Dickinson, Edward B., Stenographer; National Democratic Committee. Official Proceedings of the National Democratic Convention, Held in Chicago, ILL., July 8th, 9th, 10th, and 11th, 1884 . New York: Douglas Taylor's Democratic Printing House, 1884. [format: book], [genre: proceedings]. Permission: Northern Illinois University
Persistent link to this document: http://lincoln.lib.niu.edu/file.php?file=democrat1884.html

CHICAGO, July 9, 1884.

Pursuant to adjournment, the Convention met at II o'clock A. M., Wednesday, July 9, 1884.

The Convention was called to order by the Chairman, Mr. Hubbard, at II.20 o'clock A. M., as follows:

THE CHAIR: The Convention will come to order. The Convention will be opened with prayer by the Rt.-Rev. Bishop McLaren, Bishop of the Diocese of Chicago. The Convention will please rise.

Let us pray. Our Father, who art in Heaven, hallowed be Thy name. Thy kingdom come, Thy will be done on earth as it in Heaven. Give us this day our daily bread, and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us. And lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil. For Thine is the kingdom, and the power, and the glory, forever and ever. Amen.

O God, who art the blessed and the only Potentate, the King of Kings, and the Lord of Lords, the Almighty Ruler of nations, we adore and magnify Thy glorious name for all the great things which Thou hast done for us as a people. We render Thee thanks for the goodly heritage which Thou hast given us, for the civil and religious privileges which we enjoy, and for the multiplied manifestations of Thy favor, O God, to the American people. Grant we may show forth our thankfulness for these, Thy mercies, by living in remembrance of Thy Almighty power and dominion, in humble reliance upon Thy goodness and mercy, and in holy obedience to Thy righteous law. And preserve to our country, O God, the blessings of peace and prosperity; and especially we implore Thy blessing upon

all those who are or shall be in Legislative, Judicial and Executive authority, that they may have grace, wisdom and understanding so to discharge their duties as most effectually to promote Thy glory, the interests of religion and virtue, and the peace, good order and welfare of this Nation. Send Thy light and Thy truth forth over all the people, O Thou, that holdest the Nations in the hollow of thy hand, and bestow upon all the multitude of our citizens intelligence joined to morality; sagacity united with energy; present activity of secular development tempered by sober contemplation of that future in which our children and our children's children shall enjoy the result of our regulated liberty, or suffer the consequences of our selfish disregard of the eternal laws of God. Save us from the guilt of abusing the blessings of prosperity to luxury and licentiousness, to irreligion and vice, lest we provoke Thee in just judgment to visit our offenses with the rod, and our sins with scourges. And upon the Convention here assembled we humbly beseech Thy blessing; that the influence of patriotism may be supreme; that the on-looking eye of the God of our fathers may penetrate every heart, and that all things may be done for the welfare of the land and the glory of Thy name; and all these things we fervently ask in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ.

The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ and the love of God and the fellowship of the Holy Ghost be with us all forevermore. Amen.

MR. JAMES JENKINS, of Wisconsin: Mr. Chairman —

THE CHAIR: The gentleman from Wisconsin. The Convention will come to order. Mr. Jenkins has the floor. Before I recognize the gentleman, I will state that under the regular order of proceeding, the minutes of yesterday will be read, unless some motion is made to dispense with their reading.

MR. FRAME, of Missouri: I move that the reading of the minutes be dispensed with.

This motion was adopted, and the reading of the minutes was dispensed with.

MR. JENKINS: Mr. Chairman, I have a communication from the Committee on Resolutions which I desire to have read.

THE CHAIR: The communication will be read by the Secretary, and the Convention will give it attention.

The Reading Clerk read the communication as follows:

To the Chairman of the National Democratic Convention:

The Committee on Resolutions respectfully report to the Convention that they are diligently engaged in attention to the duties of their appointment, but do not expect to be able to report such resolutions as they may agree upon to the Convention before to-morrow morning. The Committee therefore ask leave to sit during such session of the Convention as may be held to-day.

Respectfully submitted,
MALCOLM HAY,
Acting Chairman.
Committee Room, Iroquois Club, July 9, 1884.

THE CHAIR: Leave will be granted unless objection is made by the Convention.

MR. JOHN W. CUMMINGS, of Massachusetts: I have a resolution and memorials which I desire to present.

THE CHAIR: The resolution and memorials will be sent up and read by the Clerk.

The Reading Clerk read the resolution as follows:

"Resolved, That the Committee on Resolutions heretofore appointed be and are hereby directed to give a hearing to the Committee of the Irish National League of America, who are appointed to deliver an address on the subject of the ‘Ownership of Realty in the United States by Aliens.’"

THE CHAIR: All resolutions of this character, under the rules, go to the Committee on Resolutions without debate.

THE READING CLERK: Also a memorial of the Sumner National Independents.

THE CHAIR: That will be so referred.

THE READING CLERK: Also a memorial from the New York State Woman Suffrage Association.

New York, July 3d, 1884,
163 East 49th Street.

To the Democratic Convention:

In behalf of the women of New York we earnestly pray you to adopt the enclosed resolution.

Lillie Devereux Blake, President. Clara Neyman. Ch. Ex. Com.

Whereas, The Democratic party took its rise in the demand for universal suffrage, and holds as its foundation principle the equal rights of all citizens to the ballot; therefore,

Resolved, That we view with favor the efforts of the women citizens of the Nation to secure protection in their right to vote.

THE CHAIR: The same order.

THE READING CLERK: Also a memorial of the World's Arbitration League.

To the Officers and Delegates of the Democratic Party In Convention assembled at Chicago, Ill., for the purpose of selecting a suitable person to fill the office in chief of Executive department; also to formulate and recommend a system of policy which, in the judgment of your honorable body, would promote the peace, happiness and prosperity of our common country.

Your memorialist would respectfully call your attention to an enterprise which has for its object the ultimate and final extinction of war. The friends of this enterprise are an organized body, auxiliary to the various peace societies, both on this Continent and that of Europe. The headquarters of the organization is located at Washington, D. C., with its corps of officers, and is styled "The

World's Arbitration League," and in order to extend and facilitate the object of the organization have decided to appoint an agent in each State and Territory of these United States, whom they style Vice-President of the World's Arbitration League, whose duty it is to induce as many papers, both political and religious, to give such notoriety to the enterprise as can be obtained. It is further the duty of said agents to bring the subject-matter before such Conventions as the one in which you are engaged, and would suggest that your memorialist believes that your honorable body could not adopt any measure of policy that would redound more to the honor and intelligence of your body than a plank (so to speak) in your platform of principles and policy than one in commendation of this enterprise, which towers as far above the ordinary policies suggested by political aspirants as the heavens are above the earth. You would do well to remember, there is a tide in the current of human affairs, if taken at the flood, will lead to success; this applies to communities as well as individuals. Should you not deem it prudent to adopt in your platform of principles this plank, you certainly will not refuse to commend the same.

The opinion and judgment of your memorialist is that the political party who shall take the lead in promoting this cause of peace on earth and good will among men will achieve more honor and glory than all the military heroes from the days of Alexander the Great to the present date, 1884; hoping and believing you will cordially entertain the subject, as this is the kind of protection contemplated by the Constitution of our Fathers, so as to protect the weak against the oppression of the strong. It is likewise the duty of the Government to perfect society as far as possible. We must remember that protection is preferable to perfection. It is certainly the duty of the Government to protect her citizens from war, famine and pestilence, war by treaty arbitration, or adjudication. Hoping that wisdom and harmony may prevail in all your deliberations, and that you will do yourselves the honor and the cause of peace on earth and good will among men the benefit of your influence, which will gratify and encourage the friends of peace, and will be highly appreciated by your memorialist,

I am respectfully,
Joseph Ramsay,
Vice-President of the World's Arbitration League,
Shelbyville, Tennessee, July 4, 1884.

THE CHAIR: The same order.

MR. HENRY F. HARRINGTON, of Missouri: I have a resolution that I desire referred to the Committee on Platform.

The resolution was then sent up to the platform and read by the Reading Clerk as follows:

Resolved, That the employment of convict labor in competition with the toil of honorable men and women is a foul indignity and insult to them, and utterly foreign and contrary to the spirit and genius of our Republic.

THE CHAIR: It will go to the Committee on Resolutions.

Mr. Sweeney, of Texas, offered the following communication, which was read from the Clerk's desk:

To the Representatives of the Democracy in Convention Assembled:

We, the undersigned, representing the laboring population of the City of Galveston, Texas, request your honorable body to insert in your platform, when formulated, a declaration to the effect that the Eight Hour Law, as already passed, should in the future be rigidly enforced, and be no longer a dead letter.

We also ask that it be recommended and be announced as the sense of the Convention that there shall be appointed by the executive officer upon whom the duty may be devolved as Commissioner in charge of the Bureau of Labor Statistics a man who is able to carry out the endorsement and meet with the approval of the laboring classes of the country. Upon both of these subjects we invoke your favorable consideration.

PATRICK H.GOLDEN,
President of Galveston Trades Assembly and Labor Union,
Galveston, Texas.

The communication was referred to the Committee on Resolutions.

Mr. Rubens, of Illinois, submitted the following resolution:

The Democratic party is unalterably opposed to all sorts of sumptuary laws, and determined to secure to the citizen the greatest amount of personal liberty compatible with the public welfare, believing that

every citizen should enjoy certain inalienable rights, in which he must be protected even against the will of the majority.

THE CHAIR: The resolution goes to the Committee under the rules.

MR. POWERS, of Michigan: I desire to offer the following resolution:

The resolution was sent to the Clerk's desk, and read as follows:

Resolved, That it is the sense of this Convention that its action yesterday upon the resolution offered by Senator Grady, of New York, was intended to apply only to Delegations from States which instructed their representatives in this body to vote as a unit.

THE CHAIR: Referred to the Committee on Platform under the rules.

SENATOR GRADY, of New York: Mr. Chairman, I suggest that the resolution is entirely proper, but that it was offered by Mr. Smalley, of Vermont, and was not offered by me, and the resolution should be amended in that respect.

