would be impossible to trace the right by the male issue.

The custom of frequently throwing away their old wives, and taking new ones, is well adapted to their barbarous mode of life. The total want of that conjugal affection which dignifies families in civilized society, perhaps arises from the little pleasure that can be experienced in the arms of women continually harassed by hard labor, and dirty drudgery. Therefore, this inconstancy is favorable to their population: without it they could scarcely keep up their numbers; and even with it, they increase very slowly.

By a confused intermixture of blood, a whole tribe become uncles, aunts, brothers, sisters and cousins to each other; and as some members of each clan commonly wander abroad, and intermarry in distant towns, and others from those towns come in and supply their places, the whole body of the people have become connected by the ties of blood and hospitality, and are really but one great family of relations — whose ceremonies, manners, and habits are nearly alike, though their language differs considerably.

The father has no care of his own child. The invariable custom is, for the women to keep and rear all the children, having the entire control over them until they are able to provide for themselves. They appear to have sufficient natural affection for them; they never strike or whip a child for its faults. Their mode of correction is singular: if a child requires punishment, the mother scratches its legs and thighs with


the point of a pin or needle, until it bleeds; some keep the jaw-bone of a gar-fish, having two teeth, entirely for the purpose.

They say that this punishment has several good effects; that it not only deters the child from mischief, but it loosens the skin, and gives a pliancy to the limbs; and the profusion of blood that follows the operation, serves to convince the child that the loss of it is not attended with danger, or loss of life: that when he becomes a man and a warrior, he need not shrink from an enemy, or apprehend that the wounds he may receive, and loss of blood, will endanger his life.

Scratching is also practised among young warriors, as a ceremony or token of friendship. When they have exchanged promises of inviolable attachment, they proceed to scratch each other before they part. This is more frequently done in drunken frolics than at any other time. After a rum-drinking, numbers of them appear covered with blood, and lacerated from their shoulders down to their heels. Such marks of friendship are indelible, and effectually remind them of their friendly promises as long as they live.

The common food of the Creek is Indian corn, pounded and boiled, with which they mix a small quantity of strong lees of the ashes of hickory wood. It is boiled until the corn is tender, and the liquor becomes as thick as rich soup. The lees give it a tart taste, and preserve it from souring by the heat of the climate. From day to day they have it constantly standing in large pots or pans, with a spoon in it, ready for use. It is called by the Indians Oafka, and by the whites, Thin-drink. Those who have been long used to it are excessively fond of it. The Indians, who eat not much of any other food, go to it, and eat of it, about once an hour all day.

They are without system or rule in any thing. They have no regular meals. Thoughtless, negligent and wasteful, they sometimes have abundance, and at other times nothing at all to eat. But in all their vicissitudes, they betray no appearance of feeling distress. They are so extremely indolent, that, from the time they have consumed the meats killed in the winter, until the ripening of the new corn, they are all straitened, and many of them much distressed for food, and suffer under an annual famine of about two months every summer.


The men, in general, are of a good size, stout, athletic and handsome: the women are also of a good height, but coarse, thick-necked and ugly. Being condemned, by the custom of the country, to carry burdens, pound corn, and perform all the hard labor, they are universally masculine in appearance, without one soft blandishment to render them desirable or lovely. Both sexes have a phlegmatic coldness and indifference, uncommon and unknown to most white people. When a man meets his wife and children, after an absence of some months, in which time she has not heard a word


from him, it is with a perfect seeming indifference. Perhaps the first word spoken will be — So, you have got back again, I see. He answers — Yes. She may then reply — Momuscha, i. e., Very well — and there ends the conversation. The man reserves the tale of his adventures, to be told to his other friends over a cup of black-drink the next morning, at the square; and there it is retailed, in a tedious, circumlocutory conversation of many hours.

All the children in the country, up to the age of twelve or fourteen years (to judge from appearance), go stark naked in summer and winter: and the women, in general, wear no clothes in summer, except one single, simple, short petticoat, of blue stroud, tied around the waist, and reaching only to the upper part of the knees; and in winter they have only the addition of a blanket (if they can get it), thrown over their shoulders.

A stranger going into the country must feel distressed, when he sees naked women bringing in huge burdens of wood on their backs, or bent under the scorching sun, at hard labor in the field; while the indolent, robust young men are riding about, or stretched at ease on some scaffold, amusing themselves with a pipe, or a whistle.

The Indians are credulous. Enveloped in dark ignorance, and shut out from all communion with the enlightened world, the few of them that have a desire for knowledge are deprived of the means of obtaining it. They are naturally fickle, inconstant, and excessively jealous of the encroachments of the white people. They easily become the dupes of the traders that live in their towns, who have established so complete an ascendency over them, that, whatever they tell them is implicitly believed, until contradicted by some more artful story. Thus situated, it is in the power of an ignorant vagabond trader, at any time, over a pipe and cup of black-drink, to persuade them that the most solemn treaty is no more than a well-covered plot, laid to deprive them of their lands, under the specious pretences of friendship and presents, and that the sooner they break it the better. This arouses their jealousy, which, with their insatiable thirst for plunder, will probably, so long as the white villains are among them, continually destroy the good effects intended by treaties.

For near forty years past, the Creek Indians have had little intercourse with any other foreigners but those of the English nation. Their prejudice in favor of English men, and English goods, has been carefully kept alive by tories and others, to this day. Most of their towns have now in their possession British drums, with the arms of the nation, and other emblems, painted on them; and some of the squares have the remnants of old British flags yet preserved in them. They still believe that the "great king over the water" is able to keep the whole world in subjection.

About three years ago, a Mr. Bowles, of the Bahamas, formerly a lieutenant in the Pennsylvania loyalists (aided and abetted, as is said, by Lord Dunmore, in order to disturb the trade of the country, of which he had been disappointed by the superior address of Panton Leslie & Co.), availing himself of the prejudices of the Indians,


landed in East Florida, with several old cannon, taken from the wrecks on the Florida Keys, and some ammunition, assumed the title of brigadier-general, and, with three captains of his own promoting, viz: Robins, Wellbanks, and Dalton, and thirty-seven whites and mulattoes, which they procured out of Providence jail, he proceeded to the lower Creeks, gave out word that he was immediately from London, that an English army of 20,000 men were on the point of landing, and were come to join the Creeks in the war against the States. The Indians and traders believed every word of it — even the sagacious chief himself was, for some time, duped by this impostor.

Mr. Bowles remained several months among the Indians, and after having run himself in debt to many of the traders from 2000 to 3000 chalks each, he was ordered by Mr. M'Gillivray to quit the country. Captain Dalton, to save his life, fled in disguise to Pensacola, where he obtained a passage to Ireland. Captain Wellbanks fled to the Cherokees, and remains there. And Captain Robins, a carpenter by trade, was detained in the nation as a useful artificer, and was employed by M'Gillivray to build him a house; after working near three years, he left it unfinished, and in November last stole two horses and a negro wench from M'Gillivray, with which he ran away.

When Mr. Bowles left the country, he persuaded several Indians and half-breeds, of note, to follow him; they stole a vessel in Mobile bay, and went over to the Bahamas, where Bowles selected five of the handsomest of his followers, viz: three Cherokees and two Creeks, and sold the others to the wreckers. With these five he went to Nova Scotia, and from thence to London.

Arriving in London at the time of the expected Spanish war, he represented that 20,000 Indian warriors (of whom those with him were the principals) were zealous to drive the Spaniards all out of Mexico, and had sent to request the aid of their old English friends — in consequence of which, they were much caressed at court!


The new year commences with the Creeks immediately after the celebration of the busk, at the ripening of the new corn, in August. They divide the year into two seasons only, to wit: winter and summer; and subdivide it by the successive moons, beginning the WINTER with the moon of

Angust, called Heyףthlתcco Or, the big ripening moon.
September, called Otauwo×£sk×£chee Little chesnut moon.
October, called Otauwףoskףlתcco Big chesnut moon.
November, called Heewףolיe Falling leaf moon.
December, called Thlבffףlתcco Big winter moon.
January, called Thlבffףchףsee Little winter moon, alias big winter moon's young brother.


February, called Hootבhlהhבssee The windy moon.
March, called Taתsaתtchצosee Little spring moon.
April, called Taתsa�tchיelucco Big spring moon.
May, called Keיhבssee Mulberry moon.
June, called K×£ch×£hassee Blackberry moon.
July, called Hףyeתchee Little ripening moon.

They count the number of days or years, either past or to come, by tens. Having no exact method of keeping or reckoning their time, they can seldom tell nearer than within one month of the time any remarkable occurrence took place in the preceding year; but circumstances, or any speeches that might have attended such occurrence, they remember accurately. There is not one in the whole nation knows how old he is.

They know when the winter or hunting-season approaches, by a change of the face of nature — and they also know when the summer or planting-season advances, by the increasing heat and vegetation — and take little pains to inform themselves further on the subject.

The summer-season, with the men, is devoted to war, or their domestic amusements of riding, horse-hunting, ball-plays, and dancing; and by the women, to their customary hard labor.


Their various dances are indescribable. They are always designated by the name of the animal which they exhibit in them, viz.: the fish-dance is led down by the most expert woman or man, having a wooden fish in his hand; the snake-dance is performed in the same manner; the buffalo-dance is distinguished by the most violent exertion of the feet, legs, and shoulders. But the most favorite dance in the country is the eagle-feather dance, which is conducted with a degree of moderation.

In general, their dances are performed with the most violent contortions of the limbs, and an excessive exertion of the muscular powers.

They have sometimes most farcical dramatic representations, which terminate in the grossest obscenity.

Their ball-plays are manly, and require astonishing exertion, but white men have been found to excel the best of them at that exercise; they therefore seldom or ever admit a white man into the ball-ground. Legs and arms have often been broken in their ball-plays, but no resentments follow an accident of this kind.

The women and men both attend them in large numbers, as a kind of gala; and bets often run as high as a good horse, or an equivalent of skins.



Soon after the settlement of South Carolina, an intercourse and trade took place from Fort Moor, in that province, between the white people and the lower Creeks, which appears to have been the first communication they had with British subjects; before this, they traded altogether with the French of Louisiana, and the people of Pensacola and St. Mark's. The upper Creeks continued to send all their skins to the French of Mobile for many years after the trade of the lower Creeks had been drawn into South Carolina.

In 1732, when the colony of Georgia was founded by General Oglethorpe, he called eight tribes of the lower Creeks to a treaty in Savannah. He states the number of warriors in these tribes then, to be 1300. By the kind treatment and good management of Governor Oglethorpe, they soon became strongly attached to the British interest.

"The French of Louisiana, jealous of this step, immediately sent troops and agents among the upper Creeks, and erected a fort at Little Tallassie, of fourteen guns. By establishing a post in the midst of them, they found means to attach them to the French people — the Choctaws being before in their interest, as well as the Chickasaws, and lower Cherokees. In 1739, General Oglethorpe called his allies (the lower Creeks), to a conference at the Cowetas, and attended in person, renewed the former treaties, and confirmed them in their attachment to the British Government; at this conference, deputies attended from the Oakfuskies, Choctaws, Chickasaws, and Cherokees. The Cherokees and Creeks afterwards joined the British in an expedition against the Spaniards at St. Augustine, in the year 1742."

It appears that from 1732, the affections of the upper and lower Creeks were divided between the French and English, until the peace of 1763; when the Floridas were ceded to the English, and the French fort "Allabamous," at Little Tallassie, was then abandoned by them. The British kept up a captain's command, at this fort, for some years after the peace of 1763; but at that time, possessing all the country-eastward and southward, to which the Indians were obliged to come to trade, the British withdrew their troops, and sent numbers of agents and commissaries among them, by which they effectually attached them to the "great king over the water." By pursuing the same policy with the Choctaws, Chickasaws, and Cherokees, they monopolized all the trade of these four great nations, until the American Revolution; and indeed during the late war, and ever since the peace of 1783, the trade is, in fact, beneficial only to British subjects.

Their strong prejudices in favor of the English nation, and of everything they see


that has been manufactured in it, and of every person connected with it, are carefully kept alive by tories and renegades of every sort, who are constantly among them; and their hatred of the Spaniards is equally evident and implacable.


The government, if it may be termed one, is a kind of military democracy. At present, the nation has a chief whose title is Steutsa'cco'-Cho'ota', or the great beloved man. He is eminent with the people only for his superior talents and political abilities. Every individual has so high an opinion of his own importance and independency, that it would be difficult, if not impossible, to impress on the community at large the necessity of any social compact, that should be binding upon it longer than common danger threatened them with the loss of their lands and hunting ranges.

Each town has its chief or mico, and some experienced war-leaders; it has also what they style beloved second men, whose business is to regulate the police of the town and public buildings. They are generally men of the best memories, that can tell long stories, and give minute details of ancient customs.

The micos are counsellors and orators, and until very lately had a control over the warriors and leaders, whose business was to conduct the scouts and war-parties.

The micos were formerly styled the kings, or beloved men of the white towns, which were (as they say) once considered as places of refuge and safety to prisoners who could escape death or torture by flight, and find an asylum in these sacred places.

Other towns were called war, or red towns, and differed from the white towns of the micos, by being governed entirely by warriors.

This is said to have been their former government, but is now done away.

In conformity to the modern government, the chiefs and principal warriors have annual meetings to deliberate on public affairs. The time and place is fixed by a chief; and the space between the time of warning and that of assembling is called the broken days. They assemble in the public square of some central town, drink black-drink, exchange tobacco, and the chiefs and orators afterwards proceed to give or receive advice with profound gravity and moderation.

The influence of the great beloved man, on all occasions, consists in the privilege of advising and not in the power of commanding. Every individual is at liberty to choose whether or not he shall engage in any warlike enterprise. But the rage of young men to acquire war-names, and the thirst of plunder in the elder ones and leaders, are motives sufficient to raise gangs of volunteers to go in quest of hair and horses at any time when they are disengaged from hunting. It is little matter with them what the pretence for going to war may be. They think that force constitutes right; and victory is an infallible proof of justice on their side; and they attack as boldly as they are indefatigable in securing a scalp, or to obtain plunder.


Young men remain in a kind of disgrace, and are obliged to light pipes, bring wood, and help cook black-drink for the warriors, and perform all the menial services of the public square, until they shall have performed some warlike exploit that may procure them a war-name, and a seat in the square at the black-drink. This stimulates them to push abroad, and at all hazards obtain a scalp, or as they term it, bring in hair.

When the young warrior, after a successful expedition, approaches the town he belongs to, he announces his arrival by the war-hoop, which can be heard a mile or more, and his friends go out to meet him. The scalp he has taken is then suspended on the end of a red painted wand, and, amidst the yelling multitude, accompanied with the war-song, is brought in triumph by him into the square, or centre of the town, where it is either deposited, or cut up and divided among his friends, who then dub him a man and a warrior, worthy of a war-name, and a seat at the ceremony of the black-drink, which he receives accordingly.

Those who have seldom been abroad, and are not distinguished by war-names, are styled old women, which is the greatest term of reproach that can be used to them. They have also one other common term of reproach, viz.: Estי dogo, i. e. you are nobody; this is a very offensive expression, and cautiously to be used; to say, you are a liar, is a common and harmless reply; but to use either of the other two expressions would bring on a quarrel at once.

The complete equipment of a war-party is simply to each man a gun and ammunition, a knife, a small bag of gritz, or pounded corn, and two or three horse-ropes, or halters. These parties are commonly small; never more than forty, fifty, and sixty go out together, as may be seen by their war-camps frequently to be found in the woods, which are so constructed that the exact number of men in the party can at once be ascertained.

They make a point of taking boys and girls prisoners, whom they carefully preserve to supply the places of such of their people as have been, or may be killed from among them. But they save grown men and women as prisoners only when avarice takes precedence of barbarity; and they set the price of ransom upon them according to the rank and estimation in which they may be held among their countrymen.

When prisoners of the latter description are brought into any of their towns, the Indian women, by paying a small premium of tobacco to the victorious warriors, are permitted to have the honor of whipping them as they pass along. This is often practised, to the pain and ridicule of the unfortunate victim of their sport and barbarity.

It is asserted, that in most cases, if the Indians are warmly attacked by their enemy, and can once be dislodged from their several trees, that they will content themselves with one scalp, which they divide among the whole, then scatter and make the best speed home to their several towns to tell their friends of the affair. They are much given to lying and exaggeration on these occasions.


Their ruling passion seems to be war; and their mode of conducting it constitutes some part of their general government. And next they are devoted to hunting.

The present great beloved man, who left Georgia in disgust about the year 1776, and attached himself to the upper Creeks, where he was born, by the advice of his father immediately set about placing himself at the head of the nation. His kindred and family connexion in the country, and his evident abilities, soon gave him such influence among them that the British made him their commissary, with the rank and pay of Lieutenant-Colonel, under Colonel Brown, then superintendant.

After the English had abandoned the nation, in 1782, this beloved man found it necessary, in order to carry on the war with success against the Georgians, to undertake a reform in the policy of the nation, which had for a long time been divided by faction.

He effected a total revolution in one of their most ancient customs, by placing the warriors in all cases over the micos or kings, who, though not active as warriors, were always considered as important counsellors. The micos resisted this measure for some time; and the struggle became at last so serious, that the beloved chief had one Sullivan and two others, partizans of the micos, put to death in the public squares. They were all three white men who had undertaken to lead the faction against him; but he finally crushed the insurgents, and effected his purposes.

The spirit of opposition still remained against him in the old Tallassie king, Opilth Mico, who, with his clan, pronounced M'Gillivray a boy and an usurper, taking steps that must be derogatory to his family and consequence. And under these circumstances he undertook to treat separately with the Georgians. The consequences were, his houses were burnt in his absence, and his corn and cattle destroyed. Notwithstanding, he remained refractory for a long time, as well as some of the most important of the lower towns, until, finding the Georgians aimed at them indiscriminately, and a Mr. Alexander had killed twelve of their real friends (the Cussitahs), they dropped their internal disputes, and united all their efforts, under the great chief, against the frontiers.

There is but one institution in the nation that resembles civilization: it was introduced by M'Gillivray, and although sometimes observed, is oftener dispensed with.

If an Indian steals a horse, he is liable, by this law, to return him, or another of equal value, and pay a fine of thirty chalks, or fifteen dollars; if he is unable to do so, he may be tied and whipped thirty lashes by the injured party. But, as in other cases, the infliction of punishment depends, at last, on the superior force of the injured clan.

When the inhabitants of any particular town are notorious for horse-stealing, or have acted otherwise unadvisedly, the chief has the entire power of punishing them collectively by removing the white man from among them, and depriving them of


trade. This at once humbles them most effectually; for they conceive the privilege of having a good white trader in their town, to be inestimable.

Scarcely a day passes but complaints or accusations, of some kind or other, are laid before Mr. M'Gillivray by some Indian or white trader. His uniform method of proceeding is cautiously to hear the evidence of the parties, and never to decide on the case. By putting off the trial from one time to another, the parties at length forget their resentments, and often compromise the quarrel between themselves. It is good policy in the chief not to give decisions in the disputes of his people; for all his systems would not defend him against the effects of the resentment of the party against whom he might in justice be obliged to give an opinion.

Some young men of his relations, and several active warriors living about Little Tallassie, whom the chief keeps continually attached to him by frequent and profuse presents, serve him as a kind of watch, and often in the capacity of constables — pursue, take up, and punish, such characters as he may direct; and on some occasions have acted as executioners.

It is a maxim of his policy to give protection to outlaws, debtors, thieves, and murderers from all parts of the country, who have fled in great numbers from the hands of justice, and found an asylum in the Creek nation. The whites living among the Indians (with very few exceptions), are the most abandoned wretches that can be found, perhaps, on this side of Botany Bay; there is scarcely a crime but some of them has been guilty of. Most of the traders, and all their hirelings and pack-horse-men, are of the above description.

All the traders have licenses, and particular towns allotted to them respectively, with the liberty of selling their places to such purchasers as shall be approved of by Mr. M'Gillivray, or of exchanging with each other; but the Indians don't suffer them to cultivate much land, upon the supposition that if the traders raise produce themselves, they will not purchase the little they have to sell.


Ten miles below Little Tallassie, on the Alabama river, there are three mounds which appear to have been intended as works of defence. The annexed sketch is the copy of one taken on the spot on the 18th November, 1790.

No. 1 is a mound 25 feet high, on a base of 33 feet diameter by measurement; the sides of it are so upright,


that the cattle cannot get upon it to feed. The top is flat, and has several trees growing upon it. The largest was a hickory lately cut down; the stump is eighteen inches in diameter. The large mound appears to have been a castle from whence to annoy an enemy on the water directly before it; and the two lesser ones, having a fair view up and down the river for three-quarters of a mile each way, appear to have been places of look-out. The present Indians know not what they were intended for, or how long since they were made.

In the high country of the upper Creeks, five miles below the towns of the Natchez, between two mountains, there are the traces of a regular fortification, of an oblong square, containing near an acre of ground, having four bastions and a gate-way. The banks are about three feet above the surface of the ground, and the ditch, which is the inside, as much below the surface; one of the bastions contains a large limestone spring of water, which rises in this spot, and has nearly water enough to carry a mill.

There are preserved in the Tuckabatches' town, on the Tallapoosee river, some thin pieces of wrought brass, found in the earth when the Indians first dug for clay to build in this place. Nobody can tell how long since they were dug up; but the Indians preserve them as proofs of their right to the ground, having descended to them by their departed ancestors, from time immemorial.