THE CHAIR: The mover of the resolution hears the suggestion of the gentleman from New York. He can accept it or not as he sees proper. The resolution goes to the Committee on Platform.

MR. C. M. TAYLOR, of Arkansas: Mr. Chairman, I desire to submit the report of the Committee on Credentials.

THE CHAIR: The Chairman of the Committee on Credentials sends up his report.

THE READING CLERK: Mr. Taylor, of Arkansas, Chairman of the Committee on Credentials, submits the following report:

Chicago, July 8.
To the Honorable Chairman and Members of the Democratic Convention:

Your Committee on Credentials beg leave to submit the following report, and recommend the adoption of the following names as the roll-call of the Convention.

MR. FRAME, of Missouri: Mr. Chairman, I move that the reading of the names be dispensed with.

THE CHAIR: It will be so ordered unless a motion is made to the contrary.

The Clerk continued the reading of the report as follows:

In Massachusetts, a contest appearing in the Twelfth Congressional District, your Committee, after a full investigation of the facts, unanimously recommend that the parties — Joseph T. Callan, E. McA. Learned, A. L. Perry and George H. Bleloch — be admitted to this Convention, and each shall be entitled to one-half vote.

Your Committee unanimously recommend that the following named Delegates from the several Territories embraced in the call of National Democratic Committee and the District of Columbia be admitted to the floor of this Convention, participate in its deliberations, and be entitled to vote upon all questions.

Respectfully submitted.
C. M. Taylor,Chairman.
Maurice Schmitt, Secretary.

THE CHAIR: The question is on the adoption of the report of the Committee on Credentials.

MR. L. L. MCARTHUR, of Oregon: I move that the report be adopted.

MR. RANDOLPH, of New Jersey: I have a resolution amending the report of the Committee on Credentials.

THE CHAIR: The gentleman from New Jersey offers an amendment to the report.

THE READING CLERK: An amendment offered by the gentleman from New Jersey:

"Resolved, That the Territorial Delegates be not allowed to vote on the floor of this Convention."

MR. RANDOLPH: As a member of the Committee on Credentials I move this amendment in order to conform to the usage of Democratic Conventions previous to this one. This is a Republican precedent. The Delegates from these Territories have no votes at home and they should have no votes here; and I think this is a poor year to follow Republican precedent.

THE CHAIR: The question is on the adoption of the amendment offered by the gentlemen from New Jersey.

MR. L. L. MCARTHUR: As a representative of the Pacific Coast, as a friend of the people of the Territories, as a Democrat, I raise my

voice against the motion or the amendment of the gentleman from New Jersey. It seems to me that every Democrat in this broad land, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, from the Lakes to the Everglades, has a living, vital interest in the proceedings of this Convention, and it would be unjust to the people who are struggling to build up the Territories into prosperous States to adopt this amendment and silence the voices of the Delegates that have been invited to attend, and came here with the understanding that they would participate fully and freely in the deliberations of this body.

The question was put.

THE CHAIR: The amendment is lost; The question is upon the adoption of the report.

The question was put and the report was adopted.

The following is the official list of the Delegates to the National Democratic Convention, as reported by the Committee on Credentials and taken from the original report ^[7] of that Committee:

E. W. Pettus.
H. C. Tompkins.
L. Pope Walker.
Joseph F. Johnston.

District.
1st — D. P. Bestar.
C. L. Scott.
2d — J. T. B. Foard. ^[8]
J. H. Clisby.
3d — J. M. White.
John A. Kirkpatrick.
4th — J. E. Webb. ^[9]
J. C. Compton.

District.
5th — W. F. Wilkinson.
S. J. Darby.
6th — T. C. Clarke.
L. B. Musgrove.
7th — J. A. Walden.
J. F. B. Jackson.
8th — Daniel Coleman.
R. O. Pickett.

District.
1st — J. C. Tappan.
T. E. Hair.
2d — J. P. Eagle.
B. C. Black.
3d — L. A. Byrne.
H. G. Bunn.

District.
4th — W. L. Terry.
H. B. Armsted.
5th — H. C. Tipton.
James P. Fancher.

District.
1st — Dennis Spencer.
H. C. Wilson.
2d — J. W. Breckenridge.
Niles Searles.
3d — Warren B. English.
M. F. Tarpey.

District.
4th — J. A. Wright.
Louis Holtz.
5th — Maurice Schmitt.
Lawrence Archer.
6th — L. J. Rose.
A. B. Butler.

District.
1st — Clinton W. Cowles.
Charles H. Andrews.
2d — Homer Twichell.
Charles A. Elliott.

District.
3d — William H. Shields.
Joshua A. Perkins.
4th — David M. Reed.
Augustus H. Fenn.

District.
1st — Joseph L. Sweat.
Richard W. Grubb.
2d — John Tripplett.
Marston O'Neal.
3d — Walter T. McArthur.
Charles C. Duncan.
4th — Frank M. Longley.
J. H. Martin.
5th — W. C. Parker.
George Hillyer.

District.
6th — George W. Gustin.
J. E. F. Matthews.
7th — L. Colyar.
M. Dwinnel.
8th — H. T. Lewis.
Milton P. Reese,
9th — W. I. Pike.
William E. Simons.
10th — William H. Parsons.
E. Floyd Lawson.

District.
1st — J. C. Mackin.
W. C. Seipp.
2d — E. F. Cullerton.
J. H. Hildreth.
3d — Carter H. Harrison.
Christian Casselma.
4th — Harry Rubens,
F. H. Winston.
5th — J. F. Glidden.
G. W. Renwick.
6th — T. J. Sheean.
F. H. Marsh.
7th — C. H. McConihe.
Sherwood Dixon.
8th — A. J. O'Connor.
J. R. S. Scoville.
9th — Andrew Kerr.
W. R. Dunn.
10th — S. P. Shope.
Strawther Givens.

District.
11th — B. T. Cable.
John H. Hungate.
12th — Ellis Briggs.
W. L. Vandeventer.
13th — W. P. Callon.
Benj. Prettyman.
14th — A. E. Stevenson.
Charles A. Ewing.
15th — Joseph B. Mann.
William A. Day.
16th — Lewis B. Parsons.
J. H. Hawley.
17th — Anthony Thornton.
Jesse J. Phillips.
18th — William H. Krone.
C. D. Hoiles.
19th — Charles E. McDowell.
Wm. A. J. Sparks.
20th — William J. Allen.
William H. Green.

District.
1st — G. V. Menzies.
F. Lowenstein.
2d — J. M. Andrews.
Samuel H. Taylor.
3d — Jason B. Brown.
G. H. D. Gibson.
4th — E. D. Bannister.
J. H. Woolford.
5th — Thomas W. Wooller.
P. H. McCormick.
6th — W. A. Bickle.
Harry Wysor.
7th — O. B. Hord.
Peter Lieber.

District.
8th — Thomas F. Davidson.
C. F. McNutt.
9th — A. J. Brunt.
S. S. Dailey.
10th — Clinton Chamberlain.
A. L. Jones.
11th — D. Yengling.
Hugh Daugherty.
12th — Herman Freygang.
Henry Colerick.
13th — Hudson Beck.
Daniel McDonald.

District.
1st — George F. Smith.
John H. Walbank.
2d — W. F. Brannan.
L. B. Wadleigh.
3d — F. N. Schroeder.
P. C. Dithlefsen.
4th — F. D. Bayliss.
A. O. Doolittle.
5th — George J. Boal.
John Ryder.
6th — T. B.Perry.
E. H. Gibbs.

District.
7th — L. W. Goode.
T. R. North.
8th — J. H. Duggan.
William Bradley.
9th — Daniel M. Farrell.
J. M. Emmert.
10th — N. B. Hyatt.
John Cleggitt.
11th — P. M. Guthrie.
P. O. Cassidy.

District.
1st — C. C. Burns.
Edward Carroll.
2d — B. J. Sheridan.
W. C. Jones.
3d — C. C. Black.
A. Mathewson.
4th — H. E. Norton.
J. Mileham.

District.
5th — A. H. Martin.
E. A. Hallowell.
6th — John H. Schaffer.
J. Schlyer.
7th — W. F. Pettillon.
C. F. Diffendecker.

District.
1st — J. D. White.
R. A. Burnett.
2d — Hunter Wood.
W. D. Orr.
3d — W. B. Jefferson.
William F. Owsley.
4th — W. C. McCord.
A. J. Gross.
5th — John G. Roach.
Thomas H. Sherley.
6th — L. C. Norman.
Prank P. Helm.

District.
7th — Attila Cox.
T. J. Megibben.
8th — W. G. Welch.
Edward McKee.
9th — E. J. Bradford.
James Hiner.
10th — Lewis Apperson.
Gilbert Garrard,
11th — T. J. Oats.
J. B. Montgomery.

District.
1st — John Fitzpatrick.
John Duffy.
2d — P. Mealey.
James D. Houston,
3d — W. B. McCall.
James A. Ware.

District.
4th — James Jeffries.
W. H. Wise.
5th — James Goldman.
J. B. Newton.
6th — Charles E. Parlange.
E. T. Lewis.

District.
1st — Charles H. Chase.
E. W. Staples.
2d — C. H. Osgood.
Richard T. Rundlett.

District.
3d — Thomas H. Swazey.
Benjamin Bunker.
4th — A. J. Chase.
John P. Donworth.

District.
1st — Robert F. Brattan.
James C. Dirrickson.
2d — D. W. Henning.
John S. Wirt.
3d — Robert J. Slater. ^[11]
William I. Montague.

District.
4th — Frederick Raine.
John J. Fenton.
5th — Dr. George Welles.
Fillmore Beall.
6th — Hattersly W. Talbott.
Gilmore S. Hamill.

District.
1st — John W. Cummings.
Charles A. W. Oesting.
2d — A. C. Drinkwater.
William L. Douglass.
3d — Patrick Maguire.
Frederick O. Prince.
4th — Thomas J. Denny.
William P. Carroll.
5th — Jeremiah W. Coveney.
John M. Wood.
6th — Alfred A. Mower.
Patrick J. Donovan.
7th — Henry H. Hale.
Daniel H. Crowley.

District.
8th — John Breen.
W. M. Hoar,
9th — J.W. Corcoran.
Charles D. Lewis.
10th — James E. Estabrook.
John Hopkins,
11th — Frank J. Pratt.
Leander B. Morse.
12th — Joseph T. Callan.
E. McA. Learned.
A. L. Perry.
George H. Bleloch.

District.
1st — Daniel J. Campan.
John Harrison.
2d — F. M. Holloway.
John Strong.
3d — Michael Shoemaker.
Devillo Hubbard.
4th — C. H. Kimmerlee.
F. E. Stevens.
5th — Horace B. Peck.
John H. Withey.
6th — M. L. Bagg.
Arthur J. Eddy.

District.
7th — E. G. Stevenson.
M. T. Brabb,
8th — James K. Wright.
Jerome W. Turner.
9th — R. R. Blacker.
Daniel E. Soper.
10th — S. O. Fisher.
C. P. Black,
11th — William P. Preston.
John Powers.

District.
1st — W. J. Whipple.
B. S. Cook.
2d — John C. Wise.
Henry Poehler.
3d — W. M. Campbell.
George N. Baxter.

District.
4th — R. A. Smith.
E. W. Durant.
5th — T. E. Heenan.
A. Guernon.

District.
1st — C. A. Johnston.
James Kincannon.
2d — W. C. Faulkner.
James T. Fant.
3d — W. A. Percy.
J. Y. Walton. ^[12]
4th — W. B. Barker.
R. F. Holloway.

District.
5th — M. A. Henry.
F. Pettus.
6th — D. C. Bramlette.
C. H. Wood.
7th — L. N. Baldwin.
R. H. Henry.

District.
1st — W. H. Sears.
J. W. Howard.
2d — Edgar M. Harber.
P. J. Carmody.
3d — J. B. Thomas.
Thomas H. Frame.
4th — Waller Young.
Levi Zook.
5th — E. L. Martin.
R. A. Collins.
6th — B. F. Reavis.
T. H. Baskin.
7th — Henry Clark.
J. H. Garth.

District.
8th — E. A. Noonan.
Henry F. Harrington.
9th — David W. Caruth.
Charles C. Maffitt.
10th — Jasper N. Burks.
Paul Young,
11th — E. B. Ewing.
W. M. Lennox.
12th — R. T. Railey.
J. L. Pace.
13th — O. D. Knox.
W. H. Phelps.
14th — Newton J. Morrison.
A. H. Livingston.

District.
1st — G. P. Marvin.
John I. Creighton.
2d — R. A. Beatty.
A. J. Rittenhouse.

District.
3d — Patrick Fahey.
John A. Higgins.

District.
1st — John F. Cloutman.
Patrick Fahey.

District.
2d — Hosea W. Parker.
Harry Bingham.

District.
1st — Andrew J. Steelman.
Daniel F. Crean.
2d — Hezekiah B. Smith.
R. M. J. Smith.
3d — Millard F. Ross.
George W. Brown.
4th — John Carpenter, Jr.
M. H. Vanderveer.

District.
5th — Thomas J. Flynn.
Carmon F. Randolph.
6th — William Harrigan.
Gottfried Kreuger.
7th — Orestes Cleveland.
Martin Steljes.

District.
1st — John H. Sutphin.
Benj. W. Downing.
2d — Felix Campbell.
John Y. McKane.
3d — William C. Kingsley.
A. Van Wyck.
4th — Henry J. Cullen.
James Kane.
5th — Archibald M. Bliss.
Michael O'Keefe.
6th — M. C. Murphy.
Luke F. Cozans.
7th — Abram S. Hewitt.
August Belmont.
8th — Michael Norton.
Thomas F. Grady.

9th — John Keenan.
John M. Bowers,
10th — Hubert O. Thompson.
William R. Travers.
11th — John Kelly.
John R. Fellows.
I2th — William C. Whitney.
Joseph J. O'Donohue.
13th — Andrew J. White.
John McQuade.
14th — W. G. Stahlnecker.
George D. Sanford.
15th — Peter Ward.
Andrew H. Jackman.

District.
16th — Samuel J. Tilden, Jr.
George Williams.
17th — Alton B. Parker.
Francis R. Gilbert.
18th — Edward Murphy.
Robert Hamilton.
19th — A. Bleecker Banks.
Erastus Corning.
20th — E. Winslow Paige.
James W. Green.
21st — Smith M. Weed.
Henry D. Graves.
22d — Daniel Magone.
John Lansing.
23d — James Stevens.
Charles D. Moore.
24th — Stephen L. Mayhem.
Robert M. Townsend.
25th — Henry J. Mowry.
L. J. Fitzgerald.
26th — Eliot Danforth;
John G. Sears.
27th — Henry D. Brewster.
Silas N. Gallup.
28th — E. K. Apgar.
David B. Hill.
29th — John Flanigan.
Michael A. Leary.
30th — William Purcell.
Jacob Gerling.
31st — James A. Hanlon.
J. D. Lane.
32d — Solomon Scheu.
Daniel N. Lockwood.
33d — John M. Wiley.
David Millar.
34th — Charles D. Murray.
James W. McMahon.

District.
1st — E. F. Lamb.
W. G. Lamb.
2d — Henry G. Williams.
Thomas L. Emry.
3d — Julius A. Bonitz.
Edward J. Hale.
4th — Paul F. Faison. ^[14]
W. W. Fuller.
5th —A. B. Galloway.
J. C. Buxton.

District.
6th — Thomas W. Strange.
James T. LeGrand.
7th — Francis E. Shober.
M. H. Pinnix.
8th — B. C. Cobb
H. D. Lee.
9th — J. G. Martin.
Kope Elias.

District.
1st — D. J. Dalton.
Lewis G. Bernard.
2d — J. J. Brady.
J. C. Riley.
3d — R. J. Sorg.
William Dechant.
4th — W. D. McKemy.
J. C. Turpen.
5th — M. D. Shaw.
Jacob Forbing.
6th — George H. Marsh.
M. R. Willett.
7th — Samuel D. Houpt.
J. A. Norton.
8th — Chas. W. Constantine.
J. P. Martin.
9th — S. K. Donavin.
S. N. McCloud.
10th — William E. Haynes.
John H. McGee.
11th — J. C. Shoemaker.
R. M. Deety.

District.
12th — W. A. Hutchins.
B. F. Ellsbery.
13th — John G. Thompson.
Charles Rose.
14th — J. G. Huffman.
S. A. Dunbar.
15th —George M. Jewett.
Casey S. Brady.
16th — W. T. Alberson.
F. S. Reefy.
17th — Gen. A. J. Warner.
Thomas E. Shelley.
18th —W. S. Potts.
Daniel McConville.
19th — D. B. Woods.
H. P. Flicker.
20th — Benj. Desenberg.
R. S. Shields.
21st — John H. Farley.
W. W. Armstrong.

District.
1st — Robert S. Patterson.
George McGowan.
2d — Walter Maguire. ^[15]
John R. Read.
3d — William J. McCully.
John M. Campbell.
4th — Samuel Josephs.
Thomas Delahanty.
5th — Michael Egan.
John Fullerton.
6th — J. L. Forwood.
Ezra Evans.

7th — Charles Hunsicker.
George Ross.
8th — George Smith, Jr.
George F. Baer. ^[16]
9th — B. F. Davis.
William Patten. ^[17]
10th — Edward Harvey.
William Mutchler.
11th — David Lowenberg.
R. B. Fruit
I2th — J. K. Bogert.
J. H. Burns.
13th — James Ellis.
William A. Marr.
14th — A. J. Dull.
W. L. Dewart, Sr.
15th — George A. Post.
James W. Piatt.

District.
16th — R. P. Allen.
E. L. Keenan.
17th — L. D. Woodruff.
A. H. Coffroth.
18th — D. A. Orr.
Joseph C. Barrett.
19th — D. B. Saxton.
Edward D. Zeigler.
20th — W. W. Rankin.
Harry A. Hall.
21st — John A. Marchand.
T. B. Searight.
22d — Patrick Foley.
Gilbert T. Rafferty.
23d — Malcolm Hay.
William Dickson.
24th — James B. R. Streator.
John M. Buchanan.
25th — E. D. Graff.
John F. Brown.
26th — Walter Pierce.
John L. McKinney.
27th — Benjamin Whitman.
Charles H. Noyes.

District.
1st — John J. Christie.
John Waters.

District.
2d — Thos. McGuire, Jr.
David S. Baker, Jr.

District.
1st — W. St. Julian Jervey.
James F. Izlar.
2d — J. W. Moore.
D. S. Henderson.
3d — W. Z. McGhee.
J. C. Carey.
4th — W. B. Stanley.
John B. Cleveland.

District.
5th — Giles J. Patterson.
E. M. Boykin.
6th — P. L. Breeden.
A. F. Harllee.
7th — C. St. George Sinkler.
J. H. Earle.

District.
1st — W. S. Dickson.
John Slack.
2d — T. W. Henderson.
J. C. Cawood.
3d — John H. Savage.
James Johnson.
4th — R. P. McClain.
D. W. Dinges.
5th — Thomas R. Myers.
J. C. New.

District.
6th — W. A. Quarles.
George S. Kinney.
7th — Lucius E. Polk.
Thomas E. Haynes.
8th — H. W. McCorry.
H. C. Towns.
9th — F. P. Bond.
T. E. Richardson.
10th — Luke E. Wright.
D. K. Riddick.

District.
1st — O. T. Holt.
John Henderson.
2d — T. T. Gammage.
D. A. Nunn.
3d — H. Kretz.
H. M. Cate.
4th — J. B. Donahue.
J. M. Adams.
5th — Silas Hare.
G. P. Mead.
6th — J. W. Ferris.
J. P. McFarland.

District.
7th — N. S. Gussett.
C. C. Sweeney.
8th — W. H. Burgess.
R. L. Ford.
9th — J. C. Alexander.
E. J. Simpkins.
10th — Henry Exall.
Joseph E. Dwyer.
11th — J. R. Fleming.
C. K. Bell.

District.
1st — J. D. Hanrahan.
James A. Brown.