A. An Essay on the Physical Characteristics of the Indian, with 10 Plates of Crania. By Dr. Samuel George Morton.

1. Osteological Character.
2. Facial Angle.
3. Stature.
4. Fossil Remains of the American Race.
5. Complexion.
6. Hair.
7. Eyes.
8. Artificial Modifications of the Skull.
9. Volume of the Brain.

B. 10. Admeasurements of Crania of the various Groups of Tribes.


1. Prefatory Note on the Unity of the Human Race.
2. Examination and Description of the Hair of the Head of the North American Indian.
By Peter A. Browne, LL. D.
Collection of Indian Pile.
Deficiency of Lustre, etc.
Particular Description of the Hair of different Families.
Elementary Parts of the Pile.
Button, Follicle, Shaft, Color, Fibre, Ductility, Tenacity.
Ancient Specimens of Indian Hair.


1. Remarks on the Means of obtaining Information to advance the Inquiry into the Physical
Type of the Indian.
2. Considerations on the Distinctive Characteristics of the American Aboriginal Tribes.

The Aboriginal Features and Physiognomy.


Physical Type of the Indian Race.


FROM the earliest period the Indian tribes have been regarded as possessing what naturalists term a set of suite features — such as are not only peculiar in their development and physical type, but forming one of the distinct varieties of the human race. That a definite basis might be established for making observations on their manners, habits, and condition, it appeared necessary to determine this type. Having referred the question to medical and scientific gentlemen, eminent in this line of research, the results of their investigations have been submitted in prior volumes. It only remains definitely to allude to these separate papers.

The cranial museum of the late Dr. Samuel George Morton is believed to be larger, and to embrace a greater variety of the human species, than any other on this side of the Atlantic. His "Crania Americana," embracing his elaborate studies of the subject, is, however, beyond the reach of most readers. In 1851, at the request of the author, he consented to review his collection of Indian crania, in connexion with a considerable number of new specimens, collected on the Oregon and Pacific coasts by Captain C. Wilkes, in his Exploring Expedition, which that gentleman, with the concurring assent of the National Institute, had given me permission to examine, and which were transported for this purpose to Philadelphia. Lithographs of ten of these crania are submitted with the paper he furnished on this occasion, which contains a synopsis of the physical type of the Red Man. (Vol. II., p. 315.) He had entirely completed his observations on this subject prior to his decease. Wishing to apply the results more particularly to the families of the Vesperic tribes, the author requested Mr. Phillips, the confidential and operative assistant of Dr. Morton in his craniological labors, to re-examine the entire collection of skulls, with a view to


apply the facts to the generic groups denoted by the classification of languages. The investigations of the cranial volume of the home-tribes of our history are appended to Dr. Morton's paper; and the combined result may be referred to as containing the most closely arranged and accurate comparative view of the Indian crania which has yet appeared. (Vol. II., pp. 315 to 335.)

Natural history is greatly indebted, in modern days, to the enlarged scope of observation and minute examination of animal organizations which have resulted from the improved construction of the microscope. In repeating the observations of the distinguished French and German savans on this subject, and carrying them forward to new fields of research, particularly on the tissue of wool and hair, Mr. Peter A. Browne, LL.D., has elicited a class of valuable and curious discoveries in these branches. The delicate objects, when placed under a strong magnifying power, reveal the most exact forms of organization. The principal varieties of the hair of the human race denote peculiar forms, which are exactly reproduced by races vindicating their integrity of organizations. The several latitudes and varieties of the Indian hair, when obtained from the scalp of full-blooded natives, exhibit a remarkable agreement. From the collections this observer has been able to make of the species of Indian pile from a wide circle of tribes, he reaches the conclusion that the form of the aboriginal hair, when not modified by intermixture of blood, is uniformly round or circular; the external surface of the shaft or column, being at exactly equal distance from its central stamina. He observes that the straightness and lankness of the Indian hair is purely the result of this geometrical organization. At the same time, the Anglo-Saxon hair is ovoidal, and the Negro hair eccentrically flat, which disposes it to felt or crisp.

It was deemed important to secure these principles of microscopical investigation, which are given in Vol. III., p. 375 to 393.

A broader aspect is given to the indicia of the physical organization of the Red Man in the researches of the late Dr. Samuel Forrey, in the paper recorded in Vol. IV., p. 354 to 365. From the anatomical structure of the individual he argues the antiquity and identity of the organic forms of the race, and their general and entire unity of type with the foreign varieties of the species. A still more elaborate view, morally considered, has been presented by Dr. Thomas Smith, D. D., in which the theory of the unity of the human species is maintained on the basis of history and induction. It is inferred that the varieties existing in the races of man are, to a large extent, the results of the phenomena of climate and geographical position, and of the differences of subsistence and employments. These are held to produce, in the savage and ignorant tribes, traits and developments of features of inferior and depressed type, whilst the nervous energy of the most refined stocks have as certain a tendency to elevate the abnormal physique. It is by this means he avers that arts, science, and knowledge, and above all, a true idea of the Deity, and the purity of principles required by him, tends to


produce, morally and physically, the noblest stocks of men. Still, the primordial type is the same. Mr. Smith observes, p. 18, that man, in the most degraded condition of savage life, stands out, in his organization, from the inferior orders, to which he has been likened, alone; and is stamped by nature, as prominently in his physical organization, as he is a being of enlarged thought and action.

The effects of thought, language, and education on the development of the tribes before us, must be of striking moment, whether we regard their past, present or future history. Nor is it conceived that the most elaborate scrutiny of observation on the classes of facts brought into discussion, could add force to the following views: —

"The observed facts which first had a tendency to disturb the notion of the unity of the American tribes were, most probably," says Dr. Latham, "those connected with the languages. These really differ from each other to a very remarkable extent — an extent which, to any partial investigator, seems unparalleled; but an extent which the general philologist finds to be no greater than that which occurs in Caucasus; on the Indo-Chinese frontier; and in many parts of Africa."

"The likeness in the grammars," says the same writer, "has been generally considered to override the difference in the vocabularies; so that the American languages are considered to supply an argument in favor of the unity of the American population stronger than the one which they suggest against it. The evidence of language, then, is in favor of the unity of all the American populations, the Eskimo not excepted."

"Different," says Vater, "as may be the languages of America from each other, the discrepancy extends to words or roots only, the general internal or grammatical structure being the same for all." Of course, this grammatical structure must, in and of itself, be stamped with some very remarkable characteristics. It must differ from those of the whole world. Its verbs must be different from other verbs, its substantives other than the substantives of Europe, its adjectives unlike the adjectives of Asia. It must be this, or something like this; otherwise its identity of character goes for nothing, inasmuch as a common grammatical structure, in respect to common grammatical elements, is nothing more than what occurs all the world over. At present it is enough to say, that such either was, or appeared to be the case. "In Greenland," writes Vater, "as well as in Peru, on the Hudson river, in Massachusetts as well as in Mexico, and so far as the banks of the Orinoco, languages are spoken displaying forms more artfully distinguished and more numerous than almost any other idioms in the world possess." "When we consider these artfully and laboriously-contrived languages, which though existing at points separated from each other by so many hundreds of miles, have assumed a character not less remarkably similar among themselves than different from the principles of all other languages, it is certainly the most natural conclusion that these common methods of construction have their origin from a single point; that there has been one general source from which the culture of languages in America has been diffused, and which has been the common centre of its diversified idioms."


"In America," says Humboldt, "from the country of the Eskimo to the banks of the Orinoco, and again, from these torrid banks to the frozen climate of the Straits of Magellan, mother tongues, entirely different with regard to their roots, have, if we may use the expression, the same physiognomy. Striking analogies of grammatical construction are acknowledged, not only in the more perfect languages, as that of the Incas, the Aymara, the Guarani, the Mexican, and the Cora, but also in languages extremely rude. Idioms, the roots of which do not resemble each other more than the roots of the Sclavonian and Biscayan, have those resemblances of internal mechanism which are found in the Sanscrit, the Persian, the Greek, and the German languages. Almost everywhere in the New World, we recognise a multiplicity of forms and tenses in the verb, an industrious artifice to indicate beforehand, either by inflection of the personal pronouns which form the termination of the verb, or by intercalated suffix, the nature and the relation of its object and its subject, and to distinguish whether the object be animate or inanimate, of the masculine or the feminine gender, simple or complex in number. It is on account of this general analogy of structure, it is because American languages, which have no words in common — the Mexican, for instance, and the Juichua — resemble each other by their organization, and form complete contrasts with the languages of Latin Europe, that the Indians of the missions familiarize themselves more easily with other American idioms than with the language of the mistress country."

"The details of the ethnology of America," says Mr. Latham, "after a long investigation, having been thus imperfectly exhibited, the first of the two questions indicated in pp. 351, 352, still stands over for consideration: —

"A. The unity (or non-unity) of the American populations one amongst another; and

"B. The unity (or non-unity) of the American populations as compared with those of the Old World.

"In p. 351, it is stated that the two (three) sections of the American aborigines which interfere with the belief that the American stock is fundamentally one, are —

"I. The Eskimo.

"II. The Peruvians (and Mexicans).

"I. Taking the Eskimo first, the evidence in favor of their isolation is physical and moral.

"The latter, I think, is worth little, except in the way of cumulative evidence, i. e., when taken along with other facts of a more definite and tangible sort. The Eskimo civilization (such as it is) is different from that of the other Americans; and how could it be otherwise, when we consider their Arctic habitat, their piscatory habits, and the differences of their faunas and floras? It is not lower, i. e., not lower than that of the ruder Indians, a point well illustrated in Dr. King's paper on the Industrial Arts of the Eskimo.


"The physical difference is of more importance.

"And first, as to stature. — Instead of being shorter, the Eskimo are, in reality, taller than half the tribes of South America.

"Next, as to color. — The Eskimo are not copper-colored. Neither are the Americans in general. It is only best known in those that are typical of the so-called Red race; there being but little of the copper tinge when we get beyond the Algonkins and Iroquois.

"Lastly, as to the conformation of the skull, a point where (with great deference) I differ from the author of the excellent Crania Americana. — The Americans are said to be brakley-cephalic, the Eskimo dolikho-cephalic. The American skull is of smaller, the Eskimo of larger dimensions. I make no comment upon the second of these opinions. In respect to the first, I submit to the reader the following extracts from Dr. Morton's own valuable tables, premising that, as a general rule, the difference between the occipito-frontal and parietal diameters of the Eskimo is more than seven inches and a fraction, as compared with five inches and a fraction; and that of the other Indians less than seven and a fraction, as compared with five and a fraction. The language, as before stated, is admitted to be the American, in respect to its grammatical structure, and can be shown to be so in respect to its vocables.

"II. The Peruvians. — Here the question is more complex, the argument varying with the extent we give to the class represented by the Peruvians, and according to the test we take, i. e., according as we separate them from the other Americans, on the score of a superior civilization, or on the score of a different physical conformation.

"A. When we separate the Peruvians from the other Americans, on the score of a superior civilization, we generally take something more than the proper Peruvians, and include the Mexicans in the same category. I do not trouble the reader with telling him what the Peruvio-Mexican or Mexico-Peruvian civilization was; the excellent historical works of Prescott show this. I only indicate two points: —

"1. The probability of its being over-valued.

"2. The fact of its superiority being a matter of degree rather than kind," etc. (See pp. 454 to 459.)

What breaks down, he concludes, the distinctions between the Peruvian and Eskimo, breaks down a portion of all those lesser ones by which the other members of the American population have been separated from each other.

"In the consolidation of the Mexican empire," says Dr. Latham, "I see nothing that differs in kind from the confederacies of the Indians of the Algonkin, Sioux, and Cherokee families, although in degree it had obtained a higher development than has yet appeared; and I think that whoever will take the trouble to compare Strachey's account of Virginia, where the empire of Powhatan had, at the time of the colonization, obtained its height, with Prescott's Mexico, will find reason for breaking down


that over-broad line of demarcation which is so frequently drawn between the Mexicans and the other Americans.

"I think, too, that the social peculiarities of the Mexicans of Montezuma are not more remarkable than the external conditions of climate, soil, and land and sea relations; for it must be remembered that, as determining influences, towards the state in which they were found by Cortez, we have —

"1. The contiguity of two oceans.

"2. The range of temperature, arising from the differences of altitude produced by the existence of great elevation, combined with an intertropical latitude, and the consequent variety of products.

"3. The absence of the conditions of a hunter state, the range of the buffalo not extending so far as the Anahuac.

"4. The abundance of minerals.

"Surely these are sufficient predisposing causes for a very considerable amount of difference in the social and civilization al development."

If the production of these opinions, by men eminent in their lines of inquiry, convey little which is new to the physiologist or the philologian, their exhibition in this connection will be deemed pertinent. Mr. Latham's opinion of the over-estimated character of both the civilization and languages of the tribes of the southern hemispheres, are strikingly in accordance with the view of American antiquities, presented in Section III. And while the information is thrown into a condensed form, it falls in with an original object, deemed to be important in the introduction of this Section (VIIL), that wherever the features or physical traits of the Indians are referred to, there is an invariable allusion to an established and fixed type.





Voc. 1. Natic, or Massachusetts Language.
Voc. 2. Shoshonee. Folio 216.
Voc. 3. Yuma of California.


Art. 1. Indian Languages of the United States.
Art. 2. Plan of Thought of the American Languages.
Art. 3. An Essay on the Grammatical Structure of the Algonquin Languages.
Art. 4. Remarks on the Principles of the Cherokee Language.


4. Chippewa. Dialect of St. Mary.
5. Chippewa. Dialect of Lake Michigan.
6. Chippewa. Dialect of Saginaw.
7. Chippewa. Dialect of Michilimackinac.
8. Miami.
9. Menomonie.
10. Shawnee.
11. Delaware.
12. Mohawk.
13. Oneida.


14. Onondaga.
15. Cayuga.
16. Comanche, or Nהuni.
17. Satsikta, or Blackfeet.
18. Costanos of California.
19. Cushna of California.


Art. 1. Generic Table of Indian Families of Languages.
Art. 2. Historical and Philological Comments.
Art. 3. Queries on Pronominal and Verbal Forms.
Art. 4. Comments on these Forms.
Art. 5. Observations on the Indian Dialects of Northwestern California.


20. Delaware of Edgp�luk, N. J., 1792.
21. Tcho-ko-yen.
22. Top-eh.
23. Kula-napo.
24. Yask-ai.
25. Chow-e-shak.
26. Batem-da-kai-ee.
27. Wee-yot.
28. Wish-osk.
29. Weits-pek.
30. Hoo-pah.
31. Tah-le-wah.
32. Eh-nek.
33. Mandan.
34. Arapahoe.
35. Cheyenne.
36. Pueblo of Tesuque.
37. Pimo of the Rio Gila.


Art. 1. Observations on the Manner of Compounding Words in the Indian Languages.
Art. 2. A Memoir on the Influence of the Chippewa Tongue.
Art. 3. Remarks on the Iowa Language.
Art. 4. Languages of California.



38. Osage.
39. Tuolumnee.
40. Co-co-noons.
41. Sacramento.
42. Muscogee.
43. Assinaboin.
44. Navajo.
45. Zuni.


Chippewa Language.
Conjugation of the verb WAUB, to see.




THE personal and tensal inflections of this language, are given in the following conjugations of one of its most common verbs. If unusual terms are used to convey meanings which seem to require them, it is with a desire to exhibit the language as it is, and to enable the student of it to arrive at proper generalizations respecting its principles. Nothing else, indeed, is designed, farther than to lay materials for examination before the inquirer, that he may reduce and bring it within its true limits and proportions. That a savage language should have forms and modes of expression which require this pruning and study, is to be expected. When we consider the manners and customs of the people, it may be expected, as we find it, to abound in many phrases of dubious meaning, and doubtful and imprecise expression. The boundaries between truth and error, in the natural and intellectual world, are not as well-defined as with educated and civilized nations, and there is greater scope for verbal obscurities. When the state of society is such that great decision of character would sometimes involve the life of the speaker, he may be expected to turn and balance his words, and often flee the point at issue. The Indian is, besides, of so suspicious a nature, and so perpetually on the watch against evil intentions, that he is often unwilling to tell directly what he knows, and apt to conceal truth in a doubtful expression. If he often speaks in a dubitative, plaintive, or interrogative voice, it is because he often doubts, complains, and seeks knowledge by interrogation.

These voices have heretofore complicated the consideration of the grammar; they are not different moods, but merely variations of the same mood — as if we should say, I saw him indistinctly, I did not see him indistinctly, etc. etc., forms of expression in daily use in all languages, but which, if we should go through their conjugation for mood, tense, or adverbial changes of expression, would load down our grammars with verbal distinctions of no value. Changes are rung on the root-forms ad infinitum,


until the multiplication excites surprise, and the fact is learned that there is little but a pronominal variety in these sounds, or in the principles of grammatical construction. Even these inflections do not always strictly maintain their integrity, but are often supplied to the mind of the speaker, in their plurals, by the inflections for number. It is these voices which have puzzled inquirers. They form, indeed, the key to unlock the savage grammars of this continent; and when these voices are taken from the conjugations, they are rendered simple, and conformable to the transitive, or what have been called the polysynthetic American languages.

The language under consideration has, in addition to these sources of complexity, the want of the pronoun she, as contradistinguished from he; being in this respect like the old Hebrew of the epoch of the Pentateuch, as denoted by Gesenius; it is also wholly deficient in the definite article.

Its prepositions, like its verbs and adjectives, take the transitive form; and even its conjunctions and interjections are cluttered with the same principle. A savage must see, and paint to the eye of his hearer, every minutiae of his verbal laws, or he is not satisfied.

The most intricate part of the language is the Subjunctive mood; yet not one-half of the forms in this mood express any condition at all. The Potential mood is formed in the same manner as the Indicative; but it is thought there is a Potential mood formed after the manner of the Subjunctive, as well as of the Indicative, e.g.:

Wau bu mu ge bun, nen dau gee e nau If I had seen him, I should have told him.
Dau neen ga e se wau bu mu ge bun How can I see him?

These two forms are precisely the same, yet one refers to the past, and the other to the future. There is also a second future tense in the Subjunctive mood, e.g.:

Gee wau bu mug When I saw him.
Bau mau gee wau bu mug When I shall have seen him.

It is said by some good speakers, that there is a second future tense in the Indicative mood:

Nen gu gee wau bu mau I will have seen him.

I do not recollect that I ever heard this form used in common conversation.

There is some variation in the language as spoken by the Indians in different parts of the country. A few I will notice:

Ne wau bun dau naun We see it — E.
Ne wau bun dau men We see it — W.
Nin noo je moo e go naun It cures us — E.
Nin noo je moo go men It cures us — W.


Gau ween-ge wau bu mau zee naun — E We do not see him.
Gau ween-ge wau bu mau zee wau naun — W We do not see him.
Wau bun je ga sung — E  
Wau bun je ga se eung — W  

The plaintive particle se more frequently stands as a separate syllable at the West, than at the East.

What are called repeating and characterizing forms, must have a particle such as gau ga-wau prefixed to the root wau; or the root wau must be changed to ou-eau, to make the sense complete. These two forms never express condition or supposition, but directly affirm a thing; yet they are formed after the manner of the Subjunctive mood.

But we are writing a disquisition, where it was only intended to introduce an example:


This is the root-form of the verb, dissected from, all its transitive and pronominal forms, animate or inanimate.

Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Ne wau bu mau I see him or her. 1 Ne wau bu mau naun We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu mau naun We; In.
2 Ge wau bu mau Thou. 2 Ge wau bu mau wau You.
3 O wau bu maun He. 3 O wau bu mau waun They.
4 O wau bu mau ni His. 4 O wau bu mau ni Theirs.


Imperfect Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Ne wau bu mau bun I saw him or her. 1 Ne wau bu maume nau bun We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu mau me nau bun We; In.
2 Ge wau bu mau bun Thou. 2 Ge wau bu mau wau bun You.
3 O wau bu mau bun He. 3 O wau bu mau wau bun They.
4 O wau bu mau ne bun His. 4 O wau bu mau ne bun Theirs.
Perfect Tense.
1 Nen gee wau bu mau I have seen him. 1 Nen gee wau bu mau naun We; Ex.
    1 Ge gee wau bu mau naun We; In.
2 Ge gee wau bu mau Thou. 2 Ge gee wau bu mau wau You.
3 O gee wau bu maun He. 3 O gee wau bu mau waun They.
4 O gee wau bu mau ne His. 4 O gee wau bu mau ne Theirs.
Pluperfect Tense.
1 Nen gee wau bu mau bun I had seen him. 1 Nen gee wau bu mau me nau bun We; Ex.
    1 Ge gee wau bu mau me nau bun We; In.
2 Ge gee wau bu mau bun Thou. 2 Gee gee wau bu mau wau bun You.
3 O gee wau bu mau bun He. 3 O gee wau bu mau wau bun They.
4 O gee wau bu mau ne bun His. 4 O gee wau bu mau ne bun Theirs.
Future Tense.
1 Nen ga wau bu mau I will see him. 1 Nen ga wau bu mau naun We; Ex.
    1 Ge ga wau bu mau naun We; In.
2 Ge ga wau bu mau Thou. 2 Ge ga wau bu mau wau You.
3 O ga wau bu maun He. 3 O ga wau bu mau waun They.
4 O ga wau bu mau ne His. 4 O ga wau bu mau ne Theirs.
Present or Future Tense.
1 Nen dau wau bu mau I may or can see him. 1 Nen dau wau bu mau naun We; Ex.
    1 Ge dau wau bu mau naun We; In.
2 Ge dau wau bu mau Thou. 2 Ge dau wau bu mau wau You.
3 O dau wau bu maun He. 3 O dau wau bu mau waun They.
4 O dau wau bu maun ne His. 4 O dau wau bu mau ne Theirs.
Perfect Tense.
1 Nen dau gee wau bu mau I might, could, etc. have seen him. 1 Nen dau gee wa� bu mau naun We; Ex.
    1 Ge dau gee wa� bu mau wau We; in.
2 Ge dau gee wau bu mau Thou. 2 Ge dau gee wa� bu mau wau You.
3 O dau gee wau bu maun He. 3 O dau gee wa� bu mau waun They.
4 O dau gee wau bu maune His. 4 O dau gee wa� bu mau ne Theirs.