District.
2d — George L. Spear.
W. A. Richardson.

District.
1st — W. A. Thorn.
George Walker.
2d — J. Barron Hope.
J. H. Bogart.
3d — B. H. Nash.
B. A. Hancock.
4th — P. W. McKinney.
S. W. Venable.
5th — J. S. Tipton.
C. G. Holland.

District.
6th — John R. Thurman.
Paul C. Edmunds.
7th — J. M. McCormick.
S. V. Southall.
8th — Robert Beverley.
Charles E. Stuart.
9th — D. S. Pierce.
R. A. Ayres.
10th — S. J. Graham.
Taylor Berry.

District.
1st — W. E. Lively.
E. McDonald.
2d — H. G. Davis.
E. O. Wells.

District.
3d — Frank Hereford.
Wesley Mollohan.
4th — C. T. Beall.
George W. Thompson.

District.
1st — James R. Doolittle.
Anson Rogers.
2d — A. K. Delaney.
Barney S. Potter.
3d — D. S. Rose.
R. M. Bashford.
4th — John Black
Charles F. Freeman.
5th — A. L. Gray.
Carl Zillier.

District.
6th — G. W. Pratt.
George Kreiss.
7th — J. W. Lusk.
J. L. R. McCollum.
8th — W. H. Smith.
G. Y. Freeman,
9th — Alexander Brazeau.
L. Marchette.

THE CHAIR: The gentlemen from Minnesota (Thomas E. Heenan) offers a resolution.

The Reading Clerk read the resolution of Mr. Heenan as follows:

"Resolved, That an immediate reduction of the Federal revenue to an amount not greater than is needed for the expenses of the Government is an imperative necessity; the reduction should be accomplished in such manner as to afford the greatest relief to tax-payers by the abolition of duties upon the raw materials of manufacture and articles of prime necessity entering into the cost of living, and by a steady approach to a purely revenue basis of taxation as rapidly as may be accomplished without embarrassment to the Government or the derangement of business by sudden or inexpedient changes."

THE CHAIR: The resolution goes to the Committee on Platform.

WADE HAMPTON, of South Carolina: I am instructed by the Delegation of South Carolina to offer the following resolution:

The Reading Clerk read the resolution as follows:

"Whereas, The Chairman of the National Democratic Committee is necessarily intrusted with such large powers in the arrangement and conduct of the political campaign, that upon his knowledge, prudence and ability the successful execution of the plans of the party largely depends; and

"Whereas, It is, therefore, highly important that the National Democratic Committee in selecting its Chairman should have the Democracy of the whole Union to choose from; therefore,

"Resolved, That the National Democratic Committee be not restricted in their selection of a Chairman to the members of the Committee."

THE CHAIR: The resolution goes to the Committee on Platform and Resolutions under the rules. The memorial from Utah before the Convention (having been previously sent to the desk) will be referred to the Committee on Platform without reading unless otherwise required.

The reading of the memorial being called for, the Clerk read as follows:

Offered by Ransford Smith, Delegate from Utah: "The civilized world with entire harmony agreeing that polygamy is an offense against good morals and social order, it is rightfully declared to be a crime; and, while Congress can make no law respecting the free exercise of religion, it can and ought to so legislate as to extirpate polygamy in the Territories, whether entered into as a religious rite or otherwise, and whenever in any Territory the practice of polygamy is encouraged and sustained by the sentiment of the people they should be deprived of political power."

THE CHAIR: It will go to the Committee on Platform under the rules.

MR. GALLUP, of New York: I have a resolution to offer.

MR. O'CONNOR, of Illinois: I desire to make a motion with reference to all resolutions.

THE CHAIR: What is it?

MR. O'CONNOR: I desire to move that all the resolutions be referred to the Committee without being read.

The motion was lost.

THE READING CLERK: Resolution offered by Mr. Gallup, of New York:

"Resolved, That, believing in a Democratic Government, founded in equitable consideration of and regard for the rights and interests of the governed, protecting and guarding the homes of honest toil as promptly and zealously as it does the palaces of the millionaires, and aware of the great injustice of the present tariff, the Democratic party pronounces unqualifiedly in favor of such a revision of the tariff as shall lessen the duty upon those articles which supply the daily wants of the farmer, mechanic, artisan and laborer; feeding the masses before fattening the monopolists; placing the burdens of the tariff upon the luxuries of the people, and lifting it from the needs of rational existence."

THE CHAIR: It goes to the Committee on the Platform.

CARTER H. HARRISON, of Illinois: I have a resolution to send up.

THE CHAIR: The resolution offered by the gentleman from Illinois will be read.

THE READING CLERK:

"Resolved, That the members of the Democratic National Veteran Association now in conference in this city, who have not already been supplied with tickets of admission, be allowed to enter and occupy the vacant seats in the galleries."

CARTER H. HARRISON: I move its adoption.

This resolution was adopted.

MR. GEO. S. KINNEY, of Tennessee: I desire to offer this resolution.

THE READING CLERK: Mr. Kinney, of Tennessee, offers the following resolution:

"Resolved, That the Chairman of this Convention be directed to issue additional tickets of admission to the Convention to such of the Delegations attending this Convention, and also to the various clubs and representatives of the press from the distant States, or, if the tickets be not sufficient, that he direct the doorkeepers to admit these persons on their badges."

MR. KINNEY: Mr. Chairman, I offer the resolution because I witnessed yesterday 5,000 good Democrats marching the streets of this city who had not admission here, when it is well known to every one that visited the Convention that there was room for at

least 2,000 more in seats beside standing room on the floor, and that it is our duty to offer all the tickets and all the accommodations to those who visit from abroad that it is in our power to do. The resolution calls for additional tickets, if you will bear me in mind there, and I hope the Convention will adopt the resolution. I desire to say that this is a matter of considerable importance. I hope, and I believe, and I know that every Delegation on this floor is satisfied that there are persons here that should be admitted, especially when we have empty seats as we have now and standing-room plenty. They have come from a long distance, and we ought to afford them all the accommodation that we can. I move the adoption of the resolution.

MR. WINSTON, of Illinois: Mr. Chairman, I desire to say to this Convention that under the resolution already adopted, offered by my colleague, every unoccupied seat in this Convention has been occupied, and we cannot now stand the press of any more men — the hall is not sufficient to hold them.

THE CHAIR: I am requested by the Chairman of the National Democratic Committee, who has charge of all arrangements with reference to this hall and its procurement in advance of the Convention, to announce that additional tickets have already been issued this morning, and that really they fear that there will be 20 per cent. more, if they all come, than the hall will comfortably entertain.

MR. JOHN D. MCGILVRAY, of Colorado: Mr. Chairman, I have a resolution to offer.

The Reading Clerk read the resolution, as follows:

"Resolved, That as the public land is the heritage of the people, this Convention looks with alarm — "

THE CHAIR: I beg the pardon of the Convention. The question recurs on the resolution of the gentleman from Tennessee —

MR. KINNEY, of Tennessee: Yes, I believe the resolution is seconded here.

THE CHAIR: The question is upon the motion of the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Kinney).

MR. A. E. STEVENSON, of Illinois: Mr. Chairman, I move as a substitute to the resolution offered by the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Kinney) that the additional tickets that shall be issued by the National Committee be divided between the Delegates of the

Convention, so that all parts of the country may be represented equally upon the floor of this Convention.

The substitute offered by Mr. Stevenson was adopted.

MR. MCGILVRAY, of Colorado, now offered his resolution, which was read by the Secretary:

"Resolved, That as the public land is the heritage of the people, this Convention looks with alarm on the acquisition of large tracts of public land by corporations for the purpose of speculation and not for actual settlement."

THE CHAIR: The resolution goes to the Committee on Platform and Resolutions.

THE READING CLERK: A resolution by Mr. Schaffer of Kansas —

MR. A. O. BACON, of Georgia: Mr. Chairman, I have a resolution which I desire to present, and ask that it be referred to the Committee.

THE CHAIR: There is a resolution already in the hands of the Secretary. The gentleman will be recognized after it has been read.

The Reading Clerk then read the resolution which had been sent up by Mr. John H. Schaffer, of Kansas, as follows:

"Resolved, That reform is necessary in the civil service. We arraign the Republican party for promises falsified in the performance, as shown by the passage of an alleged Civil Service Reform bill, which was justly opposed by our Representatives in Congress as being wholly inadequate to remedy existing exils and only calculated to aid the enemies of ail genuine reform to fraudulently assume the role of civil service reformers.

"The enforcement of even such a wholly-insufficient measure must, under our Constitution, be left entirely to the discretion of the President; and the election of a Chief Executive hostile to a proper improvement of the public service would utterly abrogate this insignificant concession to the demand of the people for reform.

"The great calamity which befell our country in the assassination of the Chief Executive chosen at the last general election has been attributed to the bitter factional warfare engendered within the Republican party by the ‘spoils system.’ That such occurrences are fraught with great dangers to our Government will be admitted by all candid men. We hold that these facts should admonish all

parties that the highest duty of the hour is to relieve our Presidents in part, if not wholly, from the burdensome duty of appointing, or nominating, the 100,000 officials constituting the civil service, to the end that the head of our Government may be less exposed to the murderous vengeance of disappointed office-seekers.

"The Democratic party, in view of these facts, most solemnly pledges itself, if called by the people to administer the Government, to use all honorable means to secure the speedy adoption of an amendment to the Constitution of the United States providing that the postmasters of the United States shall be chosen by ballot by the qualified voters, of the city, town, or district wherein such post-office is located. This measure, repeatedly introduced in Congress by Democratic Senators, and smothered by a Republican committee, would alone be effective, and would result in reducing to one-half their present proportions the spoils at the disposal of a partisan President, together with the attending power of unduly influencing our elections, and thereby correspondingly increase the power of the sovereign people to make effective their influence upon public men and measures through the ballot-box."

The resolution was referred to the Committee on Platform and Resolutions.

Mr. Bacon, of Georgia, now re-offered his resolution, which was read as follows:

"Resolved, That while the right is recognized in each National Convention to prescribe the rules by which it shall be governed, this Convention suggests that the interests of the party and the rights of minorities will be best conserved by according to each Delegate in future Conventions the right to have his vote recorded on each question as he himself shall determine."

The resolution was referred to the Committee on Platform under the rule.

Mr. L. L. McArthur, of Oregon, offered the following resolution:

"Resolved, That we are in favor of a gradual and systematic reduction of the present tariff taxes until the evil of an enormous surplus shall be counteracted and wholly overcome."

The resolution was referred to the Committee on Platforms and Resolutions.

Mr. Burns, of Pennsylvania, submitted a resolution as follows:

"Resolved, That in case of the death of the nominee for President or Vice-President the Chairman of the Covention shall have power to call the Convention together to fill the vacancy."

The resolution was referred, under the rule, to the Committee on Resolutions.

Mr. J. J. Fenton, of Maryland, submitted the following resolution, which was read by the Clerk and referred to the same Committee under the rule:

"Resolved, By the Democratic National Convention, that the amelioration of the condition of the labor element of this country is an end worthy of the noblest effort of the Democratic party, and, recognizing that fact, we pledge ourselves to the repeal of all legislation which, under the Administration of the Republican party, has tended to pauperize labor while at the same time creating an oligarchy of wealth dangerous to Republican institutions."

THE CHAIR: It will be referred to the Committee on Resolutions.

The following resolution, offered by Mr. Boyd, of Nebraska, was read by the Clerk:

"Resolved, That the Democratic party pledges itself to correct the inequalities of the tariff and to reduce the surplus, now amounting to over one hundred millions annually, not by the vicious process proposed by James G. Blaine (by division among the States), a proposition that was looked upon by every sensible man as the visionary scheme of a political demagogue, unworthy of a moment's serious consideration, but by a gradual, wise and sensible revision limiting it to the wants of the Government, economically administered."

THE CHAIR: The Clerk will read a resolution offered by Mr. Mueller, of Ohio:

"Resolved, That it is the sense of this National Democratic Convention that an amendment to the Constitution be submitted to the

people of the States of the Union changing the Presidential term of office from four to six years.

THE CHAIR: It goes to the Committee on Platform and Resolutions.

THE READING CLERK: A resolution offered by Mr. Joshua Perkins, of Connecticut:

The Democracy of the United States, in National Convention assembled, again declares its fealty and fidelity to the Constitution.

Reform Legislation. — It declares that the public welfare demands that the evils and burdens of the maladministration of the Republican party should be immediately and forever removed.

Civil Service. — It demands that the civil service should be purified by the adoption of the Jeffersonian test and requirement of capability and integrity.

Tariff and Internal Revenue. — It demands that the internal revenue and tariff on foreign imports should be based on the just and imperative requirements of revenue reduction and reform and yet be sufficient for annual governmental expenses, and a judicious annual reduction of the National debt, and so equalized and distributed as shall best promote the equal and inseparable interests of labor and capital, agriculture and manufactures.

Financial. — It declares its unqualified acceptance of the sentiments of Washington with reference to the payment of National indebtedness: "Allow me to hope it will be a favorite policy with you not merely to secure the payment of the interest of the debt funded, but, as far and as fast as the growing resources of the country will permit, to exonerate it of the principal itself." (Message, 1790.)

"Avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debt which unavoidable wars have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear." (Farewell.)

It declares that a full legal tender currency based on the faith of the Government or on a coin deposit secures to the people a safe, convenient and uniform medium of exchange.

Public Lands. — It declares that the prodigal gifts of the public lands by the Republican party was a crime against the American

pioneer, settler and citizen, and should be revoked and regained when just cause exists therefor, and opened only to actual settlers in reasonably limited quantities and at minimum prices.

Poligamy. — It declares in the interest of civilization, virtue, social and domestic well-being, that in all the Territories poligamy should be prohibited and utterly extinguished.

Foreign Policy. — It demands that, being at peace with all sister nations, our foreign policy should be an honorable avoidance of "entangling alliances," and a vigorous maintenance of governmental and individual rights whenever and wherever American commerce and American citizenship may require.

Revival of American Commerce. — It demands in the interest of American shipping and American Commerce that a judicious rebate be made in tariff duties on all imports made in American ships, built, owned, officered and manned by American citizens, sufficient to permanently restore American ship-building and American commerce to its former prosperity.

Revival of Labor. — It demands that the equal interests and rights of the producer and consumer, the laborer and capitalist, the agriculturist and manufacturer should receive from Federal legislation equal encouragement and protection.

Interstate Commerce. — It declares its firm reliance upon the intelligence and wisdom of the people of each and every State to regulate their own domestic and internal interests in conformity and within their reserved Constitutional rights without State or Federal interference.

Legislative Reform. — It declares its purpose thus to remove the burdens; to reform the abuses and banish the corruptions which the Republican party has for years imposed upon the people; to seek to restore commerce, agriculture and manufactures to prosperity; to give labor and capital equal encouragement; to recognize and protect the equality of every citizen in the right of the elective franchise; to seek to bring back the Federal administration to the standard of economy and integrity which in former times gave respect, luster and honor to the American Republic.

The resolution was referred under the rules.

THE READING CLERK: Mr. J. G. Higgins, of Nebraska, offers the following:

"Resolved, That the disposal of the public lands of the United

States be limited to actual settlers, and in quantities of 160 acres each."

Mr. Thomas H. Sherley, of Kentucky, offers the following resolution:

"Resolved, That at 3 o'clock P. M. this day the roll of States be called and that nominations be made for President."

The question was put on the adoption of the resolution.

THE CHAIR: The Chair is in doubt.

The question was again put and declared lost.

Mr. George Hillier, of Georgia, offered the following:

"Resolved, That the National Democracy demand and, when empowered, will enforce tariff reform and tariff reduction down to a standard that shall be strictly limited in amount to the raising of such revenue as may be necessary for the purposes of government, economically and honestly administered."

Referred to the Committee on Resolutions.

Mr. J. S. Johnston, of Kentucky, offered the following:

"Resolved, That all resolutions relating to the principles or policy of the party be referred to the Committee on Platforms without being read by the Clerk, and the Convention proceed to its permanent organization."

This resolution was adopted.

The following resolutions were read by title and referred to the Committee on Resolutions:

By J. W. Turner, of Michigan, in relation to election of President and Vice-President by popular vote:

"Resolved, That there should be an amendment to the Constitution of the United States providing for the election of President and Vice-President by the popular vote."

By Lawrence Archer, of California, as to effective exclusion of Chinese:

"Resolved, That the residence of Chinese in the United States is in every sense pernicious and especially injurious to the dignity of

American labor, and that it is the duty of Congress to amend existing laws so as to make exclusion effective."

By C. J. Carmody, of Missouri, in relation to consideration of Chinese question:

"Resolved, That proper consideration be given to the Chinese question, as it has been a curse to American labor and advancement."

By T. L. Porter, of Oregon, in relation to effectual laws restricting Chinese immigration:

"Resolved, That the passage of more effective laws restricting Chinese immigration is imperatively necessary to the protection of the homes and vital interests of the people of the Pacific States and Territories."

MR. A. J. O'CONNOR, of Illinois: I rise to a point of order.

THE CHAIR: The gentleman will state his point of order.

MR. O'CONNOR: I desire to know whether that resolution which was just adopted was a reconsideration of the motion made by me a few moments ago; and if the gentleman did not vote in the negative, I insist it was not in order, and that we are to listen now to the balance of the resolutions.

THE CHAIR: There is no record of the fact. The Chair will recognize the resolution adopted as the law of the house.

The Clerk continued reading the titles of resolutions, as follows:

By E. A. Burke, of Louisiana, memorial of the American Home for Protection from the American Saloon:

N. B. — The following memorial is to be presented to each National Political Convention this Spring and to Congress next Winter. It is issued under the auspices of the National Woman's Christian

Temperance Union, and is strictly nonpartisan. It will be presented by a delegation of ladies representing all parts of the United States.

FRANCES E. WILLARD,
President National Woman's Christian Temperance Union,
16 East 14th Street, N. Y. City.

J. ELLEN FOSTER,
National Supt. Dept. of Legislation and Petitions.
Caroline B. Buell, Cor. Sec.
Mary A. Woodbridge, Rec. Sec.
L. M. N. Stevens, Asst. Rec. Sec.
Esther Pugh, Treasurer.

To the National Convention of the Democratic Party:

We, members of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union of the United States, herein represented by the signatures of our officers, believe that, while the poison habits of the Nation can be largely restrained by an appeal to the intellect through argument, to the heart through sympathy, and to the conscience through the motives of religion, the traffic in those poisons will be best controlled by prohibitory law.

We believe the teachings of science, experience and the golden rule combine to testify against the traffic in alcoholic liquors as a drink, and that the homes of America, which are the citadels of patriotism, purity and happiness, have no enemy so relentless as the American saloon.

Therefore, as citizens of the United States, irrespective of sect or section, but having deeply at heart the protection of our homes, we do hereby respectfully and earnestly petition you to advocate and to adopt such measures as are requisite, to the end that prohibition of the importation, exportation, manufacture and sale of alcoholic beverages may become an integral part of the National Constitution.

And that your party candidate shall be, by character and public pledge, committed to a National Constitutional Prohibitory Amendment.

Frances E. Willard, President.
C. B. Buell, Cor. Secretary.
Mary A. Woodbridge, Rec. Secretary.
L. M. N. Stevens, Treasurer.

By J. C. Alexander, of Texas, in relation to encroachments of Federal Judiciary:

"Resolved, That the insidious encroachments of the Federal Judiciary upon the jurisdiction of the Courts of the States is dangerous to the interests of the people, and that the jurisdiction of the Circuit Courts of the United States in civic causes should be diminished by law."

By J. M. Adams, of Texas, in relation to Tariff for Revenue only:

"Resolved, That the Democratic party of the United States are in favor of tariff for revenue only."

By W. A. Bickle, of Indiana, in relation to admission tickets:

"Resolved, That each ticket of admission to the platform, now limited to the third day only, be and the same shall be good for admission during the residue of the sittings of this Convention."

MR. H. RUBENS, of Illinois: I now move that this Convention proceed to hear the report of the Committee on Permanent Organization.