From the present tense of the indicative mood, the perfect tense is formed, by adding gee between the pronominal prefix and the root wau. The future tense is formed by adding ga in the same manner. For the present of the potential mood, add dau; for the imperfect, add dau gee. From the imperfect of indicative mood, the pluperfect is formed, by adding gee in the same manner as those above; remembering always to change the Ne of the first person into Nen. The potential mood will not be introduced any more, neither the three last tenses of the indicative mood. The present and imperfect tenses of the indicative, with attention to this note, will always render the formation of the others easy.

Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
Gau ween. 1 Ne wau bu mau zee I do not see him. 1 Ne wau bu mau zee naun We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu mau zee naun We; In.
Gau ween. 2 Ge wau bu mau zee Thou. 2 Ge wau bu mau zee ouu You.
Gau ween. 3 O wau bu mau zeen He. 3 O wau bu mau zee ouun They.
Gau ween. 4 O wau bu mau zee ne His. 4 O wau bu mau zee ne Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bu mau zee bun. 1 Ne wau bu mau zee me nau bun.
  1 Ge wau bu mau zee me nau bun.
2 Ge wau bu mau zee bun. 2 Ge wau bu mau zee wau bun.
3 O wau bu mau zee bun. 3 O wau bu mau zee wau bun.
4 O wau bu mau zee bun. 4 O wau bu mau zee ne bun.

In the indicative and potential moods, the negative form requires a separate negative to precede the verb, besides the particle zee inserted.

Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bu mau dצg Perhaps I see him. 1 Ne wau bu mau me nuu dצg We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu mau me nuu dצg We; In.
2 Ge wau bu mau dצg Thou. 2 Ge wau bu mau wau dצg You.
3 O wau bu mau dצ ga nun He. 3 O wau bu mau wau dצ ga nun They.
4 O wau bu mau ne dצ ga nun His. 4 O wau bu mau ne dצ ga nun Theirs.
Perfect Tense, or Past Time.
1 Nen gee wau bu mau dצg. 1 Nen gee wau bu mau me nau d�og.
  1 Ge gee wau bu mau me nau d�og.
2 Ge gee wau bu mau dצg. 2 Ge gee wau bu mau wau dצg.
3 O gee wau bu mau dצ ga nun. 3 O gee wau bu mau wau dצ ga nun.
4 O gee wau bu mau ne dצ ga nun. 4 O gee wau bu mau ne dצ ga nun.


Future Tense.
1 Nen gu wau bu mau dצg. 1 Nen gu wau bu mau me nau dצg.
  1 Ge gu wau bu mau me nau dצg.
2 Ge gu wau bu mau dצg. 2 Ge gu wau bu mau wau dצg.
3 O gu wau bu mau dצ ga nun. 3 O gu wau bu mau wau dצ ga nun.
4 O gu wau bu mau ne dצ ga nun. 4 O gu wau bu mau ne dצ ga nun.

In the doubtful voice, there are three tenses in the indicative, and two in the potential mood. The present tense of the indicative mood will only be given in future, from which the others can be formed, by attending to the directions in the first above note.

Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bu mau zee dצg Perhaps I do not see him. 1 Ne wau bu mau zee me nuu dצg We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu mau zee me nuu dצg We; In.
2 Ge wau bu mau zee dצg Thou. 2 Ge wau bu mau zee wau dצg You.
3 O wau bu mau dצg He. 3 O wau bu mau zee wau dצ ga nun They.
4 O wau bu mau ne dצ ga nun His. 4 O wau bu mau zee ne dצ ga nun Theirs.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bu mau se nun I see him with pity, sorrow or contempt. 1 Ne wau bu mau se naun We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu mau se naun We; In.
2 Ge wau bu mau se nun Thou. 2 Ge wau bu mau se wau You.
3 O wau bu mau se nun He. 3 Ge wau bu mau se waun They.
4 O wau bu mau se ne His. 4 Ge wau bu mau se ne Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bu mau se nau bun. 1 Ne wau bu mau se me nau bun.
  1 Ge wau bu mau se me nau bun.
2 Ge wau bu mau se nau bun. 2 Ge wau bu mau se wau bun.
3 O wau bu mau se nau bun. 3 O wau bu mau se wau bun.
4 wau bu mau se ne bun. 4 O wau bu mau se ne bun.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bu mau se nuu dצg Perhaps I see him with pity, sorrow or contempt. 1 Ne wau bu mau se me nuu dצg We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu mau se me nuu dצg We; In.
2 Ge wau bu mau se nuu dצg Thou. 2 Ge wau bu mau se wau dצg You.
3 O wau bu mau se nuu dצ ga nun He. 3 O wau bu mau se wau d�o ga nun They.
4 O wau bu mau se ne dצ ga nun His. 4 O wau bu mau se ne d�o ga nun Theirs.


The plaintive form is very rarely used negatively, though it is sometimes by the best speakers. When, however, this form is used negatively, the negative particle zee is placed after the plaintive one se; thus, for instance, Gau ween, Ne wau bun du se zeen.

Wee Wish, desire.
Be Coming, behind.
Ne Before, future.
Da Able, in time.
Wee, be Wish to come.
Wee ne Wish to go.
Wee da Wish to be in time, or to be able.
Wee ne da Wish to go in time.

These particles are capable of being connected with nearly all the forms of the verb, in the indicative and potential moods, e. g.

Ne wee wau ba muu I wish to see him.
Nem be wau ba muu I come to see him.
Nen ga ne wau ba muu I will go and see him.
Nen ga da wau ba muu I will be in time, or able to see him.
Ne wee be wau ba muu I wish to come and see him.
Ne wee ne wau ba muu I wish to go and see him.
Ne wee da wau ba muu I wish to be in time, or able to see him.
Ne wee ne da wau ba mu I wish to go in time to see him.

A repetition of the root wau, in the indicative and potential moods, expresses repeated action; but in the subjunctive mood, it is a particle nearly allied to wee.

Ne wau wau bu mau I see him repeatedly, or I inspect him closely.

In Chippewa, words combine and coalesce almost without end.

Nen gu nu wau bu mau I look at him.
Ne men wau bu mau I see him with pleasure.
Ne nes gau bu mau I see him with anger.
Ne sen gau bu mau I see him with hatred.
Ne na goau bu mau A free translation of this would perhaps be, I see him by turning my eyes sidewise.
Nen daun goau mau bu mau I see him standing steadily, faithfully.
Ne mau nau bu mau I see him with disgust.
Nen du goau bu mau I see him in conjunction with.
Nem bu goe zau bu mau I see him with desire.
Nen ge de mau gau bu mau I see him with pity.
Nen da bau bu mau I see him in the distance.
Nem bu gu gau bu mau I see him plainly.


The following is a list of particles used in this mood besides those before.
Wau What is to be; what is wished or desired.
Gau What; that which; who; when; where.
Je That it may; to be.
Ga Will; shall.
A ne Before, as to place (future).
E ne Before, as to place (past).
Gee Past time.
Me uoפ wau wau bu mug That is he whom I am desirous of seeing, or am going to see.
Me uoפ gau wau bu mug That is he whom I saw.
Me uoפ gau be wau bu mug That is he whom I saw in coming.
Me uoפ ga ne wau bu mug That is he whom I shall see on my way.
Me uoפ ga be wau bu mug That is he whom I shall come to see.
Me uoפ ga gee wau bu mug That is he whom I might or should have seen.
Me uoפ gau ne wau bu mug That is he whom I saw on my way.
Me uoפ ou eau wau bu mug That is he whom I see.
Wa nan ga wau bu mug Who shall I see?
Gees pen wee wau bu mug If I wish to see him.
Gees pen be wau bu mug If I come and see him.
Gees pen da wau bu mug If I am in time to see.
Gees pen wee be wau bu mug If I wish to come and see him.
Gees pen wee da wau bu mug If I wish to be in time to see him.
Me dus je wau bu mug For this cause I shall see him.
Me dus je ne wau bu mug For this cause I shall see him on my way.
Me dus je wee wau bu mug For this cause I shall desire to see him.
Me dus je be wau bu mug For this cause I shall come and see him.
Me dus je gee wau bu mug For this cause I should have seen him.
Me dus je da wau bu mug For this cause I shall be able to see him.
Me dus je wee ne mug For this cause I wish to see him on my way.
Me dus je wee ne da mug For this cause I wish to be in time, or to be able to see him on my way.
A ne wau bu mug When I see him on my way (future).
E ne wau bu mu ge bun When I saw him on my way.
Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
Gees ben. 1 Wau bu mug I see him. Gees ben. 1 Wau bu mun ged If we see him; Ex.
    Gees ben. 1 Wau bu mung We.
Gees ben. 2 Wau bu mud Thou. Gees ben. 2 Wau bu mag You.
Gees ben. 3 Wau bu maud He. Gees ben. 3 Wau bu mau waud. They.
Gees ben. 4 Wau bu mau ned His. Gees ben. 4 Wau bu mau ned. Theirs.


Imperfect Tense.
Gees ben. 1 Wau bu mu ge bun. Gees ben. 1 Wau bu mun ge de bun.
  Gees ben. 1 Wau bu mun go bun.
Gees ben. 2 Wau bu mu de bun. Gees ben. 2 Wau bu ma go bun.
Gees ben. 3 Wau bu mau bun. Gees ben. 3 Wau bu mau wau bun.
Gees ben. 4 Wau bu mau ne bun. Gees ben. 4 Wau bu mau ne bun.

The present tense of this mood is also future: Wau bu mug zu nen gu e nun; If I see him I will tell him. The imperfect tense is, in certain cases, used to express future time: Au neen nau, ga-e-se wau bu ma ge bun; How shall I see him. Gee, added to the present, forms the perfect tense; and gee, added to the imperfect, forms the pluperfect tense.

Present Tense.
1 Wau bu mau ze wug If I do not see him. 1 Wau bu mau ze wun ged We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu mau ze wung We; In.
2 Wau bu mau ze wud Thou. 2 Wau bu mau ze oag You.
3 Wau bu mau zeg He. 3 Wau bu mau ze goau They.
4 Wau bu mau ze neg His. 4 Wau bu mau ze neg Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu mau ze ou ge bun. 1 Wau bu mau ze wun ge de bun.
  1 Wau bu mau ze wun go bun.
2 Wau bu mau ze ou de bun. 2 Wau bu mau ze wa go bun.
3 Wau bu mau ze go bun. 3 Wau bu mau ze goau bun.
4 Wau bu mau ze ne go bun. 4 Wau bu mau ze ne go bun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu mau ou gan If I chance to see him. 1 Wau bu mau wun ge dan We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu mau wun goan We; In.
2 Wau bu mau dan Thou. 2 Wau bu mau wa goan You.
3 Wau bu mau goan He. 3 Wau bu mau wau goan They.
4 Wau bu mau ne goan His. 4 Wau bu mau ne goan Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu mau wu ge bu nan. 1 Wau bu mau wun ge de bu nan.
  1 Wau bu mau wun go bu nan.
2 Wau bu mau wu de bu nan. 2 Wau bu mau wa go bu nan.
3 Wau bu mau go bu nan. 3 Wau bu mau wau go bu nan.
4 Wau bu mau ne ge bu nan. 4 Wau bu mau ne go bu nan.

Zee after mau forms the negative.


Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Wau bu mau sug If I see him with pity. 1 Wau bu mau sun ged We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu mau sung We; In.
2 Wau bu mau sud Thou. 2 Wau bu mau sag You.
3 Wau bu mau sed He. 3 Wau bu mau se waud They.
4 Wau bu mau se ned His. 4 Wau bu mau se ned Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu mau su ge bun. 1 Wau bu mau sun ge de bun.
  1 Wau bu mau sun go bun.
2 Wau bu mau su de bun. 2 Wau bu mau sa go bun.
3 Wau bu mau se bun. 3 Wau bu mau se wau bun.
4 Wau bu mau se ne bun. 4 Wau bu mau se ne bun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu mau se ou gan If I chance to see him with pity. 1 Wau bu mau se wun ge dan If we chance to see him with pity; Ex.
    1 Wau bu mau se wun goan We; In.
2 Wau bu mau se ou dan Thou. 2 Wau bu mau se wa goan You.
3 Wau bu mau se ou goan He. 3 Wau bu mau se wau goan They.
4 Wau bu mau se ou ne goan His. 4 Wau bu mau se ne goan Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu mau se ou ge bu nan. 1 Wau bu mau se wun ge de bu nan.
  1 Wau bu mau se wun go bu nan.
2 Wau bu mau se ou de bu nan. 2 Wau bu mau se wa go bu nan.
3 Wau bu mau se go bu nan. 3 Wau bu mau se wau go bu nan.
4 Wau bu mau ne go bu nan. 4 Wau bu mau se ne go bu nan.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu mu gen At the times I see him. 1 Wau bu mun ge jen We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu mun gon We; In.
2 Wau bu mud jen Thou. 2 Wau bu ma gon You.
3 Wau bu mau jen He. 3 Wau bu mau wau jen They.
4 Wau bu mau ne jen His. 4 Wau bu mau ne jen Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu mu ge bu neen. 1 Wau bu mun ge de bu neen.
  1 Wau bu mun go bu neen.
2 Wau bu mu de bu neen. 2 Wau bu ma go bu neen.
3 Wau bu mau bu neen. 3 Wau bu mau wau bu neen.
4 Wau bu mau ne bu neen. 4 Wau bu mau ne bu neen.


Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Wau bu mau ze ou gen At the times that I do not see him. 1 Wau bu mau ze wun ge jen We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu mau ze wun gon We; In.
2 Wau bu mau wud jen Thou. 2 Wau bu mau ze wa gon You.
3 Wau bu mau gon jen He. 3 Wau bu mau ze goau nen They.
4 Wau bu mau ne gon His. 4 Wau bu mau ze ne gon Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu mau ze ou ge bu neen. 1 Wau bu mau ze wun ge de bu neen
  1 Wau bu mau wun go bu neen.
2 Wau bu mau ou de bu neen. 2 Wau bu mau wa go bu neen.
3 Wau bu mau ou go bu neen. 3 Wau bu mau goau bu neen.
4 Wau bu mau ne ou go bu neen. 4 Wau bu mau ne go bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu mau su gen At the times I see him with pity. 1 Wau bu mau sun ge jen We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu mau sun gon We; In.
2 Wau bu mau su jen Thou. 2 Wau bu mau sa gon You.
3 Wau bu mau se jen He. 3 Wau bu mau se wau jen They.
4 Wau bu mau se ne jen His. 4 Wau bu mau se ne jen Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu mau su ge bu neen. 1 Wau bu mau sun ge de bu neen.
  1 Wau bu mau go bu neen.
2 Wau bu mau su de bu neen. 2 Wau bu mau sa bu neen.
3 Wau bu mau se bu neen. 3 Wau bu mau se wau bu neen.
4 Wau bu mau ne bu neen. 4 Wau bu mau ne bu neen.

There is a characterising form of voice both in the conjugations in man and in meg, and ought to have been inserted, though the same forms are found elsewhere. Without the particle, the characterising form stands thus:

Wau eau bu med The person who sees me. Wau eau bu med The person whom I see.
Wau eau meg Thee. Wau eau mud Thou seest.
Wau eau me go jen Him. Wau eau mun jen He sees.
Wau eau me go ne jen His. Wau eau mun ne jen His sees.


Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Ne wau bu maug I see them. 1 Ne wau bu mau nau neg We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu mau nau neg We; In.
2 Ge wau bu maug Thou. 2 Ge wau bu mau waug You.
3 O wau bu maun He. 3 O wau bu mau waun They.
4 O wau bu mau ne ne His. 4 O wau bu mau ne ne Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bu mau bu neeg. 1 Ne wau bu mau me nau bu neeg.
  1 Ge wau bu mau me nau be neeg.
2 Ge wau bu mau bu neeg. 2 Ge wau bu mau me wau bu neeg.
3 O wau bu mau bu neen. 3 O wau bu mau me wau bu neen.
4 O wau bu ne bu neen. 4 O wau bu mau me ne wau bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bu mau zeeg I do not see them. 1 Ne wau bu mau zee nau neg We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu mau zee nau neg We; In.
2 Ge wau bu mau zeeg Thou. 2 Ge wau bu mau zee waug You.
3 O wau bu mau zeen He. 3 O wau bu mau zee waun They.
4 O wau bu mau zee ne ne His. 4 O wau bu mau zee ne ne Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bu mau zee bu neeg. 1 Ne wau bu mau zee me nan bu neeg.
  1 Ge wau bu mau zee me nan bu neeg.
2 Ge wau bu mau zee bu neeg. 2 Ge wau bu mau zee wau bu neeg.
3 O wau bu mau zee bu neen. 3 O wau bu mau zee wau bu neen.
4 O wau bu mau zee ne bu neen. 4 O wau bu mau zee ne bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bu mau do ga nug Perhaps I see them. 1 Ne wau bu mau me nau do ga nug We ; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu mau me nau do ga nug We; In.
2 Ge wau bu mau do ga nug Thou. 2 Ge wau bu mau wau do ga nug You.
3 O wau bu mau do ga nun He. 3 O wau bu mau wau do ga nun They.
4 O wau bu mau ne do ga nun His. 4 O wau bu mau ne do ga nun Theirs.

Zee after mau stands for the negative.


Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Ne wau bu mau se nug I see them with pity and sorrow. 1 Ne wau bu mau se nau neg We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu mau se nau neg We; In.
2 Ge wau bu mau se nug Thou. 2 Ge wau bu mau se waug You.
3 O wau bu mau se nun He. 3 O wau bu mau se waun They.
4 O wau bu mau se ne ne His. 4 O wau bu mau se ne ne Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bu mau se nau bu neeg. 1 Ne wau bu mau se me nau bu neeg.
  1 Ge wau bu mau se me nau bu neeg.
2 Ge wau bu mau se nau bu neeg. 2 Ge wau bu mau se wau bu neeg.
3 O wau bu mau se nau bu neen. 3 O wau bu mau se wau bu neen.
4 O wau bu mau se ne bu neen. 4 O wau bu mau se ne bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bu mau se nau do ga nug Perhaps I see them with pity. 1 Ne wau bu mau se me nau do ga nug We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu mau se me nau do ga nug We; In.
2 Ge wau bu mau se nau do ga nug Thou. 2 Ge wau bu mau se wau do ga nug You.
3 O wau bu mau se nau do ga nun He. 3 O wau bu mau se wau do ga nun They.
4 O wau bu mau se ne do ga nun His. 4 O wau bu mau se ne do ga nun Theirs.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu ma goau If I see them. 1 Wau bu man ge doau We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu man goau We; In.
2 Wau bu ma doau Thou. 2 Wau bu ma goau You.
3 Wau bu maud He. 3 Wau bu mau waud They.
4 Wau bu mau ned His. 4 Wau bu mau ned Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu ma goau bun. 1 Wau bu mun ge doau bun.
  1 Wau bu mun goau bun.
2 Wau bu ma doau bun. 2 Wau bu ma goau bun.
3 Wau bu mau bun. 3 Wau mau wau bun.
4 Wau bu mau ne bun. 4 Wau mau ne bun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu mau ze wa goau If I do not see them. 1 Wau bu mau ze wan ge doau We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu mau ze wan goau We; In.
2 Wau bu mau doau Thou. 2 Wau bu mau ze wa goau You.
3 Wau bu mau zeg He. 3 Wau bu mau ze goau They.
4 Wau bu mau ze neg His. 4 Wau bu mau ze neg Theirs.


Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu mau ze wa goau bun. 1 Wau bu mau ze wan ge doau bun.
2 Wau bu mau ze wa doau bun. 1 Wau bu mau ze wan goau bun.
3 Wau bu mau ze go bun. 2 Wau bu mau ze wa goau bun.
4 Wau bu mau ze ne go bun. 3 Wau bu mau ze goau bun.
  4 Wau bu mau ze ne go bun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu mau wa goau oan If I chance to see them. 1 Wau bu mau wan ge doau oan We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu mau wan goau oan We; In.
2 Wau bu mau wa doau oan Thou. 2 Wau bu mau wa goau oan You.
3 Wau bu mau goan He. 3 Wau bu mau wau goau oan They.
4 Wau bu mau ne goan His. 4 wau bu mau ne goau oan Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu mau ou goau bu nan. 1 Wau bu mau wun ge doau bu nan.
  1 Wau bu mau wun goau bu nan.
2 Wau bu mau ou doau bu nan. 2 Wau bu mau wa goau bu nan.
3 Wau bu mau go bu nan. 3 Wau bu mau wau go bu nan.
4 Wau bu mau ne go bu nan. 4 Wau bu mau ne go bu nan.

Ze after mau stands for the negative.