The motion was adopted.

THE CHAIR: If the Chairman of the Committee on Permanent Organization is ready to report, he will send up his report.

Gov. Grant, of Colorado, the Chairman, did so.

The Reading Clerk then read the report as follows: To the National Democratic Convention of 1884:

Your Committee on Permanent Organization beg leave to submit the following report:

Thomas L. Jones — Kentucky.
John Fitzpatrick — Louisiana,
Wm. M. Rust — Maine.
Frederick Raine — Maryland.
James B. Esterbrook — Massachusetts.
M. Shoemaker — Michigan.
R. A. Jones — Minnesota.
W. L. Keirne — Mississippi.
J. B. Thomas — Missouri.
John A. Higgins — Nebraska.
F. Lemmon — Nevada.
H. B. Smith — New Jersey.
H. O. Kent — New Hampshire.
William R. Travers — New York.
Francis C. Shober — North Carolina.
Jacob M. Mueller — Ohio.
W. T. Cook — Oregon.
W. L. Dewart — Pennsylvania.
Elisha Mathewson — Rhode Island.
C. H. Luber — South Carolina.
Thomas L. Williams — Tennessee.
L. C. Alexander — Texas.
Frank H. Bascom — Vermont.
R. A. Ayres — Virginia.
Frank Hereford — West Virginia.
J. R. Doolittle — Winconsin.

Your Committee recommend the following: —

Thomas C. Clark — Alabama.
W. L. Terry — Arkansas.
J. J. Driscoll — California.
John D. McGilvray — Colorado.
W. H. Shields — Connecticut.
J. W. Causey — Delaware.
E. P. Dismukes — Florida.
John Tripplett — Georgia.
Wm. H. Green — Illinois.
Herman Freygang — Indiana.
Dan Farrell — Iowa.
E. A. Hollowell — Kansas.
W. L. Crabb — Kentucky.
W. B. McCall — Louisiana.
Richard T. Rundlett — Maine.
D. W. Henning — Maryland.
J. W. Coveney — Massachusetts.
A. P. Swineford — Michigan.
W. J. Whipple — Minnesota.
R. H. Henry — Mississippi.
W. H. Mayo — Missouri.
A. J. Rittenhouse — Nebraska.
R. Sadler — Nevada.
Patrick Fahey — New Hampshire.
A. B. Stoney — New Jersey.
Jacob Gerling — New York.
E. J. Hale — North Carolina.
S. K. Donavin — Ohio.
V. R. Strode — Oregon.
Joseph K. Bogert — Pennsylvania.
David S. Baker, Jr — Rhode Island.
W. St. Julien Jervey — South Carolina.
E. C. Merrill — Tennessee.
William Lamb — Texas.
W. A. Richardson — Vermont.
Harrold Snowden — Virginia.
B. F. Harlow — West Virginia.
R. M. Bashford — Wisconsin.

Your Committee further recommend that the Secretaries, Reading Clerks, Official Stenographer, and Sergeant-at-Arms of the temporary organization hold their respective offices under the permanent organization, and that Capt. Isaac R. Diller, of Illinois, and S. D. Clay, of Michigan, be made additional Reading Clerks.
Respectfully submitted,

James B. Grant, Chairman.
N. B. Hyatt, Secretary.

MR. YOUNG, of Missouri: I move the adoption of the report.

The report was adopted.

THE CHAIR: The Chair will appoint as the delegation who will act as a committee to escort the Hon. Mr. Vilas to the chair the Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks of Indiana, the Hon. W. W. Armstrong of Ohio, the Hon. W. H. Parsons of Georgia, the Hon. John N. Henderson of Texas, the Hon. John O'Day of Missouri, the Hon. W. A. J. Sparks of Illinois, and the Hon. Smith M. Weed of New York. The gentlemen will please assemble at the Indiana Delegation and escort the gentleman to the chair.

The Committee conducted the Chairman-elect to the platform.

THE CHAIR: Gentlemen of the Convention: I have the honor to introduce to you the Hon. W. F. Vilas, of Wisconsin, as the elected — unanimously elected — Permanent President of your body. Thanking you most kindly for the courtesy, and attention, and charity you have given me, I invoke the same for him, who will need it much less than I have needed it.

Mr. Vilas, on taking the chair, addressed the Convention as follows:

Gentlemen of the National Democracy: I know full well that this mark of your favor is no personal compliment, but a recognition of the young Democracy of the Northwestern States. And I claim it to be justly their due, as a tribute to their lofty zeal and patriotism, their long and gallant struggle against an outnumbering foe, and their great and growing numbers; and I hail it as a presage and prototype of their coming triumphs. But I am proud, though honored beyond all deserving, in being selected as their representative; and I gratefully acknowledge my obligation and render you hearty thanks for the honor you have been pleased to confer. No pledge is necessary for the continuance of their devotion. As it has hitherto been, so will it abide in the contest now at hand; pure, unselfish, resolute and unflinching, till its great object shall be achieved in the restoration and security of upright and Constitutional government.

Fellow Delegates, you are assembled to consider a great cause, to pronounce a momentous judgment. Your hand is on the helm of

a mighty nation of free men. It is for you, by a wise and far-reaching determination, to lay its felicitous course for many future years, freighted with a vast humanity in prosperous pursuit of happiness. Fifty-five millions who are, a hundred millions who soon will be, our nation — earth's greatest, noblest free society — will rejoice in the well-considered work of this Convention. Its import and value lie not in hope of merely party victory; in clutching the spoils of office. It is a nobler opportunity. The hour is pregnant with mighty possibilities of good to men. Constitutional liberty, strangling in the surf of corruption, injustice and favoritism, cries aloud for resuscitation, for purification and reform.

An assemblage of politicians, such as long possession of unlicensed power creates, but recently filled this hall with clamor; and it is said to have been too well manufactured to have been the product of infant industries. They have announced their purposes; and they claim the submission of the country as if it was theirs to command. How have they met the just expectation of this intelligent people? Like some corporations which have flourished under their auspices, they have issued a watered stock of promises. And every one a confession! They have promised redress only of disorders they have themselves communicated to the body politic. They proffer the infection to cure the disease. They have tendered nothing adequate or worthy to the fervent aspirations and high hopes of this patriotic and progressive people. To a country which rejoices in restored unity and concord, they tender the renewal of sectional strife. To a nation which feels the impulse of a mighty growth, and yearns for leadership in noble prosperity, they offer the inspiration of national calamity and misfortune. To a proud and sensitive people demanding deliverance from dishonoring corruption, demanding decency in seeking and cleanliness in holding their public stations, they offer the gilded arts of skillful demagoguery. To the generous ardor of youth, nobly ambitious to achieve a free man's manhood, they proffer the elevating sentiments of the party machine. To the men of toil, seeking only equal opportunity to earn a free man's livelihood, they cry, "Be your master's villein and you shall have bread." The plan of their campaign is already made manifest — shouting, and, in common political parlance, "soap" its inspiration and ammunition. The boisterous cry of the drill sergeant, the black list for the hesitating, rewards to the willing; these, the politician's share; while from the ranks of those who amass the fruits from others' labor, the copious streams of pecuniary persuasion

will summon the base or sweeten sophistry to the ear of the weak and ignorant. The air already is filled with vapors of visionary schemes addressed to various interests and factions of weak and undiscerning men; some are indulged to expect advantage from the chaotic possibilities of foreign war; others relief or gain from legalized irruptions upon the National Treasury. The history of the Republic will have been read in vain if such a prospect do not alarm and warn us! Twice already has liberty sunk beneath the waves of fraud and venality. She has seen her chosen servants, her chosen high priests, chosen by a majority of voters exceeding all which were cast to elect Washington, Adams, Jefferson, Madison — I think I might add Monroe — displaced by chicane, and her people temporarily enslaved by fraudulent usurpers of their places. She has seen a national election perverted by the stream of money which flowed from the gaping wounds at Washington. Can she rise a third time if again submerged by her enemies?

Gentlemen, no patriot here can contemplate contemporaneous events without profound conviction that the duties of this hour rise far beyond partisanship. There is one supreme question before us: How shall we most surely rescue the Republic? I know you will pardon me for saying it is no time for personal devotion or a personal canvass. No man has the slightest claim to our personal preferences, and no personal preference and no personal objection should weigh, as a feather even, against our resolute choice of such a ticket as will certainly unite all friends of Constitutional liberty, purity, and reform in solid array for the country.

And this sentiment now animates the expectant hope which is turned to this Convention from every quarter of this Union. A great change has been wrought in recent years in this country. Not alone in numbers, in personal and material characteristics, but also in the minds of the people, and in the composition of its political forces. We have ceased to fight in fratricidal war; the sin of slavery has been purged, the crime of secession has been punished. Both are at an end, and the shame and sorrows of both stand in memory only as safeguards for national justice, peace and union forever. The remembered horrors of that dreadful hour of internecine conflict must stimulate suitable honors and rewards to the noble men whose lives were offered then for their country's salvation; but this people will not go backward thither for animosity and springs of action to destroy the fruits of their labor and sacrifices. The hour of peace and concord, the embrace of friends after bitter

war, the restored joy of happy liberty and enduring union are their highest honor; the most noble chaplet that ever crowned a soldier memory. Who tears a scar to bleed again, who fans a dying spark of enmity, strips the tenderest leaves from that laurelled wreath of glory! And doubly wicked he, who perils a nation's peace and happiness to serve by such ends a vain ambition!

The day for success in such attempts has passed. A new generation is on the scene of action — an educated and intelligent generation. They understand our institutions; they comprehend the tremendous growth and capabilities of this county, and they accept the responsibilities which have devolved upon them. Their realizing sense is keen that the welfare and progress of this people demand — have long demanded — an utter and radical change in the administration of the Government.

They have heard repeated promises of reform with each recurring election, and with disgrace and shame have witnessed each new administration discover deeper iniquities than those it promised to amend. There is a growing conviction that the one reform which will work all others, and is the condition of all, is the utter defeat of the present party in power.

And there is but one hope. It is vain to look to any new party organization. The prosperity and progress and hope of the Republic rest to-day upon the wisdom and patriotism of the Democracy now here in Convention assembled. It is adequate to the great responsibility. It is the party which brings down the traditions and represents the principles upon which this Government was founded, as the homestead of equality and liberty. It is the party of Thomas Jefferson — of James Madison — and of Andrew Jackson. As they taught and led it, it stands to-day — the party of the people — for honesty, capability, and fidelity in the public service, for strict principles of political economy in their public affairs, for encouragement of every art and industry, the development of trade and manufactures with equal justice to all. It stands as they inspired it, the party of the people, for the generous diffusion of knowledge, the elevation of every man, for common rights and equal opportunities for all; the resolute enemy of monopoly, of class favoritism, and corporate oppression; the friend of labor, the inspiration of youth, the nursery of free men. It has shared the vicissitudes, the frailties, the faults of humanity. It has profited by the "sweet uses of adversity," and it stands forth to-day with a disciplined patriotism, fitted to invoke and receive the restoration

of that power which for half a century it wielded to the Nation's grandeur and glory. More than five millions of adult free men, a greater number than cast their ballots for Lincoln, Breckinridge, Douglas and Bell all combined, compose this patriotic aggregation. For nearly twenty years it has been recruited steadily and constantly from the upright and fearless, who, preferring the rewards of self-respect to the allurements of power, have shaken the dust from their feet and departed from the Sodom of so-called Republicanism. It has exchanged for these the venal and time-serving of its own former possession, who sought the spoils of office where they were to be found. It has received, and continually receives, new accessions who come in the same character of those we have received before; and if there be any who cannot abide its high purposes and fortitude and ability to wait for the culmination of its principles, we are ready to continue the like exchange. It has enlisted and caught the fire of the young manhood of this Nation, and the spirit of victory rules its councils and rides in the front of its battle.

The fatality of blundering has become a Republican possession, and the doom the gods award to folly, let us pray, may be theirs. The triumph of the party of the Republic's hope cannot be longer stayed. A confident expectation may be placed in your wise deliberations. We may hope from your wisdom the first step to be taken, and to see again our Nation restored to its proper station among the powers of the earth; to see its navy, public and commercial, again, as of yore, break the waves of every sea and spread its flag in every sky. We may hope to see the squandering of public wealth to cease, justice to take her place in our laws, regulating finance and economy. We may hope to see a Democratic people of equality and simplicity and frugality, where happiness may best be found. And as our millions multiply, and the subdued earth yields its abundant increase, while in every form art and industry employ their cheerful labor, the proudest boast of American citizenship shall rise, not from the favored son of wealth, but from the manly freeman, who returns with the evening sun from his place of honored toil to the house which is his own — where the blossoming vine and rose bespeak the fragrant happiness of the loved ones at home.

Gentlemen, in the arduous duties before me I implore your generous forbearance. I stand in greater need of your indulgent consideration by the comparison under which I must suffer with the

brilliant services of the distinguished gentleman who has just quitted this chair — with the well-deserved plaudits of this Convention. I pledge you my utmost efforts to administer my functions here with impartiality.

Mr. Morrison Munford, of Missouri, offered the following, which was read:

"Resolved, That it is the duty of Congress to open the lands in the Indian Territory to settlement under the Homestead and Preemption laws, carefully guarding the rights of the Indians and turning over to them the proceeds arising from the sale of said lands."

THE CHAIR: It goes to the Committee on Resolutions.

MR. E. M. HARBOR, of Missouri: I rise to a point of order.

THE CHAIR: The gentlemen will state his point.

MR. HARBOR: It was ordered a few minutes ago that all resolutions be referred without reading except by title. All of the last resolution was read by the Clerk.

THE CHAIR: The Chair had not seen the resolution referred to, and did not understand such action was to govern the Convention.

THE READING CLERK: I have been reading the titles. That read a moment ago was a title.

A DELEGATE: All title?

THE CHAIR: Most of the resolutions are without title, and the Clerk reads the substance of them.

Mr. J. L. Sweat, of Georgia, offered a resolution relating to the surplus in the National Treasury, as follows:

"Resolved, That it is the sense of this Convention that the surplus in the Treasury be distributed among the several States for educational purposes according to illiteracy."

MR. H. M. LA RUE, of California, offered a resolution in relation to public land grants to corporations, as follows:

"Resolved, That we demand that all grants of public lands heretofore made for the benefit of corporations which have not complied

with the conditions of the grant be immediately declared forfeited and the lands returned to the public domain, to be disposed of as other public lands are now disposed of, in reasonable quantities, to none but citizens of the United States, or persons who have declared their intention to become such, who are actual settlers there."

THE READING CLERK: By Mr. John H. Withey, of Michigan:

"Recognizing the fact that a great deal of the prosperity enjoyed by the people of the United States comes from intercommunication; therefore,

"Resolved, That we are in favor of extending the privileges of intercommunication to the different nations bordering on this country, and finally including the North American Continent."

MR. CHAS. H. MANSUR, of Missouri: If that rule is in force, that the resolutions are to be referred without reading, I ask that it be enforced. If it is not to be enforced let us do away with it.

THE CHAIR: I am endeavoring to enforce it, but the Reading Clerks find it a difficult thing to find the title, and try to summarize the resolutions.

THE READING CLERK: By Mr. Sowden, of Pennsylvania:

"Resolved, That we expedite the business of this Convention by now calling the roll of States and placing in nomination candidates of the respective States for the nomination for the office of the Presidency of the United States."

MR. SOWDEN: I call for the second reading of the resolution.

The resolution was again read by the Reading Clerk.

MR. SOWDEN: I call for the immediate consideration of the resolution just read.

MR. G. V. MENZIES, of Indiana: I rise to a point of order.

THE CHAIR: Gentleman will state his point.

MR. MENZIES: The point I make is, that the motion is not in , order before the Committee on Resolutions report.

THE CHAIR: The point of order must be overruled. The order of the Convention is at its own disposal.

MR. T. J. CLUNIE, of California: Mr. Chairman, I move, as a substitute for the motion, that the resolution be referred to the Committee on Platform and Resolutions. I do not think it advisable to go into the nomination of a President until we get a platform and resolutions.

MR. JOHN D. MCGILVRAY, of Colorado: I desire to offer a resolution

that the further consideration of the resolution be temporarily postponed.

MR. CHARLES H. MANSUR, of Missouri: Mr. Chairman: I rise to make a motion that I think is always in order. We have reached a point in the deliberations of this Convention at which I think we had better deliberate, and I have never known a National Convention or heard of one where men were placed in nomination before we understood the principles of the platform upon which they were to be placed; and now that your Committee on Resolutions has been granted until to-morrow to report, I move that we adjourn until 11 o'clock to-morrow.

A DELEGATE: Mr. Chairman, upon the motion of the gentleman from Missouri I demand the call of the States.

THE CHAIR: The call of the States is demanded upon the motion of the gentleman from Missouri that we adjourn until to-morrow. No debate is in order. The question is, Shall a call of the States be ordered?

The question being submitted, the motion to adjourn was declared lost.

THE CHAIR: Resolutions are offered; the Clerk will read them.

The Reading Clerk again read the resolution of Mr. W. H. Sowden, of Pennsylvania.

Also a resolution from L. J. Rose, of California, in relation to the growing industry of viticulture.

"Resolved, That the beautiful and growing industry of viticulture, making many beautiful homes and giving employment to a large and worthy class of citizens, is worthy of fostering care, and should be protected against all adulterations and imitation."

Also by Mr. Wm. Harrigan, of New Jersey, that the Convention will not accept the nomination of any man who is known to be against the interests of the laboring classes.

MR. G. V. MENZIES, of Indiana: Mr. Chairman, I make the point of order that the question before the Convention is upon the resolution offered by the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Sowden].

THE CHAIR: The gentleman's point of order is right. The question is upon the resolution of the gentleman from Pennsylvania.

MR. MENZIES: Mr. Chairman, I rise to a point of inquiry. When a call of States has been demanded, is it not a matter of right that it is not to be voted down by a viva voce vote of the Convention? There was a demand for the call of the States upon the motion to adjourn. That was a matter of right not to be voted down by viva voce vote.

THE CHAIR: The point of order is overruled.

MR. JOHN D. MCGILVRAY, of Colorado: Mr. President, I desire the permission of this Convention to withdraw my motion to temporarily postpone the resolution and offer a motion to lay upon the table.

THE CHAIR: The gentleman from Colorado asks leave to withdraw his motion to temporarily postpone the motion of the gentleman from Pennsylvania to proceed to the nomination of candidates. Unless objection is made leave is given.

MR. MCGILVRAY, of Colorado: I move you now that the motion of the gentleman from Pennsylvania be laid upon the table, and I call for the roll of the States.

MR. CLUNIE, of California: The only way to get a correct vote is to call the roll of the States. In any other way the audience in the galleries votes, and everybody votes.

THE CHAIR: The question is on the motion of the gentleman from Colorado to lay upon the table the motion of the gentleman from Pennsylvania. A call of the States Is asked for and ordered.

MR. HARRINGTON, of Missouri: Will the Chair please state the question?

THE CHAIR: The Chair is asked to state what the question is, and the effect of this vote. I will state it. The gentleman from Pennsylvania moves that we do now proceed to a call of the States to hear the nominations of candidates for the office of President. The gentleman from Colorado moves that that motion be laid upon the table. A vote "aye" lays the motion on the table. The Clerk will now call the roll. As soon as the collection of the votes of the States is complete, gentlemen will please take their seats.

The roll of the States was then called; when the vote of New York was called Mr. Daniel Manning, Chairman of the Delegation, announced 72 "no."

MR. GRADY, of New York: I hold in my hand the official —

THE CHAIR: The gentleman is not in order.

MR. GRADY: I rise to a point of order.

THE CHAIR: The gentleman is not in order. The call of the States is in progress and it must proceed to a conclusion.

MR. GRADY: I challenge the count and offer the official tally taken by one of the official tellers. I hold in my hand the official tally made by one of the tellers.

THE CHAIR: The challenge of the vote of any State will not interrupt the call. Proceed with the call.