Present Tense.
1 Wau bu mau su goau If I see them with pity. 1 Wau bu mau se wan ge doau We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu mau sun goau. We; In.
2 Wau bu mau su doau Thou. 2 Wau bu mau sa goau. You.
3 Wau bu mau sed He. 3 Wau bu mau se waud. They.
4 Wau bu mau se ned His. 4 Wau bu mau se ned. Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu mau su goau bun. 1 Wau bu mau sun ge doau bun.
  1 Wau bu mau sun goau bun.
2 Wau bu mau su doau bun. 2 Wau bu mau sa goau bun.
3 Wau bu mau se bun. 3 Wau bu mau se goau bun.
4 Wau bu mau se ne bun. 4 Wau bu mau se ne bun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu mau se na goau oan If I chance to see them with pity. 1 Wau bu mau se wan ge doau oan We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu mau se wan goau oan We; In.
2 Wau bu mau se na dun oan Thou. 2 Wau bu mau se wa goau oan You.
3 Wau bu mau se goan He. 3 Wau bu mau se wau goau They.
4 Wau bu mau se ne goan His. 4 Wau bu mau se ne goau Theirs.


Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu mau se wa goau bu nan. 1 Wau bu mau se wan ge doau bu nan.
2 Wau bu mau se wa doau bu nan. 1 Wau bu mau se wan goau bu nan.
3 Wau bu mau se go bu nan. 2 Wau bu mau se wa goau bu nan.
4 Wau bu mau se ne go bu nan. 3 Wau bu mau se wau go bu nan.
  4 Wau bu mau se ne go bu nan.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu ma goau nen At this time I see them. 1 Wau bu mau ge doau nen We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu mau goau nen We; In.
2 Wau bu ma doau nen Thou. 2 Wau bu ma goau nen You.
3 Wau bu mau jen He. 3 Wau bu mau wau jen They.
4 Wau bu mau ne jen His. 4 Wau bu mau ne jen Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu ma goau bu neen. 1 Wau bu mau ge doau bu neen.
  1 Wau bu mau goau bu neen.
2 Wau bu ma doau bu neen. 2 Wau bu ma goau bu neen.
3 Wau bu mau bu neen. 3 Wau bu mau wau bu neen.
4 Wau ne bu neen. 4 Wau bu mau ne bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu mau ze wa goau nen At the times I do not see them. 1 Wau bu mau ze wan ge doau nen. We ; Ex.
    1 Wau bu mau ze wan goau nen We; In.
2 Wau bu mau ze wa doau nen Thou. 2 Wau bu mau ze wa goau nen You.
3 Wau bu mau ze gon doau nen He. 3 Wau bu mau ze goau nen They.
4 Wau bu mau ze ne gon nen His. 4 Wau bu mau ze ne gon Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu mau ze wa goau bu neen. 1 Wau bu mau ze wan ge doau bu neen.
  1 Wau bu mau ze wan goau bu neen.
2 Wau bu mau ze wa doau bu neen. 2 Wau bu mau ze oa goau bu neen.
3 Wau bu mau ze go bu neen. 3 Wau bu mau ze wau go bu neen.
4 Wau bu mau ze ne go bu neen. 4 Wau bu mau ze ne go bu neen.


Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Wau bu mau su goau nen At the times I see them with pity. 1 Wan bu mau sun ge doau ne We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu mau sun goau nen We; In.
2 Wau bu mau su doau nen Thou. 2 Wau bu mau sa goau nen You.
3 Wau bu mau se jen He. 3 Wau bu mau se wau jen They.
4 Wau bu mau se ne jen His. 4 Wau bu mau se ne jen Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu mau su goau bu neen. 1 Wau bu mau sun ge doau bu neen.
  1 Wau bu mau sun goau bu neen.
2 Wau bu mau su doau bu neen. 2 Wau bu mau sa goau bu neen.
3 Wau bu mau se bu neen. 3 Wau bu mau se wau bu neen.
4 Wau bu mau se ne bu neen. 4 Wau bu mau se ne bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu ma geg Those whom I see. 1 Wau bu man ge jeg We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu man gog We; In.
2 Wau bu mud jeg Thou. 2 Wau bu ma gog You.
3 Wau bu mau jen He. 3 Wau bu mau wau jen They.
4 Wau bu mau ne jen His. 4 Wau bu mau ne jen Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu ma ge bu neeg. 1 Wau bu mau ge de bu neeg.
  1 Wau bu mau go bu neeg.
2 Wau bu ma de bu neeg. 2 Wau bu mau ma go bu neen.
3 Wau bu mau bu neen. 3 Wau bu mau wau bu neen.
4 Wau bu mau ne bu neen. 4 Wau bu mau ne bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu mau ze wa geg Those whom I do not see. 1 Wau bu mau ze wun ge jeg We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu mau ze wun gog We; In.
2 Wau bu mau ze wud jeg Thou. 2 Wau bu mau ze wa gog You.
3 Wau bu mau ze gon jeg He. 3 Wau bu mau ze goau nen They.
4 Wau bu mau ze ne gon His. 4 Wau bu mau ze ne gon Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu mau ze wa ge bu neeg. 1 Wau bu mau ze wun ge de bu neeg.
  1 Wau bu mau ze wun go bu neeg.
2 Wau bu mau ze wa de bu neeg. 2 Wau bu mau ze wun wa go bu neeg.
3 Wau bu mau ze go bu neen. 3 Wau bu mau wau go bu neen.
4 Wau bu mau ze ne go bu neen. 4 Wau bu mau ne go bu neen.


Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Wau bu mau wa ga nug Those whom I chance to see. 1 Wau bu mau wun ge da nug We ; Ex.
    1 Wau bu mau wun goa nug We; In.
2 Wau bu mau wa da nug Thou. 2 Wau bu mau wa goa nug You.
3 Wau bu mau goa nun He. 3 Wau bu mau wau goa nun They.
4 Wau bu mau ne goa nun His. 4 Wau bu mau ne goa nun Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu mau wa ge bu na nug. 1 Wau bu mau wan ge de bu na nug.
  1 Wau bu mau wan go bu na nug.
2 Wau bu mau wa de bu na nug. 2 Wau bu mau wa go bu na nug.
3 Wau bu mau go bu na nun. 3 Wau bu mau wau go bu na nun.
4 Wau bu mau ne go bu na nun. 4 Wau bu mau ne go na nun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu mau su geg Those whom I see with pity. 1 Wau bu mau sun ge jeg We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu mau sun gog We; In.
2 Wau bu mau sud jeg Thou. 2 Wau bu mau sa gog You.
3 Wau bu mau se jen He. 3 Wau bu mau se wau jen They.
4 Wau bu mau se ne jen His. 4 Wau bu mau se ne jen Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu mau su ge bu neeg. 1 Wau bu mau sun ge de bu neeg.
  1 Wau bu mau sun go bu neeg.
2 Wau bu mau su de bu neeg. 2 Wau bu mau sa go bu neeg.
3 Wau bu mau se bu neen. 3 Wau bu mau se wau bu neen.
4 Wau bu mau se ne bu neen. 4 Wau bu mau se ne bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu mau se wa ga nug Those whom I chance to see with pity. 1 Wau bu mau se wun ge da nug We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu mau se wun goa nug We; In.
2 Wau bu mau se wa da nug. Thou. 2 Wau bu mau se wa goa nug You.
3 Wau bu mau se goa nun. He. 3 Wau bu mau se wau goa nun They.
4 Wau bu mau se ne goa nun. His. 4 Wau bu mau se ne goa nun Theirs.


Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu mau se wa ge bu na nug. 1 Wau bu mau se wun ge de bu na nug.
  1 Wau bu mau se wun go bu na nug.
2 Wau bu mau se wa de bu na nug. 2 Wau bu mau se wa go bu na nug.
3 Wau bu mau se go bu na nun. 3 Wau bu mau se wau go bu na nun.
4 Wau bu mau se ne go bu na nun. 4 Wau bu mau se ne go bu na nun.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bu meg He sees me. 1 Ne wau bu me go naun Us; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu me go naun Us; In.
2 Ge wau bu meg He sees thee. 2 Ge wau bu me go wau You.
3 O wau bu me goon Him. 3 O wau bu me go waun Them.
4 O wau bu me goo ne His. 4 O wau bu me go ne Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me go bun. 1 Ne wau bu me go me nau bun.
  1 Ge wau bu me go me nau bun.
2 Ge wau bu me go bun. 2 Ge wau bu me go wau bun.
3 O wau bu me go bun. 3 O wau bu me go wau bun.
4 O wau bu me go ne bun. 4 O wau bu me go ne bun.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me goo zee He does not see me. 1 Ne wau bu me goo zee naun Us; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu me goo zee naun We; In.
2 Ge wau bu me goo zee Thee. 2 Ge wau bu me goo zee wau You.
3 O wau bu me goo zeen Him. 3 O wau bu me goo zee waun Them.
4 O wau bu me goo zee ne His. 4 O wau bu me goo zee ne Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me goo zee bun. 1 Ne wau bu me goo zee me nau bun.
  1 Ge wau bu me goo zee me nau bun.
2 Ge wau bu me goo zee bun. 2 Ge wau bu me goo zee wau bun.
3 O wau bu me goo zee bu neen. 3 Ge wau bu me goo zee wau bu neen.
4 O wau bu me goo zee ne bu neen. 4 Ge wau bu me goo zee wau ne bu neen.


Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Ne wau bu me go dצg Perhaps he sees me. 1 Ne wau bu me go me nau dצg Us; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu me go me nau dצg Us; In.
2 Ge wau bu me go dצg Thee. 2 Ge wau bu me go wau dצg You.
3 O wau bu me go dצ ga nun Him. 3 O wau bu me go wau dצ ga nun Them.
4 O wau bu me go ne dצ ga nun His. 4 O wau bu me go ne dצ go nun Theirs.

Zee after go stands for the negative.

Perfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me gצs He sees me with pity, sorrow, contempt, etc. 1 Ne wau bu me go se naun Us; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu me go se naun Us; In.
2 Ge wau bu me gצs Thou. 2 Ge wau bu me go se wau You.
3 O wau bu me gצ sun He. 3 O wau bu me go se waun Them.
4 O wau bu me gצ se ne His. 4 O wau bu me go se ne Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me go se bun. 1 Ne wau bu me go se me nau bun.
  1 Ge wau bu me go se me nau bun.
2 Ge wau bu me go se bun. 2 Ge wau bu me go se wau bun.
3 O wau bu me go se bun. 3 O wau bu me go se wau bun.
4 O wau bu me go se ne bun. 4 O wau bu me go se ne bun.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me go se dצg Perhaps he sees me with pity. 1 Ne wau bu me go se me nau dצg Us; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu me go se me nau dצg Us; In.
2 Ge wau bu me go se dצg Thee. 2 Ge wau bu me go se wau dצg You.
3 O wau bu me go se do ga nun Him. 3 O wau bu me go se wau do ga nun Them.
4 O wau bu me go se ne do ga nun His. 4 O wau bu me go se ne do ga nun Theirs.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu med If he see me. 1 Wau bu me eu men ged Us; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me eu nung Us; In.
2 Wau bu meg Thee. 2 Wau bu me nag You.
3 Wau bu me gצd Him. 3 Wau bu me go waud Them.
4 Wau bu me gצ ned His. 4 Wau bu me go ned Theirs.


Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me bun. 1 Wau bu me eu men ge de bun.
  1 Wau bu me nun go bun.
2 Wau bu me ge bun. 2 Wau bu me na go bun.
3 Wau bu me go bun. 3 Wau bu me go wau bun.
4 Wau bu me go ne bun. 4 Wau bu me go ne bun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me zeg If he do not see me. 1 Wau bu me ze eu men ged We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me ze no wung We; In.
2 Wau bu me ze nצg Thee. 2 Wau bu me ze no wag You.
3 Wau bu me go zeg Him. 3 Wau bu me go ze goau Them.
4 Wau bu me go ze neg His. 4 Wau bu me go ze neg Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me ze go bun. 1 Wau bu me ze eu men ge de bun.
  1 Wau bu me ze no wan go bun.
2 Wau bu me ze no go bun. 2 Wau bu me ze no wa go bun.
3 Wau bu me goo ze go bun. 3 Wau bu me goo ze goau bun.
4 Wau bu me goo ze ne go bun. 4 Wau bu me goo ze ne ge bun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me goan If he happen to see me. 1 Wau bu me no wun ge dan We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me no wun goan We; In.
2 Wau bu me no goan Thee. 2 Wau bu me no wa goan You.
3 Wau bu me goo goan Him. 3 Wau bu me go wau goan Them.
4 Wau bu me goo ne goan His. 4 Wau bu me go ne goan Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me go bu nan. 1 Wau bu me no wun ge de bu nan.
  1 Wau bu me no wun go bu nan.
2 Wau bu me noo go bu nan. 2 Wau bu me no wa go bu nan.
3 Wau bu me goo go bu nan. 3 Wau bu me go wau go bu nan.
4 Wau bu me goo go bu nan. 4 Wau bu me ne wau go bu nan.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me zee goan If he do not happen to see me. 1 Wau bu me ze no wun ge dan Us; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me ze no wun goan Us; In.
2 Wau bu me zee no goan Thee. 2 Wau bu me ze no wa goan You.
3 Wau bu me goo zee Him. 3 Wau bu me goo zee wau goan Them.
4 Wau bu me goo zee ne goan His. 4 Wau bu me goo zee ne goan Theirs.


Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me zee go bu nan. 1 Wau bu me ze no wun ge de bu nan.
  1 Wau bu me ze no wun go bu nan.
2 Wau bu me ze no go bu nan. 2 Wau bu me ze no wa go bu nan.
3 Wau bu me goo ze go bu nan. 3 Wau bu me goo zee wau go bu nan.
4 Wau bu me goo ze ne go bu nan. 4 Wau bu me goo zee ne go bu nan.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me sed If he see me with pity. 1 Wau bu me se eu men ged We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me se nung We; In.
2   2 Wau bu me se nag You.
3 Wau bu me go sed Him. 3 Wau bu me goo se waud Them.
4 Wau bu me go se ned His. 4 Wau bu me goo se ned Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me se bun. 1 Wau bu me se eu men ge de bun.
  1 Wau bu me se eu nun go bun.
2 2 Wau bu me se eu na go bun.
3 Wau bu me go se bun. 3 Wau bu me go se wau bun.
4 Wau bu me go se ne bun. 4 Wau bu me go se ne bun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me se goan If he chance to see me with pity. 1 Wau bu me se eu men ge dan We ; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me se no wun goan We; In.
2 Wau bu me se no goan Thee. 2 Wau bu me se no oa goan You.
3 Wau bu me goo se goan Him. 3 Wau bu me se goo se wau goan Them.
4 Wau bu me goo se ne goan His. 4 Wau bu me se goo se ne goan Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me se go bu nan. 1 Wau bu me se eu men ge de bu nan.
  1 Wau bu me se no wun go bu nan.
2 Wau bu me se no go bu nan. 2 Wau bu me se no wa go bu nan.
3 Wau bu me se goo se go bu nan. 3 Wau bu goo se wau go bu nan.
4 Wau bu me se ne go bu nan. 4 Wau bu goo se ne go bu nan.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me jen At the times he sees me. 1 Wau bu me eu men ge jen Us; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me nun gon Us; In.
2 Wau bu me gen Thee. 2 Wau bu me na nun gon You.
3 Wau bu me go jen Him. 3 Wau bu me go wau jen Them.
4 Wau bu me go ne jen His. 4 Wau bu me go ne wau jen Theirs.


Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me bu neen. 1 Wau bu me eu men ge de bu neen.
  1 Wau bu me nun go bu neen.
2 Wau bu me ge bu neen. 2 Wau bu me na go bu neen.
3 Wau bu me go bu neen. 3 Wau bu me go wau bu neen.
4 Wau bu me go ne bu neen. 4 Wau bu me go ne bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me ze gon At the times he does not see me. 1 Wau bu me ze eu men ge jen Us; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me ze no wun gon Us; In.
2 Wau bu me ze no gen Thee. 2 Wau bu me ze no wa gon You.
3 Wau bu me goo ze gon Him. 3 Wau bu me goo ze gצau nen Them,
4 Wau bu me goo mau ne His. 4 Wau bu me goo ze ne gon Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me ze bu neen. 1 Wau bu me ze eu men ge de bu neen.
  1 Wau bu me ze no wun go bu neen.
2 Wau bu me ze no ge bu neen. 2 Wau bu me ze no wa go bu neen.
3 Wau bu me goo ze bu neen. 3 Wau bu me goo ze goau bu neen.
4 Wau bu me goo ze ne bu neen. 4 Wau bu me goo ze ne bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me se jen At the times he sees me with pity. 1 Wau bu me se eu men ge jen Us; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me se no wun gon Us; In.
2 Wau bu me se gen Thee. 2 Wau bu me se no wa gon You.
3 Wau bu me goo se jen Him. 3 Wau bu me goo se wau jen Them.
4 Wau bu me goo se ne jen His. 4 Wau bu me goo se ne jen Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me se bu neen. 1 Wau bu me se eu men ge de bu neen.
  1 Wau bu me se no wun go bu neen.
2 Wau bu me se no go bu neen. 2 Wau bu me se no wa go bu neen.
3 Wau bu me goo se bu neen. 3 Wau bu me goo se wau go bu neen.
4 Wau bu me goo se ne bu neen. 4 Wau bu me goo se ne go bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me goog They see me. 1 Ne wau bu me go nau neg Us; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu me go nau neg Us; In.
2 Ge wau bu me goog Thee. 2 Ge wau bu me go waug You.
3 O wau bu me goon Him. 3 O wau bu me go waun Them.
4 O wau bu me goo ne ne His. 4 O wau bu me go ne ne Theirs.


Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me go bu neeg. 1 Ne wau bu me go me nau bu neeg.
  1 Ge wau bu me go me nau bu neeg.
2 Ge wau bu me go bu neeg. 2 Ge wau bu me go wau bu neeg.
3 O wau bu me go bu neen. 3 O wau bu me go wau bu neen.
4 O wau bu me go ne bu neen. 4 O wau bu me go ne bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me goo zeeg They do not see me. 1 Ne wau bu me goo zee nau neeg Us; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu me goo zee nau neeg Us; In.
2 Ge wau bu me goo zeeg Thee. 2 Ge wau bu me goo zee waug You.
3 O wau bu me goo zeen Him. 3 O wau bu me goo zee waun Them.
4 O wau bu me goo zee ne ne His. 4 O wau bu me goo zee ne ne Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me goo zee bu neeg. 1 Ne wau bu me goo zee me nau bu neeg.
  1 Ge wau bu me goo zee me nau bu neeg.
2 Ge wau bu me goo zee bu neeg. 2 Ge wau bu me goo zee wau bu neeg.
3 O wau bu me goo zee bu neen. 3 O wau bu me goo zee wau bu neen.
4 O wau bu me goo zee ne bu neen. 4 O wau bu me goo zee ne bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me goo do ga nug Perhaps they see me. 1 Ne wau bu me goo me nau do ga nug Us; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu me goo me nau do ga nug Us; In.
2 Ge wau bu me goo do ga nug Thee. 2 Ge wau bu me goo wau do ga nug You.
3 O wau bu me goo do ga nun Him. 3 O wau bu me goo wau do ga nun Them.
4 O wau bu me goo ne do ga nun His. 4 O wau bu me goo ne do ga nun Theirs

Zee after goo, for the negative.

Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me goo sug They see me with pity. 1 Ne wau bu me goo se nau neg Us; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu me goo se nau neg We; In.
2 Ge wau bu me goo sug Thee. 2 Ge wau bu me goo se waug You.
3 O wau bu me goo sun Him. 3 O wau bu me goo se waun Them.
4 O wau bu me se ne ne His. 4 O wau bu me goo se ne ne Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me goo se bu neeg. 1 Ne wau bu me goo se me nau bu neeg.
  1 Ge wau bu me goo se me nau bu neeg.
2 Ge wau bu me goo se bu neeg. 2 Ge wau bu me goo se wau bu neeg.
3 O wau bu me goo se bu neen. 3 O wau bu me goo se wau bu neen.
4 O wau bu me goo se ne bu neen. 4 O wau bu me goo se ne bu neen.


Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Ne wau bu me goo se do ga nug Perhaps they see me with pity. 1 Ne wau bu me goo se me nau da ga nug We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu me goo se me nau da ga nug We; In.
2 Ge wau bu me goo se do ga nug Thee. 2 Ge wau bu me goo se wau do ga nug You.
3 O wau bu me goo se do ga nun Him. 3 O wau bu me goo se wau do ga nun Them.
4 O wau bu me goo se ne do ga nun His. 4 O wau bu me goo se ne do ga nug Theirs.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me waud If they see me. 1 Wau bu me eu men ge doau Us; Ex
    1 Wau bu me eu nun goau Us; In
2 Wau bu me goau Thee. 2 Wau bu me na goau You.
3 Wau bu me gצd Him. 3 Wau bu me go waud Them.
4 Wau bu me go ned His. 4 Wau bu me go ned Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me wau bun. 1 Wau bu me eu men ge doau bun.
  1 Wau bu me nun gצau bun.
2 Wau bu me goau bun. 2 Wau bu me na gצau bun.
3 Wau bu me go bun. 3 Wau bu me go wau bun.
4 wau bu me go ne bun. 4 Wau bu me eu ne bun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me ze gצau If they do not see me 1 Wau bu me ze eu men ge dצau Us; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me ze no wan gצau Us; In.
2 Wau bu me ze no gצau Thee. 2 Wau bu me ze no wa gצau You.
3 Wau bu me go zeg Him. 3 Wau bu me go ze gצau Them.
4 Wau bu me go ze neg His. 4 Wau bu me go neg Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me ze wau bun. 1 Wau bu me ze eu men ge dצau bun.
  1 Wau bu me ze no wun gצau bun.
2 Wau bu me ze no gצau bun. 2 Wau bu me ze no wa gצau bun.
3 Wau bu me goo ze go bun. 3 Wau bu me goo ze gצau bun.
4 Wau bu me goo ze ne go bun. 4 Wau bu me goo ze ne go bun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me wau gצan If they chance to see me. 1 Wau bu me eu men ge dצau wau Us; Ex..
    1 Wau no me wun gצau wan Us; In.
2 Wau bu me wau no gצau wan Thee. 2 Wau no me wun wa gצau wan You.
3 Wau bu me goo gצan Him. 3 Wau no me go wau gצan Them.
4 Wau bu me goo ne gצan His. 4 Wau no me go ne gצan Theirs.


Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me wau go bu nan. 1 Wau bu me eu men ge dצau bu nan.
  1 Wau bu me no wan gצau bu nan.
2 Wau bu me no wau go bu nan. 2 Wau bu me no wa gצau bu nan.
3 Wau bu me goo go bu nan. 3 Wau bu me goo wau go bu nan.
4 Wau bu me goo ne go bu nan. 4 Wau bu me goo ne go bu nan.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me zee wau gצan If they do not chance to see me. 1 Wau bu me ze no mm (or eu men) ge dצau oan Us; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me ze no wun gצau wan Us; In.
2 Wau bu me ze no gצau oan Thee. 2 Wau bu me ze no wa gצau wan You.
3 Wau bu me goo zee gצan Him. 3 Wau bu me goo zee wau gצan Them.
4 Wau bu me goo zee ne gצan His. 4 Wau bu me goo zee ne gצan Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me ze wau go bu nan. 1 Wau bu me zee no wun (or eu men) ge dצau bu nan.
  1 Wau bu me zee no wun gצau bu nan.
2 Wau bu me ze no wau go bu nan. 2 Wau bu me zee no wa gצau bu nan.
3 Wau bu me goo zee go bu nan. 3 Wau bu me goo zee wau go bu nan.
4 Wau bu me goo zee ne go bu nan. 4 Wau bu me goo zee ne go bu nan.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me se waud If they see me with pity. 1 Wau bu me se eu men ge dצau Us; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me se eu nun gצau Us; In.
2 Wau bu me gצau Thee. 2 Wau bu me se na nun gצau Vnn
3 Wau bu me go sed Him. 3 Wau bu me go se waud Them
4 Wau bu me se ned His. 4 Wau bu me go se ned Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me se wau bun. 1 Wau bu me se no wun (or eu men) ge doau bun.
  1 Wau bu me se nun goau bun.
2 Wau bu me se dצau bun. 2 Wau bu me se na gצau bun.
3 Wau bu me goo se bun. 3 Wau bu me goo se wau bun.
4 Wau bu me ne bu neen. 4 Wau bu me goo se ne bun.


Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Wau bu me se wau gצan If they chance to see me with pity. 1 Wau bu me se no wun (or eu men) ge dצau wan Us; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me se nun gצau wan Us; In.
2 Wau bu me se no gצau oan Thee. 2 Wau bu me se na gצau wan You.
3 Wau bu me goo se gצan Him. 3 Wau bu me goo se wau gצan Them.
4 Wau bu me se ne gצan His. 4 Wau bu me goo se ne gצan Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me se wau go bu nan. 1 Wau bu me se no wun (or eu men) ge dצau bu nan.
  1 Wau bu me se no wun gצau bu nan.
2 Wau bu me se no wau go bu nan. 2 Wau bu me se no wa gצau bu nan.
3 Wau bu me goo see gצ bu nan. 3 Wau bu me goo se wau go bu nan.
4 Wau bu me goo see ne go bu nan. 4 Wau bu me goo se ne go bu nan.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me wau jen At the times they see me. 1 Wau bu me eu men ge dצau nen Us; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me nun gצau nen Us; In.
2 Wau bu me gצau nen Thee. 2 Wau bu me na g�au nen You.
3 Wau bu me go jen Him. 3 Wau bu me go wau jen Them.
4 Wau bu me go ne jen His. 4 Wau bu me go ne jen Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me wau bu neen. 1 Wau bu me eu men ge dצau bu neen.
  1 Wau bu me nun gצau bu neen.
2 Wau bu me gצau bu neen. 2 Wau bu me na gצau bu neen.
3 Wau bu me goo bu neen. 3 Wau bu me go wau bu neen.
4 Wau bu me goo ne bu neen. 4 Wau bu me go ne bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me ze gצau nen At the times they do not see me. 1 Wau bu me ze eu men ge dצau nen Us: Ex.
    1 Wau bu me ze no wun gצau nen Us; In.
2 Wau bu me ze no gצau nen Thee. 2 Wau bu me ze no wa gצau nen You.
3 Wau bu me goo ze   3 Wau bu me goo ze wau jen Them.
4 Wau bu me goo ze ne gצn   4 Wau bu me goo ze ne gצn Theirs.


Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me ze goau bu neen. 1 Wau bu me ze eu men ge dצau bu neen.
  1 Wau bu me ze no wun gצau bu neen.
2 Wau bu me ze no gצau bu neen. 2 Wau bu me ze no wa gצau bu neen.
3 Wau bu me goo ze go bu neen. 3 Wau bu me goo ze wau go bu neen.
4 Wau bu me ze goo ze ne go bu neen. 4 Wau bu me goo ze ne go bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me se wau jen At the times they see me with pity. 1 Wau bu me se eu men ge dצau nen. Us; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me se eu nun gצau nen Us; In.
2 Wau bu me se gצau nen... Thee. 2 Wau bu me se eu na gצau nen You.
3 Wau bu me goo se jen Him. 3 Wau bu me goo se wau jen Them.
4 Wau bu me goo se ne jen His. 4 Wau bu me goo se ne jen Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me se wau bu neen. 1 Wau bu me se eu men ge dbau bu neen.
  1 Wau bu me se nun gצau bu neen.
2 Wau bu me se gצau bu neen. 2 Wau bu me se na gצau bu neen.
3 Wau bu me goo se bu neen. 3 Wau bu me goo se wau bu neen.
4 Wau bu me goo se ne bu neen. 4 Wau bu me goo se ne bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me jeg Those who see me. 1 Wau bu me eu men ge jeg Us; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me nun gog Us; In.
2 Wau bu me geg Thee. 2 Wau bu me na gog You.
3 Wau bu me go jen Him. 3 Wau bu me go wau jen Them.
4 Wau bu me go ne jen His. 4 Wau bu me go ne jen Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me bu neeg. 1 Wau bu me eu men ge de bu neeg.
  1 Wau bu me nun go bu neeg.
2 Wau bu me ge bu neeg. 2 Wau bu me na go bu neeg.
3 Wau bu me go bu neen. 3 Wau bu me go wau bu neen.
4 Wau bu me go ne bu neen. 4 Wau bu me go ne bu neen.


Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me ze gצg Those who do not see me. 1 Wau bu me ze eu men (no au) ge jeg.
    1 Wau bu me no wun gog.
2 Wau bu me ze no geg Thee. 2 Wau bu me ze no wa gog.
3 Wau bu me goo ze gon   3 Wau bu me goo ze gצau nen.
4 Wau bu me goo ne gon   4 Wau bu me me goo ze ne gon.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me ze bu neeg. 1 Wau bu me ze eu men ge de bu neeg.
  1 Wau bu me ze no wun go bu neeg.
2 Wau bu me ze no bu neeg. 2 Wau bu me ze no oa go bu neeg.
3 Wau bu me goo ze go bu neen. 3 Wau bu me goo ze wau go bu neen.
4 Wau bu me goo ze ne go bu neen. 4 Wau bu me goo ze ne go bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me gצa nug Those who chance to see me. 1 Wau bu me eu men (no au) ge da nug Us; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me no oun goa nug Us; In.
2 Wau bu me no goa nug Thee. 2 Wau bu me no oa goa nug You.
3 Wau bu me goo goa nun Him. 3 Wau bu me go ouu goa nun Them.
4 Wau bu me goo ne goan His. 4 Wau bu me go ne goa nun Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me go bu na nug. 1 Wau bu me eu men (no au) ge de bu na nug.
  1 Wau bu me no wun go bu na nug.
2 Wau bu me no go bu na nug. 2 Wau bu me no wa go bu na nug.
3 Wau bu me goo go bu na nun. 3 Wau bu me go wau go bu na nun.
4 Wau bu me goo ne go bu na nun. 4 Wau bu me go ne go bu na nun,
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me zee goa nug Those who do not chance to see me. 1 Wau bu me ze no wun ge da nug Us; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me ze no wun gצa nug Us; In.
2 Wau bu me zee no gצa nug Thee. 2 Wau bu me ze no wa gצa nug You.
3 Wau bu me goo zee gצa nun Him. 3 Wau bu me me goo zo wau goa nun Them.
4 Wau bu me goo zee ne gצa nun His. 4 Wau bu me me goo zo ne goa nun Theirs.


Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me zee go bu na nug. 1 Wau bu me ze no wun ge de bu na nug.
  1 Wau bu me ze no wun go bu na nug.
2 Wau bu me zee no go bu na nug. 2 Wau bu me ze no wa go bu na nug.
3 Wau bu me goo zee go bu na nun. 3 Wau bu me goo ze wau go bu na nun.
4 Wau bu me goo zee ne go bu na nun. 4 Wau bu me goo ze ne go bu na nun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me se jeg Those who see me with pity. 1 Wau bu me se eu men ge jeg Us; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me se no wun gצg Us; In.
2 Wau bu me se no geg Thee. 2 Wau bu me se no wa gצg You.
3 Wau bu me goo se jen Him. 3 Wau bu me goo se wun jen Them.
4 Wau bu me goo se ne jen His. 4 Wau bu me goo se ne jen Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me se bu neeg. 1 Wau bu me se eu men ge de bu neeg.
  1 Wau bu me se no wun go bu neeg.
2 Wau bu me se no bu neeg. 2 Wau bu me se no oa go bu neeg.
3 Wau bu me goo se bu neen. 3 Wau bu me goo se wau go bu neen.
4 Wau bu me goo se ne bu neen. 4 Wau bu me goo se ne go bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me se gצa nug Those who chance to see me with pity. 1 Wau bu me se eu men ge da nug.. Us; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me se no wun goa nug Us; In.
2 Wau bu me se no gצa nug Thee. 2 Wau bu me se no wa goa nug You.
3 Wau bu me goo se gצa nun Him 3 Wau bu me goo se wau goa nun Them.
4 Wau bu me goo se ne gצa nun His. 4 Wau bu me goo se ne goa nun Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me se go bu na nug. 1 Wau bu me se eu men ge de bu na nug.
  1 Wau bu me se no wun go bu na nug.
2 Wau bu me se no go bu na nug. 2 Wau bu me se no wa go bu na nug.
3 Wau bu me goo se go bu na nun. 3 Wau bu me goo se wau go bu na nun.
4 Wau bu me goo ne go bu na nun. 4 Wau bu me goo se ne go bu na nun.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bun daun I see it. 1 Ne wau bun dau men We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bun dau men We; In.
2 Ge wau bun daun Thou. 2 Ge wau bun dau nau wau You.
3 O wau bun daun He. 3 O wau bun dau nau wau They.
4 O wau bun du me ne His. 4 O wau bun dau du me ne Theirs.


Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bun dau nau bun. 1 Ne wau bun dau me nau bun.
  1 Ge wau bun dau me nau bun.
2 Ge wau bun dau nau bun. 2 Ge wau bun dau nau wau bun.
3 O wau bun dau nau bun. 3 O wau bun dau nau wau bun.
4 O wau bun du me ne bun. 4 O wau bun du me ne bun.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bun du zeen I do not see it. 1 Ne wau bun du zee men We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bun du zee men We; In.
2 Ge wau bun du zeen Thou. 2 Ge wau bun du zee nau wau You.
3 O wau bun du zeen He. 3 O wau bun du zee nau wau They.
4 O wau bun du zee me ne His. 4 O wau bun du zee me ne Theirs.
Imperfect Tense
1 Ne wau bun du zee nau bun. 1 Ne wau bun du zee me nau bun.
  1 Ge wau bun du zee nau wau bun.
2 Ge wau bun du zee nau bun. 2 Ge wau bun du zee nau wau bun.
3 O wau bun du zee nau bun. 3 O wau bun du zee nau wau bun.
4 O wau bun du zee me ne bun. 4 O wau bun du zee me ne bun.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bun dau nau dצg Perhaps I see it. 1 Ne wau bun dau me nau dצg We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bun dau me nau dצg We; In.
2 Ge wau bun dau nau dצg Thou. 2 Ge wau bun dau nau wau dצg You.
3 O wau bun dau nau dצg He. 3 O wau bun dau nau wau dצg They.
4 O wau bun dau se ne dצg His. 4 O wau bun du me ne dצg Theirs.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bun du zee nau dצg. Perhaps I do not see it. 1 Ne wau bun du zee me nau dצg We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bun du zee me nau dצg We; In.
2 Ge wau bun du zee nau dצg. Thou. 2 Ge wau bun du zee nau wau dצg You.
3 O wau bun du zee nau dצg. He. 3 O wau bun du zee nau wau dצg They.
4 O wau bun du zee ne dצg. His. 4 O wau bun du zee ne nun dצg Theirs.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bun du sen I see it with pity. 1 Ne wau bun du se men We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bun du su se men We; In.
2 Ge wau bun du sen Thou. 2 Ge wau bun du se nau wau You.
3 O wau bun du sen He. 3 O wau bun du se nau wau They.
4 O wau bun du se ne His. 4 O wau bun du se ne Theirs.


Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bun du se nau bun. 1 Ne wau bun du se me nau bun.
  1 Ge wau bun du se me nau bun.
2 Ge wau bun du se nau bun. 2 Ge wau bun du se nau wau bun.
3 O wau bun du se nau bun. 3 O wau bun du se nau wau bun.
4 O wau bun du se ne bun. 4 O wau bun du se ne bun.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bun du se nau dצg Perhaps I see it with pity. 1 Ne wau bun du se me nau dצg We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bun du se me nau dצg We; In.
2 Ge wau bun du se nau dצg Thou. 2 Ge wau bun du se nau wau dצg You.
3 O wau bun du se nau dצg He. 3 O wau bun du se nau wau dצg They.
4 O wau bun du se ne nau dog His. 4 O wau bun du se ne nau dצg Theirs.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bun du maun If I see it. 1 Wau bun du maung We; Ex
    1 Wau bun du mung We; In.
2 Wau bun du mun Thou. 2 Wau bun du mag You.
3 Wau bun dung He. 3 Wau bun du mo waud They.
4 Wau bun du me ned His. 4 Wau bun du me ned Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bun du maum bun. 1 Wau bun du maun ge bun.
  1 Wau bun du mun go bun.
2 Wau bun du mum bun. 2 Wau bun du ma go bun.
3 Wau bun dun ge bun. 3 Wau bun du mo wau bun.
4 Wau bun du me ne bun. 4 Wau bun du me ne bun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bun du ze waung If I do not see it. 1 Wau bun du ze waun We; Ex.
    1 Wau bun du ze wung We; in.
2 Wau bun da ze wun Thou. 2 Wau bun du ze wag You.
3 Wau bun du zeg He. 3 Wau bun du ze gצau They.
4 Wau bun du ze neg His. 4 Wau bun du ze neg Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bun du ze waum baun. 1 Wau bun du ze waun ge bun.
  1 Wau bun du ze wun go bun.
2 Wau bun de zu wum bun. 2 Wau bun du ze wa go bun.
3 Wau bun de zu go bun. 3 Wau bun du ze gצau go bun.
4 Wau bun du ze ne go bun. 4 Wau bun du ze ne go bun.


Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Wau bun du mo wan nan If I chance to see it. 1 Wau bun du mo waun gan We; Ex.
    1 Wau bun du mo wun gצan We; In.
2 Wau bun du mo wu nan Thou. 2 Wau bun du mo wa gצan You.
3 Wau bun du mo gצan He. 3 Wau bun du mo wau gצan They.
4 Wau bun du me ne gצan His. 4 Wau bun du me ne gצan Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bun du mo waum bau nan. 1 Wau bun du mo waun ge bu nan.
  1 Wau bun du mo wun go bu nan.
2 Wau bun du mo wum bu nan. 2 Wau bun do wa go bu nan.
3 Wau bun du mo go bu nan. 3 Wau bun du mo wau go bu nan.
4 Wau bun du me ne go bu nan. 4 Wau bun du me ne go bu nan.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bun du zee wau nan If I do not chance to see it. 1 Wau bun du ze waum gan We; Ex.
    1 Wau bun du ze wun gצan We; In.
2 Wau bun du zee wu nan Thou. 2 Wau bun du ze wa gצan You.
3 Wau bun du zee gצan He. 3 Wau bu du ze wau gצan They.
4 Wau bun du zee ne goan His. 4 Wau bu du ze ne gצan Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau buu du zee waum bau nan. 1 Wau bun du zee waun ge bu nan.
  1 Wau bun du zee wum go bu nan.
2 Wau buu du zee wum bu nan. 2 Wau bun du zee wa go bu nan.
3 Wau buu de zee go bu nan. 3 Wau bun du zee wau go bu nan.
4 Wau buu du zee ne go bu nan. 4 Wau bun du zee ne go bu nan.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bun du saun If I see it with pity. 1 Wau bun du saung We; Ex.
    1 Wau bun du sung We; In.
2 Wau bun du sun Thou. 2 Wau bun du sag You.
3 Wau bun du sed He. 3 Wau bun du se waud They.
4 Wau bun du se ned His. 4 Wau bun du se ned Theirs
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bun du saum baun. 1 Wau bun du saun go bun.
  1 Wau bun du sun go bun.
2 Wau bun du sum bun. 2 Wau bun du sa go bun.
3 Wau bun du se bun. 3 Wau bun du se wau bun.
4 Wau bun du se ne bun. 4 Wau bun du se ne bun.


Present Tense.
1 Wau bun du se wau nan If I chance to see it with pity. 1 Wau bun du se waun gan We; Ex.
    1 Wau bun du se wun gצan We; In.
2 Wau bun du se wu nan Thou. 2 Wau bun du se wa gצan You.
3 Wau bun du se gצan He. 3 Wau bun du se wau gצan They.
4 Wau bun du se ne gצan His. 4 Wau bun du se ne gצan Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bun du se waum bau nan. 1 Wau bun du se waun go bu nan.
  1 Wau bun du se wun go bu nan.
2 Wau bun du se wum bu nan. 2 Wau bun du se wa go bu nan.
3 Wau bun du se go bu nan. 3 Wau bun du se wau go bu nan.
4 Wau bun du se ne go bu nan. 4 Wau bun du se ne go bu nan.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bun dau nun I see them — things. 1 Ne wau bun dau me nau nen We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bun dau me nau nen We; In.
2 Ge wau bun dau nun Thou. 2 Ge wau bun dau nau wau You.
3 O wau bun dau nun He. 3 O wau bun dau nau wau They.
4 O wau bun dau du me ne His. 4 O wau bun du me ne Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bun dau nau bu neen. 1 Ne wau bun dau me nau bu neen.
  1 Ge wau bun dau me nau bu neen.
2 Ge wau bun dau nau bu neen. 2 Ge wau bun dau nau wau bu neen.
3 O wau bun dau nau bu neen. 3 O wau bun dau nau wau bu neen.
4 O wau bun du me ne bu neen. 4 O wau bun du me ne bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bun du zee nun I do not see them. 1 Ne wau bun du zee me nau nen We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bun du zee me nau nen We; In.
2 Ge wau bun du zee nun Thou. 2 Ge wau bun du zee nau waun You.
3 O wau bun du zee nun He. 3 O wau bun du zee nau waun They.
4 O wau bun du zee me ne His. 4 O wau bun du zee me ne Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bun du zee nau bu neen. 1 Ne wau bun du zee me nau bu neen.
  1 Ge wau bun du zee me nau bu neen.
2 Ge wau bun du zee nau bu neen. 2 Ge wau bun du zee mau wau bu neen.
3 O wau bun du zee nau bu neen. 3 O wau bun du zee mau wau bu neen.
4 O wau bun du zee me ne bu neen. 4 O wau bun du zee me ne bu neen.


Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Ne wau bun dau nau do ga nun Perhaps I see them. 1 Ne wau bun dau me nau do ga nun We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bun dau me nau do ga nun We; In.
2 Ge wau bun dau nau do ga nun Thou 2 Ge wau bun dau nau wau do ga nun You.
3 O wau bun dau nau do ga nun He. 3 O wau bun dau nau wau do ga nun They.
4 O wau bun du me ne do ga nun His. 4 O wau bun du me ne do ga nun Theirs.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bun du zee nau do ga nun Perhaps I do not see them. 1 Ne wau bun du zee me nau do ga nun We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bun du zee me nau do ga nun We; In.
2 Ge wau bun du zee nau do ga nun Thou. 2 Ge wau bun du zee mau wau do ga nun You.
3 O wau bun du zee nau do ga nun He. 3 O wau bun du zee mau wau do ga nun They.
4 O wau bun du zee me ne do ga nun His. 4 O wau bun du zee me ne do ga nun Theirs.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bun du sen nun I see them with pity. 1 Ne wau bun du se nau nen We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bun du se nau nen We; In.
2 Ge wau bun du sen nun Thou. 2 Ge wau bun du se nau waun You.
3 O wau bun du sen nun He. 3 O wau bun du se nau waun They.
4 O wau bun du ne me ne His. 4 O wau bun du se ne me ne Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bun du se nau bu neen. 1 Ne wau bun du se me nau bu neen.
  1 Ge wau bun du se me nau bu neen.
2 Ge wau bun du se nau bu neen. 2 Ge wau bun du se nau wau bu neen.
3 O wau bun du se nau bu neen. 3 O wau bun du se nau wau bu neen.
4 O wau bun du se ne me ne bu neen. 4 O wau bun du se ne me ne bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bun du se nau do ga nun Perhaps I see them with pity. 1 Ne wau bun du se me nau do ga nun We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bun du se me nau do ga nun We; In.
2 Ge wau bun du se nau do ga nun Thou. 2 Ge wau bun du se nau wau do ga nun You.
3 O wau bun du se nau do ga nun He. 3 O wau bun du se nau wau do ga nun They.
4 O wau bun du se ne me ne do ga nun His. 4 O wau bun du se ne me ne do ga nun Theirs.


Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Wau bun du mau nen If I see them. 1 Wau bun du maun gen We; Ex.
    1 Wau bun du mun gon We; In.
2 Wau bun du mu nen Thou. 2 Wau bun du ma gon You.
3 Wau bun dung gen He. 3 Wau bun du mo wau jen They.
4 Wau bun du me ne jen His. 4 Wau bun du me ne jen Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bun du maum bau neen. 1 Wau bun du maun go bu neen.
  1 Wau bun du mun go bu neen.
2 Wau bun du mum bu neen. 2 Wau bun du ma go bu neen.
3 Wau bun dun ge bu neen. 3 Wau bun du mo wau bu neen.
4 Wau bun du me ne bu neen. 4 Wau bun du me ne bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bun du ze wau nen If I do not see them. 1 Wau bun du ze waun gen We; Ex.
    1 Wau bun du ze wun gon We; In.
2 Wau bun du ze wu nen Thou. 2 Wau bun du ze wa gon You.
3 Wau bun du ze gצn He. 3 Wau bun du ze gצau nen They.
4 Wau bun du ze ne gצn His. 4 Wau bun du ze ne gon Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bun du ze waum bau neen. 1 Wau bun du ze waun go bu neen.
  1 Wau bun du ze wun go bu neen.
2 Wau bun du ze wum bu neen. 2 Wau bun du ze wa go bu neen.
3 Wau bun du ze go bu neen. 3 Wau bun du ze wau go bu neen.
4 Wau bun du ze ne go bu neen. 4 Wau bun du ze ne go bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bun du mo wau na nun If I chance to see them. 1 Wau bun du mo waun ga nun We; Ex.
    1 Wau bun du mo wun goa nun We; In.
2 Wau bun du mo wu na nun Thou. 2 Wau bun du mo wa goa nun You.
3 Wau bun du mo gצa nun He. 3 Wau bun du mo wau goa nun They.
4 Wau bun du me ne gצa nun His. 4 Wau bun du me ne goa nun Theirs.


Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bun du mo waum bau na nun. 1 Wau bun du mo waun go bu na nun.
  1 Wau bun du mo wun go bu na nun.
2 Wau bun du mo wum bu na nun. 2 Wau bun du mo wa go bu na nun.
3 Wau bun du mo wum bu na nun. 3 Wau bun du mo wau go bu na nun.
4 Wau bun du me ne go bu na nun. 4 Wau bun du me no go bu nan nun.

Zee is exchanged for mo, and in the fourth person for me, constitutes the negative.

Present Tense.
1 Wau bun du sau nen If I see them with pity. 1 Wau bun du saun gen We; Ex.
    1 Wau bun du sun gon We; In.
2 Wau bun du su nen Thou. 2 wau bun du sa gon You.
3 Wau bun du se jen He. 3 Wau bun du se wau jen They.
4 Wau bun du sau ne jen His. 4 Wau bun du se ne jen Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bun du saum bau neen. 1 Wau bun du saun ge bu neen.
  1 Wau bun du sun go bu neen.
2 Wau bun du sum bu neen. 2 Wau bun du sa go bu neen.
3 Wau bun du se bu neen. 3 Wau bun du se wau bu neen.
4 Wau bun du se ne bu neen. 4 Wau bun du se ne bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau be כ gon It causes me to see. 1 Ne wau be כ go men Us; Ex.
    1 Ge wau be כ go men Us; In.
2 Ge wau be כ gon Thee. 2 Ge wau be כ go nui wau You.
3 O wau be כ gon Him. 3 O wau be כ go nui wau Them.
4 O wau be כ go ne His. 4 O wau be כ go ne Theirs
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau be כ go nau bun. 1 Ne wau be כ go me nau bun.
  1 Ge wau be כ go me nau bun.
2 Ge wau be כ go nau bun. 2 Ge wau be כ go nau wau bun.
3 O wau be כ go nau bun. 3 O wau be כ go nau wau bun.
4 O wau be כ go ne bun. 4 O wau bu כ go ne bun.


Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Ne wau be כ go zeen It does not cause me to see. 1 Ne wau be כ go zee men Us; Ex.
    1 Ge wau be כ go zee men Us; In.
2 Ge wau be כ go zeen Thee. 2 Ge wau be כ go zee nau wau You.
3 O wau be כ go zeen Him. 3 O wau be כ go zee nau wau Them.
4 Ne wau be כ go zee ne His. 4 O wau be כ go zee ne Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau be כ go zee nau bun. 1 Ne wau be כ go zee me nau bun.
  1 Ge wau be כ go zee me nau bun.
2 Ge wau be כ go zee nau bun. 2 Ge wau be כ go zee nau wau bun.
3 O wau be כ go zee nau bun. 3 O wau be כ go zee nau wau bun.
4 O wau be כ go zee ne bun. 4 O wau be כ go zee ne bun.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau be כ go nau dצg Perhaps it causes me to see. 1 Ne wau be כ go me nau dצg Us; Ex.
    1 Ge wau be כ go me nau dצg Us; In.
2 Ge wau be כ go nau dצg Thee. 2 Ge wau be כ go nau wau dצg You.
3 O wau be כ go nau dצg Him. 3 O wau be כ go nau wau dצg Them.
4 O wau be כ go nau dצ ga nun His. 4 O wau be כ go nau do ga nun Theirs.

Zee after go, stands for the negative.

Present Tense.
1 Ne wau be כ go sen It causes me to see poorly. 1 Ne wau be כ go se men Us; Ex.
    1 Ge wau be כ go se men Us; In.
2 Ge wau be כ go sen Thee. 2 Ge wau be כ go se nau wau You.
3 O wau be כ go sen Him. 3 O wau be כ go se nau wau Them.
4 O wau be כ se ne His. 4 O wau be כ go se ne Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau be כ go se nau bun. 1 Ne wau be כ go se me nau bun.
  1 Ge wau be כ go se me nau bun.
2 Ge wau be כ go se nau bun. 2 Ge wau be כ go se nau wau bun.
3 O wau be כ go se nau bun. 3 O wau be כ go se nau wau bun.
4 O wau be כ go se ne bun. 4 O wau be כ go se ne bun.


Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Ne wau be כ go se nau dצg Perhaps it causes me to see poorly. 1 Ne wau be כ go se me nau dצg Us; Ex.
    1 Ge wau be כ go se me nau dצg Us; In.
2 Ge wau be כ go se nau dצg Thee. 2 Ge wau be כ nau wau dצg You.
3 O wau be כ go se nau dצg Him. 3 O wau be כ nau wau dצg Them.
4 O wau be כ go se nau do ga nun His. 4 O wau be כ nau do ga nun Theirs.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu כ go eaun If it cause me to see. 1 Wau be כ go eaung Us; Ex.
    1 Wau bu כ go eung Us; In.
2 Wau bu כ go eun Thee. 2 Wau bu כ go eag You.
3 Wau bu כ gצd Him. 3 Wau bu כ go waud Them.
4 Wau bu כ gצ ned His. 4 Wau bu כ go ned Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau be כ go eaum baun. 1 Wau be כ go eaun go bun.
  1 Wau be כ go eun go bun.
2 Wau be כ go eum bun. 2 Wau be כ go ea go bun.
3 Wau be כ go bun. 3 Wau be כ go wau bun.
4 Wau be כ go ne bun. 4 Wau be כ ne wau bun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau be כ go ze waun If it do not cause me to see. 1 Wau be כ go ze waung Us; Ex.
    1 Wau be כ go ze wung Us; In.
2 Wau be כ go ze wun Thee. 2 Wau be כ go ze wag You.
3 Wau be כ go zeg Him. 3 Wau be כ go ze gצau Them.
4 Wau be כ go ze neg His. 4 Wau be כ go ze neg Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau be כ go ze waun baun. 1 Wau be כ go ze waun go bun.
  1 Wau be כ go ze wun go bun.
2 Wau be כ go zewum bun. 2 Wau be כ go ze wa go bun.
3 Wau be כ go ze bun. 3 Wau be כ go ze wau bun.
4 Wau be כ go ze ne bun. 4 Wau be כ go ze ne bun.


Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Wau be כ go wau nan If it chance to cause me to see. 1 Wau be כ go waun gan Us; Ex.
    1 Wau be כ go wun gצan Us; In.
2 Wau be כ wu nan Thee. 2 Wau be כ go wa gצan You.
3 Wau be כ gצan Him. 3 Wau be כ go wau gצan Them.
4 Wau be כ go ne gצan His. 4 Wau be כ go ne gצan Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau be כ go waum bau nan. 1 Wau be כ go waun go bu nan.
  1 Wau be כ go wun go bu nan.
2 Wau be כ go wum bu nan. 2 Wau be כ go wa go bu nan.
3 Wau be כ goo go bu nan. 3 Wau be כ go wau go bu nan.
4 Wau be כ goo ne go bu nan. 4 Wau be כ go ne go bu nan.

Ze after go stands for the negative.

Present Tense.
1 Wau be כ go saun If it cause me to see poorly, unworthily. 1 Wau be כ go saung Us; Ex.
    1 Wau be כ go sung Us; In.
2 Wau be כ go sun Thee. 2 Wau be כ go sag You.
3 Wau be כ go sed Him. 3 Wau be כ go se waud Them.
4 Wau be כ se ned His. 4 Wau be כ go ned Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau be כ go saum baun. 1 Wau be כ go se waun go bun.
  1 Wau be כ go se wun go bun.
2 Wau be כ go sum bun. 2 Wau be כ go se wa go bun.
3 Wau be כ go se bun. 3 Wau be כ go se wau go bun.
4 Wau be כ go se ne bun. 4 Wau be כ go se ne go bun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau be כ go se wau nan If it chance to cause me to see poorly, unworthily. 1 Wau be כ go se waun gan Us; Ex.
    1 Wau be כ go se wun gצan Us; In.
2 Wau be כ go se wu nan Thee. 2 Wau be כ go se wa gצan You.
3 Wau be כ gצan Him. 3 Wau be כ go se wau gצan Them.
4 Wau be כ ne gצan His. 4 Wau be כ go se ne gצan Theirs.


Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau be כ go se waum bau nan. 1 Wau be כ go se waun go bu nan.
  1 Wau be כ go se wun go bu nan.
2 Wau be כ go se wum bu nan. 2 Wau be כ go se wa go bu nan.
3 Wau be כ go se go bu nan. 3 Wau be כ go se wau go bu nan.
4 Wau be כ ne go bu nan. 4 Wau be כ go se ne go bu nan.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau be כ go nun They (things) cause me to see. 1 Ne wau be כ go nau nen Us; Ex.
    1 Ge wau be כ go nau nen Us; In.
2 Ge wau be כ go nun Thee. 2 Ge wau be כ go nau ioun You.
3 O wau be כ go nun Him. 3 O wau be כ go nau ioun Them.
4 O wau be כ go ne ne His. 4 O wau be כ go ne ne Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau be כ go nau bu neen. 1 Ne wau be כ go me nau bu neen.
  1 Ge wau be כ go me nau be neen.
2 Ge wau be כ go nau bu neen. 2 Ge wau be כ go nau wau be neen.
3 O wau be כ go nau bu neen. 3 O wau be כ go nau wau be neen.
4 O wau be כ go ne ne bu neen. 4 O wau be כ go ne ne bu neen.

Zee after go, performs the office of the negative.

Present Tense.
1 Ne wau be כ go nau do ga nun. Perhaps they cause me to see. 1 Ne wau be כ go me nau do ga nun. Us; Ex.
    1 Ge wau be כ go me nau do ga nun. Us; In.
2 Ge wau be כ go nau do ga nun. Thee. 2 Ge wau be כ go nau wau do ga nun. You.
3 O wau be כ go nau do ga nun. Him. 3 O wau be כ go nau wau do ga nun. Them.
4 O wau be כ go ne ne do ga nun. His. 4 O wau be כ go ne ne do ga nun. Theirs.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau be כ go se nun They cause me to see poorly, unworthily. 1 Ne wau be כ go se nau nen Us: Ex.
    1 Ge wau be כ go se nau nen Us; In.
2 Ge wau be כ go se nun Thee. 2 Ge wau be כ go se waun You.
3 O wau be כ go se nun Him. 3 O wau be כ go se waun Them.
4 O wau be כ go se ne ne His. 4 O wau be כ go se waun Theirs.


Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau be כ go se nau bu neen. 1 Ne wau be כ go se me nau bu neen.
  1 Ge wau be כ go se me nau bu neen.
2 Ge wau be כ go se nau bu neen. 2 Ge wau be כ go se nau wau be neen.
3 O wau be כ go se nau bu neen. 3 O wau be כ go se nau wau be neen.
4 O wau be כ go se ne ne bu neen. 4 O wau be כ go se ne ne be neen.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau be כ go se nau do ga nun Perhaps they cause me to see poorly, etc. 1 Ne wau be כ go se me nau do ga nun Us; Ex.
    1 Ge wau be כ go se me nau do ga nun Us; In.
2 Ge wau be כ go se nau do ga nun Thee. 2 Ge wau be כ go se nau wau do ga nun You.
3 O wau be כ go se nau do ga nun Him. 3 O wau be כ go se nau wau do ga nun Them.
4 O wau be כ go se ne ne do ga nun His. 4 O wau be כ go se ne ne do ga nun Theirs.
Present Tense.
1 Wau be כ go eau nen If they cause me to see. 1 Wau be כ go eaun gen Us; Ex.
    1 Wau be כ go eun gon Us; In.
2 Wau be כ go eu nen Thee. 2 Wau be כ go ea gon You.
3 Wau be כ go jen Him. 3 Wau be כ go wau jen Them.
4 Wau be כ go ne jen His. 4 Wau be כ go ne jen Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau be כ go eaum bau neen. 1 Wau be כ go eaun ge bu neen.
  1 Wau be כ go eun go bu neen.
2 Wau be כ go eum bu neen. 2 Wau be כ go ea go bu neen.
3 Wau be כ go bu neen. 3 Wau be כ go wau bu neen.
4 Wau be כ go bu ne go bu na nun. 4 Wau be כ go ne bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Wau be כ wau nen If they do not cause me to see. 1 Wau be כ go ze waun gen Us; Ex.
    1 Wau be כ go ze wun gon Us; In.
2 Wau be כ wu nen Thee. 2 Wau be כ go ze wa gon You.
3 Wau be כ jen Him. 3 Wau be כ go ze wau jen Them.
4 Wau be כ ne jen His. 4 Wau be כ go ze ne jen Theirs.


Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau be כ go ze oaum bau neen. 1 Wau be כ go ze waun ge bu neen.
  1 Wau be כ go ze wun go bu neen.
2 Wau be כ go ze wum bu neen. 2 Wau be כ go ze wa go be neen.
3 Wau be כ go ze bu neen. 3 Wau be כ go ze wau bu neen.
4 Wau be כ go ze ne bu neen. 4 Wau be euml; go ze ne bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Wau be כ go wau na nun If they chance to cause me to see. 1 Wau be כ go waun ga nun Us; Ex.
    1 Wau be כ go wun gצa nun Us; In.
2 Wau be כ go wau na nun Thee. 2 Wau be כ go wa gצa nun You.
3 Wau be כ gצ nun Him. 3 Wau be כ go wau gצa nun Them.
4 Wau be כ ne gצa nun His. 4 Wau be כ go ne gצa nun Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau be כ go waum bau na nun. 1 Wau be כ go waun ge bu na nun.
  1 Wau be כ go wun go bu na nun.
2 Wau be כ go wum bu na nun. 2 Wau be כ go wa go bu na nun.
3 Wau be כ go go bu na nun 3 Wau be כ go wau go bu na nun.
4 Wau be כ go ne go bu ba nun. 4 Wau be כ go ne go bu na nun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau be כ go ze wau na nun If they do not chance to cause me to see. 1 Wau be כ go ze waun ga nun Us; Ex.
    1 Wau be כ go ze wun gצa nun Us; In.
2 Wau be כ go ze wu na nun Thee. 2 Wau be כ go ze wa gצa nun You.
3 Wau be כ go ze gצa na nun Him. 3 Wau be כ go ze wau gצa nun Them.
4 Wau be כ go ze ne gצa na nun His. 4 Wau be כ go ze ne gצa nun Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau be כ go ze waum bau na nun. 1 Wau be כe go ze waun ge bu na nun.
  1 Wau be כe go ze wun go bu na nun.
2 Wau be כ go ze wum bu na nun. 2 Wau be כe go ze wa go bu na nun.
3 Wau be כ go ze go bu na nun. 3 Wau be כe go ze wau go bu na nun.
4 Wau be כ go ze ne go bu na nun. 4 Wau be כe go ze ne go bu na nun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau be כ go sau nen If they cause me to see poorly. 1 Wau be כ go saun gen Us; Ex.
    1 Wau be כ go sun gon Us; In.
2 Wau be כ go se nen Thee. 2 Wau be כ go sa gon You.
3 Wau be כ go se jen Him. 3 Wau be כ go se wau jen Them.
4 Wau be כ go se ne jen His. 4 Wau be כ go se ne jen Theirs.


Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau be כ go saum bau neen. 1 Wau be כ go saun ge bu neen.
  1 Wau be כ go sun go bu neen.
2 Wau be כ go sum bu neen. 2 Wau be כ go sa go bu neen.
3 Wau be כ go se bu neen. 3 Wau be כ go se wau bu neen.
4 Wau be כ go se ne bu neen. 4 Wau be כ go se ne bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Wau be כ go se wau na nun If they chance to cause me to see poorly or unworthily. 1 Wau be כ go se waun ga nun Us; Ex.
    1 Wau be כ go se wun gצa nun Us; In.
2 Wau be כ go se wu na nun Thee. 2 Wau be כ go se wa gצa nun You.
3 Wau be כ go se gצa nun Him. 3 Wau be כ go se wau gצa nun Them.
4 Wau be כ go se ne gצa nun His. 4 Wau be כ go se ne gצa nun Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau be כ go se waum bau na nun. 1 Wau be כ go se waun ge bu na nun.
  1 Wau be כ go se wun go bu na nun.
2 Wau be כ go se wum bu na nun. 2 Wau be כ go se wa go bu na nun.
3 Wau be כ go se go bu na nun. 3 Wau be כ go se wau go bu na nun.
4 Wau be כ go se ne go bu na nun. 4 Wau be כ go se ne go bu na nun.
INDICATIVE MOOD. — Simple Conjugation.
Present Tense.
1 Ne waub I see; I have sight. 1 Ne wau be men We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau be men We; In.
2 Ge waub Thou. 2 Ge wau bem You.
3 Wau be He. 3 O wau be wug They.
4 Wau be wau His. 4 O wau be wun Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau be nau bun. 1 Ne wau be me nau bun.
  1 Ge wau be me nau bun.
2 Ge wau be nau bun. 2 Ge wau be bem wau bun.
3 O wau be bun. 3 O wau be bu neeg.
4 O wau be bu neen. 4 O wau be bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau be zee I do not see. 1 Ne wau be zee men We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau be zee men We; In.
2 Ge wau be zee Thou. 2 Ge wau be zeem You.
3 O wau be zee He. 3 O wau be zee wug They.
4 O wau be zee wun His. 4 O wau be zee wun Theirs.


Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau be zee nau bun. 1 Ne wau be zee me nau bun.
  1 Ge wau be zee me nau bun.
2 Ge wau be zee nau bun. 2 Ge wau be zeem wau bun.
3 O wau be zee bun. 3 O wau be zee bu neeg.
4 O wau be zee bu neen. 4 O wau be zee bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau be me dצg Perhaps I see. 1 Ne wau be me nau dצg We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau be me nau dצg We; In.
2 Ge wau be me dצg Thou. 2 Ge wau bem wau dצg You.
3 O wau be we dצg He. 3 O wau be do ga nug They.
4 O wau be we do ga nun His. 4 O wau be do ga nun Theirs.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau be zee dצg Perhaps I do not see. 1 Ne wau be zee me nau dצg We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau be zee me nau dצg We; In.
2 Ge wau be zee dצg Thou. 2 Ge wau be zeem wau dצg You.
3 O wau be zee dצg He. 3 O wau be zee do ga nug They.
4 O wau be zee do ga nun His. 4 O wau be zee do ga nun Theirs.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bes I see poorly, unworthily. 1 Ne wau be se men We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau be se men We; In.
2 Ge wau bes Thou. 2 Ge wau be sem You.
3 O wau be se He. 3 O wau be se wug They.
4 O wau be se wun His. 4 O wau be se wun Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau be se nau bun. 1 Ne wau be se me nau bun.
  1 Ge wau be se me nau bun.
2 Ge wau be se nau bun. 2 Ge wau be sem wau bun.
3 O wau be se bun. 3 O wau be se bu neeg.
4 O wau be se bu neen. 4 O wau be se neen.


Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Ne wau be se me dצg Perhaps I see poorly, unworthily. 1 Ne wau be se me nau dצg We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau be se me nau dצg We; In.
2 Ge wau be se me dצg Thou. 2 Ge wau be sem wau dog You.
3 O wau be se dצg He. 3 O wau be se do ga nug They.
4 O wau be se do ga nun His. 4 O wau be se do ga nun Theirs.
SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD. — Simple Conjugation.
Present Tense.
1 Wau be eaun If I see. 1 Wau be eaung We; Ex.
    1 Wau be eung We; In.
2 Wau be ean Thou. 2 Wau be eag You.
3 Wau bed He. 3 Wau be oaud They.
4 Wau be ned His. 4 Wau be ned Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau be eaum baun. 1 Wau be eaun ge bun.
  1 Wau be eun go bun.
2 Wau be eum bun. 2 Wau be ea go bun.
3 Wau be bun. 3 Wau be wau bun.
4 Wau be ne bun. 4 Wau be ne bun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau be ze waun If I do not see. 1 Wau be ze waung We; Ex.
    1 Wau be ze wung We; In.
2 Wau be ze wun Thou. 2 Wau be ze wag You.
3 Wau be zeg He. 3 Wau be ze gצau They.
4 Wau be ze neg His. 4 Wau be ze neg Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau be ze waun baun. 1 Wau be ze waun ge bun.
  1 Wau be ze wun go bun.
2 Wau be ze wum bun. 2 Wau be ze wa go bun.
3 Wau be ze bun. 3 Wau be ze goau bun.
4 Wau be ze ne ge bun. 4 Wau be ze ne ge bun.


Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Wau be saun If I see poorly, unworthily. 1 Wau be saung We; Ex.
    1 Wau be sung We; In.
2 Wau be sun Thou. 2 Wau be sag You.
3 Wau be sed He. 3 Wau be se waud They.
4 Wau be se ned His. 4 Wau be ned Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau be saum baun. 1 Wau be saun ge bun.
  1 Wau be sun go bun.
2 Wau be sum bun. 2 Wau be sa go bun.
3 Wau be se bun. 3 Wau be se wau bun.
4 Wau be se ne bun. 4 Wau be se ne bun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau be wau nan If I chance to see. 1 Wau be waun gan We; Ex.
    1 Wau be wun gצan We; In.
2 Wau be wu nan Thou. 2 Wau be wa gצan You.
3 Wau be gצan He. 3 Wau be wau gצan They.
4 Wau be ne gצan His. 4 Wau be ne gצan Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau be waum bau nan. 1 Wau be waun ge bu nan.
  1 Wau be wun go bu nan.
2 Wau be wum bu nan. 2 Wau be wa go bu nan.
3 Wau be go bu nan. 3 Wau be wau go bu nan.
4 Wau be ne go bu nan. 4 Wau be ne go bu nan.

Zee after be, is indicative of the negative.

Present Tense.
1 Wau be eau nen At the times I see. 1 Wau be eaun gen We; Ex.
    1 Wau be eun gon We; In.
2 Wau bu eu nen Thou. 2 Wau be ea gon You.
3 Wau be jen He. 3 Wau be wau jen They.
4 Wau be ne jen His. 4 Wau be ne jen Theirs.


Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Wau be se wau nan If I chance to see poorly, unworthily. 1 Wau be se waun gan We; Ex.
    1 Wau be se wun gצan We; In.
2 Wau be se ou nan Thou. 2 Wau be se wa gצan You.
3 Wau be se gצan He. 3 Wau be se wau gצan They.
4 Wau be se ne gצan His. 4 Wau be se ne gצan Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau be eaum bau neen. 1 Wau be eaun ge bu neen.
  1 Wau be eun go bu neen.
2 Wau be eum bu neen. 2 Wau be ea go bu neen.
3 Wau be go bu neen. 3 Wau be wau go bu neen.
4 Wau be ne go bu neen. 4 Wau be ne go bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Wau be ze wau nen At the times I do not see. 1 Wau be ze waun gen We; Ex.
    1 Wau be ze wun gon We; In.
2 Wau be ze wu nen Thou. 2 Wau be ze wa gon You.
3 Wau be ze gon He. 3 Wau be ze goau nen They.
4 Wau be ne gon His. 4 Wau be ze ne gon Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau be ze waum bau neen. 1 Wau be ze waun ge bu neen.
  1 Wau be ze wun go bu neen.
2 Wau be ze wum bu neen. 2 Wau be ze wa go bu neen.
3 Wau be ze go bu neen. 3 Wau be ze wau go bu neen.
4 Wau be ze ne go bu neen. 4 Wau be ze ne go bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Wau be sau nen At the times I see poorly, unworthily. 1 Wau be saun gen We; Ex.
    1 Wau be sun gon We; In.
2 Wau be su nen Thou. 2 Wau be sa gon You.
3 Wau be se jen He. 3 Wau be se wau jen They.
4 Wau be se ne jen His. 4 Wau be se ne jen Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau be saum bau neen. 1 Wau be saun ge bu neen.
  1 Wau be sun go bu neen.
2 Wau be sum bu neen. 2 Wau be sa go bu neen.
3 Wau be se go bu neen. 3 Wau be se wau go bu neen.
4 Wau be se ne go bu neen. 4 Wau be se ne go bu neen.


Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau be so waum bau nan. 1 Wau be se waun ge bu nan.
  1 Wau be se wun go bu nan.
2 Wau be se wum bu nan. 2 Wau be se wa go bu nan.
3 Wau be se go bu nan. 3 Wau be se wau go bu nan.
4 Wau be se ne go bu nan. 4 Wau be se ne go bu nan.

N. B. The sign of the future tense in the intransitive voices, is not gu, in the third and fourth persons, the same as it is in the transitive, but du, e. g.:

Nen gu waub I will see. Ge du wau be He will see.
Ge gu waub You see. Ge du wau be wun His will see.

The Potential Mood is conjugated thus:

Nen dau waub I may or can see. Ge dau wau be He may or can see.
Nen dau waub Thou. Ge dau wau be wun His.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me goo I am seen. 1 Ne wau bu me goo men We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu me goo men We; In.
2 Ge wau bu me goo Thou. 2 Ge wau bu me goom You.
3 O wau bu me mau He. 3 O wau bu mau wug They.
4 O wau bu me maun His. 4 O wau bu me maun Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me goo nau bun. 1 Ne wau bu me goo me nau bun.
  1 Ge wau bu me goo me nau bun.
2 Ge wau bu me goo nau bun. 2 Ge wau bu me goom wau bun.
3 O wau bu mau bun. 3 O wau bu mau bu neeg.
4 O wau bu me mau ne bun. 4 O wau bu me mau ne bun.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me goo zee I am not seen. 1 Ne wau bu me goo zee men We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu me goo zee men We; In.
2 Ge wau bu me goo zee Thou. 2 Ge wau bu me goo zeem You.
3 O wau bu mau zee He. 3 O wau bu mau zee wug They.
4 O wau bu me zee wun His. 4 O wau bu me mau zee wun Theirs.


Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me goo zee nau bun. 1 Ne wau bu me goo zee me nau bun.
  1 Ge wau bu me goo zee me nau bun.
2 Ge wau bu me goo zee nau bun. 2 Ge wau bu me goo zeem wau bun.
3 O wau bu mau zee bun. 3 O wau bu mau zee bu neeg.
4 O wau bu me mau zee ne bun. 4 O wau bu me mau zee ne bun.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me goo me dצg Perhaps I am seen. 1 Ne wau bu me goo me nau dצg We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu me goo me nau dצg We; In.
2 Ge wau bu me goo me dצg Thou. 2 Ge wau bu me goo wau dצg You.
3 O wau bu mau dצg He. 3 O wau bu mau do ga nug They.
4 O wau bu me mau do ga nun His. 4 O wau bu me mau do ga nun Theirs.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me goo zee dצg Perhaps I am not seen. 1 Ne wau bu me goo zee me nau dצg We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu me goo zee me nau dצg We; In.
2 Ge wau bu me goo zee dצg Thou. 2 Ge wau bu me goo zeem wau dצg You.
3 O wau bu mau zee dצg He. 3 O wau bu mau zee do ga nug They.
4 O wau bu me zee do ga nun His. 4 O wau bu me goo me nau nug Theirs.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me goos I am seen with pity, unworthily. 1 Ne wau bu me goo se men We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu me goo se men We; In.
2 Ge wau bu me goos Thou. 2 Ge wau bu me goo sem You.
3 O wau bu me se He. 3 O wau bu mau se wug They.
4 O wau bu me mau se nun. His. 4 O wau bu me mau se nun Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me goo se nau bun. 1 Ne wau bu me goo se me nau bun.
  1 Ge wau bu me goo se me nau bun.
2 Ge wau bu me goo se nau bun. 2 Ge wau bu me goo sem wau bun.
3 O wau bu mau se bun. 3 O wau bu mau se bu neeg.
4 O wau bu me mau se ne bun. 4 O wau bu me mau se ne bun.


Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Ne wau bu me goo se me dצg Perhaps I am seen with pity, unworthily. 1 Ne wau bu me goo se me nau dצg We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu me goo se me nau dצg We; In.
2 Ge wau bu me goo se me dצg Thou. 2 Ge wau bu me goo sem wau dצg You.
3 O wau bu mau se dצg He. 3 O wau bu mau se do ga nug Them.
4 O wau bu me mau se do ga nun His. 4 O wau bu me mau se do ga nun Theirs.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me goo eaun If I am seen. 1 Wau bu me goo eaung We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me goo eung We; In.
2 Wau bu me goo eung Thou. 2 Wau bu me goo eag You.
3 Wau bu mend He. 3 Wau bu men dצau They.
4 Wau bu me mend His. 4 Wau bu me mend Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me goo eaum baun. 1 Wau bu me goo eaun ge bun.
  1 Wau bu me goo eun go bun.
2 Wau bu me goo eum bun. 2 Wau bu me goo ea go bun.
3 Wau bu men de bun. 3 Wau bu men dצau bun.
4 Wau bu me men de bun. 4 Wau bu me men de bun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me goo ze waun If I am not seen. 1 Wau bu me goo ze waung We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me goo ze wung We; In.
2 Wau bu me goo ze wun Thou. 2 Wau bu me goo ze wag You.
3 Wau bu mau ze wend He. 3 Wau bu muu ze wen dצau They.
4 Wau bu me mau ze wend His. 4 Wau bu me muu ze wend Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me goo ze waum baun. 1 Wau bu me goo ze waun ge bun.
  1 Wau bu me goo ze waun go bun.
2 Wau bu me goo ze wum bun. 2 Wau bu me goo ze wa go bun.
3 Wau bu mau ze wen de bun. 3 Wau bu mau ze wen dצau bun.
4 Wau bu me mau ze wen de bun. 4 Wau bu me mau ze wen de bun.


Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Wau bu me goo wau nan If peradventure I am seen. 1 Wau bu me goo waun gan We; Ex,
    1 Wau bu me goo wun gצan We; In.
2 Wau bu me goo wu nan Thou. 2 Wau bu me goo wa gצan You.
3 Wau bu mau wen dan He. 3 Wau bu mau wen dצau wan They.
4 Wau bu me mau wen dan. His. 4 Wau bu me mau wen dan Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me goo waum bau nan. 1 Wau bu me goo waun ge bu nan.
  1 Wau bu me goo wun go bu nan.
2 Wau bu me goo wum bu nan. 2 Wau bu me goo wa go bu nan.
3 Wau bu mau wen de bu nan. 3 Wau bu mau wen dצau bu nan.
4 Wau bu me mau wen de bu nan. 4 Wau bu me mau wen de bu nan.

Ze after goo, in the first and second persons, and after mau, in the third and fourth, stands for the negative.

Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me goo saun If I am seen with pity, unworthily. 1 Wau bu me goo saung We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me goo sun We; In.
2 Wau bu me goo sun Thou. 2 Wau bu me goo sag You.
3 Wau bu mau send He. 3 Wau bu mau sen dצau They.
4 Wau bu me mau se mend His. 4 Wau bu me mau se wend Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me goo saum baun. 1 Wau bu me goo saun ge bun.
  1 Wau bu me goo sun go bun.
2 Wau bu me goo sum bun. 2 Wau bu me goo sa go bun.
3 Wau bu mau sen de bun. 3 Wau bu mau sen dצau bun.
4 Wau bu me mau se men de bun. 4 Wau bu me mau se men de bun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me goo se wau nan If peradventure I am seen with pity, unworthily. 1 Wau bu me goo se waun gan We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me goo se wun gצan We; In.
2 Wau bu me goo se wau nan Thou. 2 Wau bu me goo se wa gצan You.
3 Wau bu mau se wen dan He. 3 Wau bu mau se wen dצau wan They.
4 Wau bu me muu se oen dan His. 4 Wau bu me mau se wen dun Theirs.


Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me goo se waum bau nan. 1 Wau bu me goo se waun ge bu nan.
  1 Wau bu me goo se wun go bu nan.
2 Wau bu me goo se wum bu nan. 2 Wau bu me goo se wa go bu nan.
3 Wau bu mau se wen de bu nan. 3 Wau bu mau se wen dצau bu nan.
4 Wau bu me mau se wen de bu nan. 4 Wau bu me mau se wen de bu nan.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me goo eau nen At the times I am seen. 1 Wau bu me goo eaun gen We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me goo eun gon We; In.
2 Wau bu me goo eu nen Thou. 2 Wau bu me goo ea gon You.
3 Wau bu men jen He. 3 Wau bu men dצau nen They.
4 Wau bu me men jen His. 4 Wau bu me men jen Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me goo waum bau neen. 1 Wau bu me goo eaun ge bu neen.
  1 Wau bu me goo eun go bu neen.
2 Wau bu me goo wum bu neen. 2 Wau bu me goo ea go bu neen.
3 Wau bu men de bu neen. 3 Wau bu men dצau bu neen.
4 Wau bu me men de bu neen. 4 Wau bu me men de bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me goo ze wau nen At the times I am not seen. 1 Wau bu me goo ze waun gen We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me goo ze wun gon We; In.
2 Wau bu me goo ze wau nen Thou. 2 Wau bu me goo ze wa gon You.
3 Wau bu mau ze wen jen He. 3 Wau bu mau ze wen dצau nen They.
4 Wau bu me mau ze wen jen. His. 4 Wau bu me mau ze wen jen Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me goo ze waum bau neen. 1 Wau bu me goo ze waun ge bu neen.
  1 Wau bu me goo ze wun go bu neen.
2 Wau bu me goo ze wum bu neen. 2 Wau bu me goo ze wa go bu neen.
3 Wau bu mau ze won de bu neon. 3 Wau bu mau ze wen de bu neen.
4 Wau bu me mau ze wen de bu neen. 4 Wau bu me mau ze wen de du neen.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me goo sau nen At the times I am seen with pity, unworthily. 1 Wau bu me goo saun gen We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me goo sun gon We; In.
2 Wau bu me goo sau nen Thou. 2 Wau bu me goo sun gon You.
3 Wau bu mau se wen jen He. 3 Wau bu mau se wen dצau nen They.
4 Wau bu me mau se wen jen His. 4 Wau bu me mau se wen jen Theirs.


Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me goo saum bau neen. 1 Wau bu me goo saun ge bu neen.
  1 Wau bu me goo sun go bu neen.
2 Wau bu me goo sum bu neen. 2 Wau bu me goo sa go bu neen.
3 Wau bu mau se wen de bu neen. 3 Wau bu mau se wen dצau bu neen.
4 Wau bu me mau se wen de bu neen. 4 Wau bu me mau se wen de bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me goz I am seen willingly, by my own procuring. 1 Ne wau bu me go ze men We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu me go ze men We; In.
2 Ge wau bu me goz Thou. 2 Ge wau bu me go zem You.
3 O wau bu me go ze He. 3 O wau bu me go ze wug They.
4 O wau bu me go ze wun His. 4 O wau bu me go ze wun Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me go ze nau bun. 1 Ne wau bu me go ze me nau bun.
  1 Ge wau bu me go ze me nau bun.
2 Ge wau bu me go ze nau bun. 2 Ge wau bu me go zem wau bun.
3 O wau bu me go ze bun. 3 O wau bu me go ze bu neeg.
4 O wau bu me go ze bu neen. 4 O wau bu me go ze bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me go ze zee I am not seen, etc. 1 Ne wau bu me go ze zee men We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu me go ze zee men We; In.
2 Ge wau bu me go ze zee Thou. 2 Ge wau bu me go ze zeem You.
3 O wau bu me go ze zee He. 3 O wau bu me go ze zee wug They.
4 O wau bu me go ze zee wun His. 4 O wau bu me go ze zee wun Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me go ze zee nau bun. 1 Ne wau bu me go ze zee me nau bun.
  1 Ge wau bu me go ze zee me nau bun.
2 Ge wau bu me go ze zee nau bun. 2 Ge wau bu me go ze zeem wau bun.
3 O wau bu me go ze zee bun. 3 O wau bu me go zee bu neeg.
4 O wau bu me go ze zee bu neen. 4 O wau bu me go zee bu neen.


Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Ne wau bu me go ze me dצg Perhaps I am seen. 1 Ne wau bu me go ze me nau dצg We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu me go ze me nau dצg We; In.
2 Ge wau bu me go ze me dצg Thou. 2 Ge wau bu me go zem wau dצg You.
3 O wau bu me go ze dצg He. 3 O wau bu me go ze do ga nug They.
4 O wau bu me go ze do ga nun His. 4 O wau bu me go ze do ga nun Theirs.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me go ze zee dצg Perhaps I am not seen. 1 Ne wau bu me go ze zee me nau dצg We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu me go ze zee me nau dצg We; In.
2 Ge wau bu me go ze zee dצg Thou. 2 Ge wau bu me go ze zeem wau dצg You.
3 O wau bu me go ze zee dצg He. 3 O wau bu me go ze zee do ga nug They.
4 O wau bu me go ze zee do ga nun His. 4 O wau bu me go ze zee do ga nun Theirs.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me go zes I am seen with pity unworthily, or am desirous of being seen with pity. 1 Ne wau bu me go ze se men We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu me go ze se men We; In.
2 Ge wau bu me go zes Thou. 2 Ge wau bu me go ze sem You.
3 O wau bu me go ze se He. 3 O wau bu me go ze se wug Them.
4 O wau bu me go ze se wun His. 4 O wau bu me go ze se wun Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me go ze se nau bun. 1 Ne wau bu me go ze se me nau bun.
  1 Ge wau bu me go ze se me nau bun.
2 Ge wau bu me go ze se nau bun. 2 Ge wau bu me go ze sem wau bun.
3 O wau bu me go ze se bun. 3 O wau bu me go ze se bu neeg.
4 O wau bu me go ze se bu neen. 4 O wau bu me go ze se bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bu me go ze se me dצg Perhaps I am seen with pity, etc. 1 Ne wau bu me go ze se me nau dצg We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bu me go ze se me nau dצg We; In.
2 Ge wau bu me go ze se me dצg Thou. 2 Ge wau bu me go ze sem wau dצg You.
3 O wau bu me go ze se dצg He. 3 O wau bu me go ze se do ga nug They.
4 O wau bu me go ze se do ga nun His. 4 O wau bu me go ze se do ga nun Theirs.


Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Wau bu me go ze eaun If I am seen, or desirous of being seen. 1 Wau bu me go ze eaung We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me go ze eung We; In.
2 Wau bu me go ze eun Thou. 2 Wau bu me go ze eag You.
3 Wau bu me go zed He. 3 Wau bu me go ze waud They.
4 Wau bu me go ze ned His. 4 Wau bu me go ze ned Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me go ze eaum buun. 1 Wau bu me go ze eaun ge bun.
  1 Wau bu me go ze eun go bun.
2 Wau bu me go ze eum bun 2 Wau bu me go ze ea go bun.
3 Wau bu me go ze bun. 3 Wau bu me go ze wau bun.
4 Wau bu me go ze ne bun. 4 Wau bu me go ze ne bun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me go ze ze waun If am not seen. 1 Wau bu me go ze ze waung We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me go ze ze wung We; In.
2 Wau bu me go ze ze wun Thou. 2 Wau bu me go ze ze wag You.
3 Wau bu me go ze zeg He. 3 Wau bu me go ze ze gצau They.
4 Wau bu me go ze neg His. 4 Wau bu me go ze ze neg Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me go ze ze waum baun. 1 Wau bu me go ze ze waun ge bun.
  1 Wau bu me go ze ze wun go bun.
2 Wau bu me go ze ze wum bun. 2 Wau bu me go ze ze wa go bun.
3 Wau bu me go ze ze bun. 3 Wau bu me go ze ze gצau bun.
4 Wau bu me go ze ze ne ge bun. 4 Wau bu me go ze ze ne ge bun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me go ze wau nan If I chance to be seen, or desirous of being seen. 1 Wau bu me go ze waun gan We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me go ze wun gצan We; In.
2 Wau bu me go ze wu nan Thou. 2 Wau bu me go ze wa gצan You.
3 Wau bu me go ze gצan He. 3 Wau bu me go ze wau gצan They.
4 Wau bu me go ze ne gצan His. 4 Wau bu me go ze ne gצan Theirs.


Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me go ze waum bau nan. 1 Wau bu me go ze waun ge bu nan.
  1 Wau bu me go ze wun go bu nan.
2 Wau bu me go ze wum bu nan. 2 Wau bu me go ze wa go bu nan.
3 Wau bu me go ze go bu nan. 3 Wau bu me go ze wau go bu nan.
4 Wau bu me go ze ne go bu nan. 4 Wau bu me go ze ne go bu nan.

Zee after ze, stands for the negative in these voices.

Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me go ze saun If I am seen with pity, unworthily. 1 Wau bu me go ze saung We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me go ze sung We; In.
2 Wau bu me go ze sun Thou. 2 Wau bu me go ze sag You.
3 Wau bu me go ze sed He. 3 Wau bu me go ze se waud They.
4 Wau bu me go ze se ned His. 4 Wau bu me go ze ned Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me go ze saum baun. 1 Wau bu me go ze saun ge bun.
  1 Wau bu me go ze saun go bun.
2 Wau bu me go ze sum bun. 2 Wau bu me go ze sa go bun.
3 Wau bu me go ze se bun. 3 Wau bu me go ze se wau bun.
4 Wau bu me go ze se ne bun. 4 Wau bu me go ze se ne bun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me go ze se wau nan If peradventure I am seen with pity, etc. 1 Wau bu me go ze se waun gan We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me go ze se wun gצan We; In.
2 Wau bu me go ze se wu nan Thou. 2 Wau bu me go ze se wa gצan You.
3 Wau bu me go ze se gצan He. 3 Wau bu me go ze se wau gצan They.
4 Wau bu me go ze se ne gצan His. 4 Wau bu me go ze se ne gצan Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me go ze se waum bau nan. 1 Wau bu me go ze se waun ge bu nan.
  1 Wau bu me go ze se wun go bu nan.
2 Wau bu me go ze se wum bu nan. 2 Wau bu me go ze se wa go bu nan.
3 Wau bu go bu ze se go bu nan. 3 Wau bu me go ze se wau go bu nan.
4 Wau bu go bu ze se ne go bu nan. 4 Wau bu me go ze se ne go bu nan.


Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Wau bu me go ze eau nen. At the times I am seen, or am desirous of being seen. 1 Wau bu me go ze eun gen We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me go ze eun gon We; In.
2 Wau bu me go ze eu nen. Thou. 2 Wau bu me go ze ea gon You.
3 Wau bu me go ze jen. He. 3 Wau bu me go ze wau jen They.
4 Wau bu me go ze ne jen His. 4 Wau bu me go ze ne jen Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me go ze eaum bun neen. 1 Wau bu me go ze eaun ge bu neen.
  1 Wau bu me go ze eun go bu neen.
2 Wau bu me go ze eum bu neen. 2 Wau bu me go ze ea go bu neen.
3 Wau bu me go ze go bu neen. 3 Wau bu me go ze wau go bu neen.
4 Wau bu me go ze ne go bu neen. 4 Wau bu me go ze ne go bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me go ze ze wau nen At the times I am not seen. 1 Wau bu me go ze ze waun gen We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me go ze ze wun gon We; In.
2 Wau bu me go ze ze wu nen Thou. 2 Wau bu me go ze ze wa gon You.
3 Wau bu me go ze ze gon He. 3 Wau bu me go ze ze gצau nen They.
4 Wau bu me go ze ze ne gon His 4 Wau bu me go ze ze ne gon Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me go ze ze waum bau neen. 1 Wau bu me go ze ze waun ge bu neen.
  1 Wau bu me go ze ze wun go bu neen.
2 Wau bu me go ze ze wum bu neen. 2 Wau bu me go ze ze wa go bu neen.
3 Wau bu me go ze ze go bu neen. 3 Wau bu me go ze ze wau go bu neen.
4 Wau bu me go ze ze ne go bu neen. 4 Wau bu me go ze ze ne go bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bu me go ze au nen At the times I am seen with pity, unworthily. 1 Wau bu me go ze saun gen We; Ex.
    1 Wau bu me go ze sun gon We; In.
2 Wau bu me go ze su nen Thou. 2 Wau bu me go ze sa gon You.
3 Wau bu me go ze se jen He. 3 Wau bu me go ze se wau jen They.
4 Wau bu me go ze se ne jen His. 4 Wau bu me go ne se wau jen Theirs.


Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bu me go ze saum bau neen. 1 Wau bu me go ze saun ge bu neen.
  1 Wau bu me go ze sun go bu neen.
2 Wau bu me go ze sum bu neen. 2 Wau bu me go ze sa go bu neen.
3 Wau bu me go ze se go neen. 3 Wau bu me go ze se wau go bu neen.
4 Wau bu me go ze se ne go bu neen. 4 Wau bu me go ze se ne go bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bun je ga I see — look on — I am a spectator. 1 Ne wau bun je ga men We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bun je ga men We; In.
2 Ge wau bun je ga Thou. 2 Ge wau bun je ga gam You.
3 O wau bun je ga He. 3 O wau bun je ga wug They.
4 O wau bun je ga wun His. 4 O wau bun je ga wun Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bun je ga nau bun. 1 Ne wau bun je ga me nau bun.
  1 Ge wau bun je ga me nau bun.
2 Ge wau bun je ga nau bun. 2 Ge wau bun je gam wau bun.
3 O wau bun je ga bun. 3 O wau bun je ga bu neeg.
4 O wau bun je ga bu neen. 4 O wau bun je ga bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bun je ga zee I do not see — I am not a spectator. 1 Ne wau bun je ga zee men We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bun je ga zee men We; In.
2 Ge wau bun je ga zee Thou. 2 Ge wau bun je ga zeem You.
3 O wau bun je ga zee He. 3 O wau bun je ga zee wug They.
4 O wau bun je ga zee wun His. 4 O wau bun je ga zee wun Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bun je ga zee nau bun. 1 Ne wau bu je ga zee me nau bun.
  1 Ge wau bu je ga zee me nau bun.
2 Ge wau bun je ga zee nau bun. 2 Ge wau bu je ga zeem wau bun.
3 O wau bun je ga zee bun. 3 O wau bu je ga zee bu neeg.
4 O wau bun je ga zee bu neen. 4 O wau bu je ga neen.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bun je ga me dצg Perhaps I see, or look on. 1 Ne wau bun je ga me nau dצg We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bun je ga me nau dצg We; In.
2 Ge wau bun je ga me dצg Thou. 2 Ge wau bun je gam wau dצg You.
3 O wau bun je ga dצg He. 3 O wau bun je ga do ga nug They.
4 O wau bun je ga do ga nun His. 4 O wau bun je ga do ga nun Theirs.


Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Ne wau bun je ga zee dצg Perhaps I do not see. 1 Ne wau bun je ga zee me nau dצg We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bun je ga zee me nau dצg We; Tn.
2 Ge wau bun je ga zee dצg Thou. 2 Ge wau bun je ga zeem wau dog You.
3 O wau bun je ga zee dצg He. 3 O wau bun je ga zee do ga nug They.
4 O wau bun je ga zee do ga nun His. 4 O wau bun je ga zee do ga nun Theirs.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bun je gas I see poorly — I am an unworthy spectator. 1 Ne wau bun je ga se men We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bun je ga se men We; In.
2 Ge wau bun je gas Thou. 2 Ge wau bun je ga sem You.
3 O wau bun je ga se He. 3 O wau bun je ga se wug They.
4 O wau bun je ga se wun His. 4 O wau bun je ga se wun Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bun je ga se nau bun. 1 Ne wau bun je ga se me nau bun.
  1 Ge wau bun je ga se me nau bun.
2 Ge wau bun je ga se nau bun. 2 Ge wau bun je ga sem wau bun.
3 O wau bun je ga se bun. 3 O wau bun je ga se bu neeg.
4 O wau bun je ga se bu neen. 4 O wau bun je ga neen.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bun je ga se me dצg Perhaps I see poorly, or am an unworthy spectator. 1 Ne wau bun je ga se me nau dצg We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bun je ga se me nau dצg We; In.
2 Ge wau bun je ga se me dצg Thou. 2 Ge wau bun je ga sem wau dצg You.
3 O wau bun je ga se me dצg He. 3 O wau bun je ga se do ga nug They.
4 O wau bun je ga se me do ga nun His. 4 O wau bun je ga se do ga nun Theirs.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bun je ga eaun If I see, or am a spectator. 1 Wau bun je ga eaung We; Ex.
    1 Wau bun je ga eung We; In.
2 Wau bun je ga eun Thou. 2 Wau bun je ga eag You.
3 Wau bun je gad He. 3 Wau bun je ga oaud They.
4 Wau bun ja ga ned His. 4 Wau bun je ga ned Theirs.


Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bun je ga eaum baun. 1 Wau bun je ga eaun ge bun.
  1 Wau bun je ga eun go bun.
2 Wau bun je ga eun bun. 2 Wau bun je ga ea go bun.
3 Wau bun je ga bun. 3 Wau bun je ga wau bun.
4 Wau bun je ga ne bun. 4 Wau bun je ga ne bun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bun je ga ze waun If I do not see. — If I am not a spectator. 1 Wau bun je ga ze waung We; Ex.
    1 Wau bun je ga ze wung We; In.
2 Wau bun je ga ze wun Thou. 2 Wau bun je ga ze wag You.
3 Wau bun je ga zeg He. 3 Wau bun je ga ze gצau They.
4 Wau bun je ga ze neg His. 4 Wau bun je ga ze neg Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bun je ga ze waum bun. 1 Wau bun je ga ze waun ge bun.
  1 Wau bun je ga ze wun go bun.
2 Wau bun je ga ze wum bun. 2 Wau bun je ga ze wa go bun.
3 Wau bun je ga ze bun. 3 Wau bun je ga ze gצau bun.
4 Wau bun je ga ze ne ge bun. 4 Wau bun je ga ze ne ge bun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bun je ga saun If I see poorly, unworthily, or am an unworthy spectator. 1 Wau bun je ga saung We; Ex.
    1 Wau bun je ga sung We; In.
    2 Wau bun je ga sag You,
2 Wau bun je ga sun Thou. 3 Wau bun je ga se waud They.
3 Wau bun je ga sed He. 4 Wau bun je ga se ned Theirs.
4 Wau bun je ga se ned His.    
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bun je ga saum baun. 1 Wau bun je ga saun ge bun.
  1 Wau bun je ga sun go bun.
2 Wau bun je ga sum bun. 2 Wau bun je ga sa go bun.
3 Wau bun je ga se bun. 3 Wau bun je ga se ouu bun.
4 Wau bun je ga se ne bun. 4 Wau bun je ga se ne bun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bun je ga wau nan If I chance to see, or be a spectator. 1 Wau bun je ga waun gan We; Ex.
    1 Wau bun je ga wun gצan We; In.
2 Wau bun je ga wu nan Thou. 2 Wau bun je ga wa gצan You.
3 Wau bun je ga gצan He. 3 Wau bun ja ga wau gצan They.
4 Wau bun je ga ne gצan His. 4 Wau bun ja ga ne gצan Theirs.


Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bun je ga waum bau nan. 1 Wau bun je ga waun ge bu nan.
  1 Wau bun je ga wun go bu nan.
2 Wau bun je ga wum bu nan. 2 Wau bun je ga wa go bu nan.
3 Wau bun je ga go bu nan. 3 Wau bun je ga wau go bu nan.
4 Wau bun je ga ne go bu nan. 4 Wau bun je ga ne go bu nan.

Zee after ga, is for the negative; and se after ga, for the doubtful plaintive voices.

Present Tense.
1 Wau bun je ga eau nen At the times I see, or am a looker-on. 1 Wau bun je ga eaun gen We; Ex.
    1 Wau bun je ga eun gon We; In.
2 Wau bun je ga eu nen Thou. 2 Wau bun je ga ea gon You.
3 Wau bun je ga je He. 3 Wau bun je ga wau jen They.
4 Wau bun je ga ne jen His. 4 Wau bun je ga ne jen Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bun je ga eaum bau neen. 1 Wau bun je ga eaun ge bu neen.
  1 Wau bun je ga eun go bu neen.
2 Wau bun je ga eum bu neen. 2 Wau bun je ga ea go bu neen.
3 Wau bun je ga go bu neen. 3 Wau bun je ga wau bu neen.
4 Wau bun je ga ne go bu neen. 4 Wau bun je ga ne bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bun je ga ze wau nen At the times I do not see. 1 Wau bun je ga ze waun gen We; Ex.
    1 Wau bun je ga ze wun gon We; In.
2 Wau bun je ga ze wu nen Thou. 2 Wau bun je ga wa gon You.
3 Wau bun je ga ze gon He. 3 Wau bun je ga gצau nen They.
4 Wau bun je ga ze ne gon His. 4 Wau bun je ga ne gon Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bun je ga ze waum bau neen. 1 Wau bun je ga ze waun ge bu neen.
  1 Wau bun je ga ze wun go bu neen.
2 Wau bun je ga ze wum bu neen. 2 Wau bun je ga ze wa go bu neen.
3 Wau bun je ga ze go bu neen. 3 Wau bun je ga ze wau go bu neen.
4 Wau bun je ga ze ne go bu neen. 4 Wau bun je ga ze ne go bu neen.


Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Wau bun je ga sau nen At the times I see poorly, or am an unworthy spectator. 1 Wau bun je ga saun gen We; Ex.
    1 Wau bun je ga sun gon We; In.
2 Wau bun je ga su nen Thou. 2 Wau bun je ga sa gon You.
3 Wau bun je ga se jen He. 3 Wau bun je ga se wau jen They.
4 Wau bun je ga se ne jen His. 4 Wau bun je ga se ne jen Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bun je ga saum bau neen. 1 Wau bun je ga saun ge bu neen.
  1 Wau bun je ga sun go bu neen.
2 Wau bun je ga sum bu neen. 2 Wau bun je ga sa go bu neen.
3 Wau bun je ga se go bu neen. 3 Wau bun je ga se wau go bu neen.
4 Wau bun je ga se ne go bu neen. 4 Wau bun je ga se ne go bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bun dez I see myself. 1 Ne wau bun de zoo men We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bun de zoo men We; In.
2 Ge wau bun dez Thou. 2 Ge wau bun de zoom You.
3 O wau bun de zoo He. 3 O wau bun de zoo wug They.
4 O wau bun de wun His. 4 O wau bun de zoo wun Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bun de zoo nau bun. 1 Ne wau bun de zoo me nau bun.
  1 Ge wau bun de zoo me nau bun.
2 Ge wau bun de zoo nau bun. 2 Ge wau bun de zoom wau bun.
3 O wau bun de zoo bun. 3 O wau bun de zoo bu neeg.
4 O wau bun de zoo bu neen. 4 O wau bun de zoo bu neen.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bun de zoo zee I do not see myself. 1 Ne wau bun de zoo zee men We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bun de zoo zee men We; In.
2 Ge wau bun de zoo zee Thou. 2 Ge wau bun de zoo zeem You.
3 O wau bun de zoo zee He. 3 O wau bun de zee wug They.
4 O wau bun de zoo zee wun His. 4 O wau bun de zee wun Theirs.


Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bun de zoo zee nau bun. 1 Ne wau bun de zoo zee me nau bun.
  1 Ge wau bun de zoo zee me nau bun.
2 Ge wau bun de zoo zee nau bun. 2 Ge wau bun de zoo zeem wau bun.
3 O wau bun de zoo zee bun. 3 O wau bun de zoo zee bu neeg.
4 O wau bun de zoo zee bu neen. 4 O wau bun de zoo zee bu neeg.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bun de zoo me dצg Perhaps I see myself. 1 Ne wau bun de zoo me nau dצg We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bun de zoo me nau dצg We; In.
2 Ge wau bun de zoo me dצg Thou. 2 Ge wau bun de zoom wau dצg You.
3 O wau bun de zoo we dצg He. 3 O wau bun de zoo do ga nug They.
4 O wau bun de zoo we do ga nun. His. 4 O wau bun de zoo do ga nun Theirs.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bun de zoo zee dצg Perhaps I do not see myself. 1 Ne wau bun de zoo zee me nau dog. We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bun de zoo zee me nau dצg We; In.
2 Ge wau bun de zoo zee dצg Thou. 2 Ge wau bun de zoo zeem wau dצg You.
3 O wau bun de zoo zee dצg He. 3 O wau bun de zoo zee do ga nug They.
4 O wau bun de zoo zee do ga nun His 4 O wau bun de zoo zee do ga nun Theirs.
Present Tense.
1 Ne wau bun de zoos I see myself with pity. 1 Ne wau bun de zoo se men We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bun de zoo se men We; In.
2 Ge wau bun de zoos Thou 2 Ge wau bun de zoo sem You.
3 O wau bun de zoo se He. 3 O wau bun de ze se wug They.
4 O wau bun de zoo se wun His. 4 O wau bun de ze se wun Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Ne wau bun de zoo se nau bun. 1 Ne wau bun de zoo se me nau bun.
  1 Ge wau bun de zoo se me nau bun.
2 Ge wau bun de zoo se nau bun. 2 Ge wau bun de zoo sem wau bun.
3 O wau bun de zoo se bun. 3 O wau bun de zoo se bu neeg.
4 O wau bun de zoo se bu neen. 4 O wau bun de zoo se bu neen.


Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Ne wau bun de zoo se me dצg Perhaps I see myself with pity. 1 Ne wau bun de zoo se me nau dצg We; Ex.
    1 Ge wau bun de zoo se me nau dצg We; In.
2 Ge wau bun de zoo se me dצg Thou. 2 Ge wau bun de zoo sem wau dצg You.
3 O wau bun de zoo se dצg He. 3 O wau bun de zoo se do ga nug They.
4 O wau bun de zoo se do ga nun His. 4 O wau bun de zoo se do ga nun Theirs.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bun de zo eaun If I see myself. 1 Wau bun de zo eaung We; Ex.
    1 Wau bun de zo eung We; In.
2 Wau bun de zo eun Thou. 2 Wau bun de zo eag You.
3 Wau bun de zod He. 3 Wau bun de zo waud They.
4 Wau bun de zo ned His. 4 Wau bun de zo ned Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bun de zo eaum baun. 1 Wau bun de zo eaun ge bun.
  1 Wau bun de zo eun go bun.
2 Wau bun de zo eum bun. 2 Wau bun de zo ea go bun.
3 Wau bun de zo bun. 3 Wau bun de zo wau bun.
4 Wau bun de zo ne bun. 4 Wau bun de zo ne bun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bun de zo ze waun If I do not see myself. 1 Wau bun de zo ze waung We; Ex.
    1 Wau bun de zo ze wung We; In.
2 Wau bun de zo ze wun Thou. 2 Wau bun de zo ze wag You.
3 Wau bun de zo zeg He. 3 Wau bun de zo ze gצau They.
4 Wau bun de zo ze neg His. 4 Wau bun de zo ze neg Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bun de zo ze waum baun. 1 Wau bun de zo ze waun ge bun.
  1 Wau bun de zo ze wun go bun.
2 Wau bun de zo ze wum bun. 2 Wau bun de zo ze wa go bun.
3 Wau bun de zo ze bun. 3 Wau bun de zo ze gצau bun.
4 Wau bun de zo ne ge bun. 4 Wau bun de zo ze ne ge bun.


Present Tense.
Singular. Plural.
1 Wau bun do zo wau nan If I chance to see myself. 1 Wau bun de zo waun gan We; Ex.
    1 Wau bun de zo wun gצan We; In.
2 Wau bun do zo wu nan Thou. 2 Wau bun de zo wa gצan You.
3 Wau bun do zo gצan He. 3 Wau bun de zo wau gצan They.
4 Wau bun do zo ne gצan His. 4 Wau bun de zo ne gצan Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bun de zo waum bau nan. 1 Wau bun de zo waun ge bu nan.
  1 Wau bun de zo wun go bu nan.
2 Wau bun de zo wum bu nan. 2 Wau bun de zo wa go bu nan.
3 Wau bun de zo go bu nan. 3 Wau bun de zo wau go bu nan.
4 Wau bun de zo ne go bu nan. 4 Wau bun de zo ne go bu nan.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bun de zo saun If I see myself with pity. 1 Wau bun de zo saung We; Ex.
    1 Wau bun de zo sung We; In.
2 Wau bun de zo sun Thou. 2 Wau bun de zo sag You.
3 Wau bun de zo sed He. 3 Wau bun de zo se waud They.
4 Wau bun de zo se ned His. 4 Wau bun de zo se ned Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bun de zo saum baun. 1 Wau bun de zo saun ge bun.
  1 Wau bun de zo sun go bun.
2 Wau bun de zo sum bun. 2 Wau bun de zo sa go bun.
3 Wau bun de zo se bun. 3 Wau bun de zo se wau bun.
4 Wau bun de zo se ne bun. 4 Wau bun de zo se ne bun.
Present Tense.
1 Wau bun de zo se wau nan If I chance to see myself with pity. 1 Wau bun de zo se waun gan We; Ex.
    1 Wau bun de zo se wun gצan We; In.
2 Wau bun de zo se wu nan Thou 2 Wau bun de zo se wa gצan You.
3 Wau bun de zo se gצan He. 3 Wau bun de zo se wau gצan They.
4 Wau bun de zo se ne gצan His. 4 Wau bun de zo se ne gצan Theirs.
Imperfect Tense.
1 Wau bun de zo se waum bau nan. If I, etc., Ex. 1 Wau bun de zo se waun ge bu nan. If we, etc., Ex.
    1 Wau bun de zo se wun go bu nan. If we, etc., In.
2 Wau bun de zo se wum bu nan. If I, etc., In. 2 Wau