MR. CLUNIE: I rise for information —

THE CHAIR: The gentleman from California.

MR. CLUNIE: I want to know if a man has not a right to have his State called by the individual members if his vote is announced wrong? I want the Chair to decide on that.

THE CHAIR: No challenge of the vote of a State will be entertained by the Chair until the conclusion of the call.

T. M. WALLER, of Connecticut: Mr. Chairman, I rise to a question of privilege and the question of privilege is this: If in this great Democratic Convention there is not authority enough and power enough to let men express their sentiments without being hissed by spectators. The question of privilege, sir, is this: That the Chairman of this Convention ought to instruct the ushers and men in authority that when any spectator undertakes to show his disapproval of any sentiment or of any person in this Convention, he should be ejected.

THE CHAIR: The gentleman from Connecticut raises a question of privilege which the Chair is disposed to uphold. It cannot be tolerated in the progress of this Convention that the spectators shall interrupt the harmonious and orderly procedure of it. The Sergeant-at-Arms is directed to remove any person who violates the order. The Chair recognized the gentleman from New York — Mr. Grady — but the Chair declined to interrupt the call of the States as announced by the Chairman until the roll is complete. The call of the roll will proceed.

The call of the States was then completed.

THE CHAIR: The gentleman from New York (Mr. Grady) rose to challenge the vote of that State. He will state the ground of challenge.

MR. THOMAS H. SHERLEY, of Kentucky: Mr. Chairman, the State of Kentucky wants to change its vote.

THE CHAIR: I will now recognize the gentleman from New York; and the gentlemen from Kentucky (Mr. Sherley) will be in order after that.

MR. GRADY, of New York: I hold in my hand the official tally of the vote of the Delegation from the State of New York, nineteen voting in the affirmative and forty-nine voting in the negative, and four of the Delegates not being present in the Convention. I ask that the vote be recorded as cast.

THE CHAIR: The Chairman of the Delegation from New York will again state the vote of that State.

MR. DANIEL MANNING, of New York: New York votes seventy-two noes.

THE CHAIR: The challenge of the gentleman from New York (Mr. Grady) the Chair is unable to recognize as valid upon the facts he states; because, as it has been announced to this Convention, and so far approved, New York votes under the instruction of her Convention as a unit upon all questions. The gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Sherley) has the floor.

MR. SHERLEY: I am instructed by this Delegation to change the vote of Kentucky.

THE CHAIR: Kentucky asks leave to change her vote. It will be considered given unless objection is heard.

THE READING CLERK: Kentucky changes her vote as follows:

MR. SHERLEY: Kentucky votes no 2 and aye 24.

The vote had been originally announced as 23 ayes and 1 no.

MR. DENNIS SPENCER, of California: I am instructed to change the vote of California to 15 ayes and 1 no.

The vote had been originally announced as 16 ayes.

THE CHAIR: California asks leave to change her vote, and it will be granted unless objection is heard.

There was no objection.

THE READING CLERK: How did you vote?

MR. SPENCER: We voted 16 ayes; and now we change it to 15 ayes and 1 no.

THE SECRETARY: California changes one vote aye to no.

G. W. GLICK, of Kansas: Kansas desires to change her vote.

THE CHAIR: The gentleman from Kansas asks leave to change her vote. Leave will be given unless objection is heard.

MR. GLICK: Five votes aye.

THE SECRETARY: How did you vote?

MR. GLICK: Just the reverse; 5 ayes and 13 noes.

The vote had originally been announced as 13 ayes and 5 noes.

GEN. E. S. BRAGG, of Wisconsin: Wisconsin desires to change her vote, so that the vote of Wisconsin will stand 2 ayes and 20 noes.

The vote had been originally announced as 22 noes. There being no objection, the change was made.

There being no further changes the Reading Clerk announced the result as follows:

THE CHAIR: The motion to lay on the table is lost. The following is the vote in detail:

The Vote By States.

State.	Yeas.	Nays.
Alabama	1	19
Arkansas		14
California	15	1
Colorado	6
Connecticut		12
Delaware	6
Florida		8
Georgia	8	16
Illinois	17	26
Indiana	30
Iowa		26
Kansas	5	13
Kentucky	24	2
Louisiana		16
Maine	3	8
Maryland		16
Massachusetts	6	13
Michigan		26
Minnesota	14
Mississippi	11	7
Missouri	7	25
Nebraska	1	8
Nevada	6
New Hampshire		8
New Jersey	14	4
State.	Yeas.	Nays.
New York		72
North Carolina		22
Ohio	19	24
Oregon	5	I
Pennsylvania	24	35
Rhode Island	1	7
South Carolina	11	7
Tennessee	23	1
Texas	14	12
Vermont		8
Virginia		24
West Virginia	2	10
Wisconsin	2	20
Arizonia		2
District of Columbia		2
Dakota	2
Idaho		2
Montana		2
New Mexico		2
Utah	2
Washington		2
Wyoming	2
Total	281	523

MR. G. V. MENZIES, of Indiana: Does the question not recur now upon the original proposition?

THE CHAIR: Certainly.

MR. MENZIES: Upon that we demand a call of the States.

MR. M. F. TARPEY, of California: I desire to offer an amendment to the original motion, and I demand a call of the States upon that amendment.

MR. EDGAR M. HARBER, of Missouri: I rise to a point of order. The question recurs upon the original motion.

MR. J. H. BUDD, of California: The previous question has not been ordered yet.

THE CHAIR: The amendment of the gentleman from California will be read.

THE READING CLERK: It is proposed to amend by adding to the resolution the following:

"But no vote shall be taken on the nomination for President until after the platform is adopted."

MR. SOWDEN, of Pennsylvania: Mr. Chairman, I most heartily accept the amendment of the gentleman.

THE CHAIR: The gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Sowden) accepts the amendment.

MR. MENZIES, of Indiana: I withdraw the call, Mr. Chairman.

THE CHAIR: The question, then, is upon the motion of the gentleman from Pennsylvania as amended by the gentleman from California — that we now proceed to a call of the States for nomination of candidates for President, but that no vote be taken until after the report of the Committee on Resolutions.

This resolution was adopted.

MR. M. F. TARPEY, of California: Mr. Chairman: My amendment was not read in full. I put in that amendment a call for a call of the States, which was not read.

THE CHAIR: The amendment was accepted and has prevailed.

MR. HARRISON, of Illinois: I move that this Convention do now adjourn until 7 o'clock this evening.

MR. TARPEY: I second the motion, and we demand a call of the States upon that question.

THE CHAIR: The gentlemen from Illinois (Mr. Harrison) moves that the Convention do now adjourn until 7 o'clock this evening.

MR. T. P. FENLON, of Kansas: I desire to offer an amendment that we adjourn until 11 o'clock to-morrow. The members of the Committee on Resolutions desire to be present when the nominations are made.

THE CHAIR: The motion is not in order, as the house has just voted that down. A call of the States is demanded; is that insisted upon?

MR. TARPEY: Yes, sir, we insist upon that.

THE CHAIR: Is the call of the States seconded?

A DELEGATE: Yes, sir; I second it.

THE CHAIR: A call for the vote of the States is demanded and seconded, and will be ordered. The question is upon the motion to adjourn until 7 o'clock this evening, and a vote "aye" is in favor of adjournment. The Convention will please be in order as soon as possible.

MR. FENLON: The gentlemen from Illinois offered a resolution that we adjourn until 7 o'clock this evening. I offered an amendment to change the time until 11 o'clock to-morrow. I insist that my amendment is in order, and is debatable, and I demand the floor for a moment on that. I am a member of the Committee on Resolutions. A sub-committee is now in session, composed of the most eminent men in this body, who desire to be here.

THE CHAIR: The gentlemen is not in order.

MR. FENLON: Then I will sit down.

MR. HARRISON: Mr Chairman: If the Convention will consent, as it was my desire not to waste time, I withdrew the motion to adjourn until 7 o'clock.

THE CHAIR: The gentlemen from Illinois, with the consent of the Convention, withdraws his motion.

MR. TARPEY: We object.

MR. LA RUE, of California: I seconded the gentlemen's motion that we adjourn until to-morrow morning at 11 o'clock. The Chairman put it to the vote; other business has since intervened, and it is certainly in order now to amend the motion.

MR. FENLON: Mr. Chairman, I desire to be heard a moment if I am in order.

MR. LA RUE: The gentlemen moved that the Convention adjourn until this evening at 7 o'clock. A motion was made amending the motion, that we adjourn until to-morrow at 11 o'clock. If such a motion had been made, and other business intervened, another motion to adjourn is always in order.

THE CHAIR: The Chair is still of the opinion that he is right, and that the gentlemen cannot renew a motion for adjournment to the same hour.

MR. LA RUE: Then I will make it half past 11.

THE CHAIR: The question is upon the motion of the gentleman from Illinois to adjourn until 7 o'clock to-night.

This motion was lost.

MR. MCGILVRAY, of Colorado: I move you now that this Convention do adjourn until half-past 10 o'clock to-morrow.

The motion was put and declared lost.

MR. TARPEY, of California: I desire to state that the Chair had

ordered a call of States upon the motion, and subsequently put it viva voce.

THE CHAIR: I think you are mistaken.

A Delegate from Missouri moved that the Convention adjourn until 8 o'clock in the evening. The Chairman put the question and it was lost.

MR. FENLON, of Kansas: I move that the Convention adjourn until 11 o'clock to-morrow morning.

This motion was lost.

HON. LEON ABBETT, of New Jersey: Mr. President, motions are put by the Chair amid such confusion that Delegates at this end of the hall cannot hear them. It is no deliberative body that has motions put and carried when Delegates have no opportunity to hear what the motion is, and I ask the Chair to preserve order in this Convention so that we can hear. Delegates at this end of the hall have not been able to hear half the motions that have been put in the last ten minutes.

MR. MENZIES, of Indiana: I rise to a point of order, that the galleries are voting on these motions to adjourn, and for that reason Delegates are calling for a call of the States to prevent the galleries from deciding motions here. The Chair seems not to hear the demand for a call of the States. We demand it as a right.

THE CHAIR: The Chair has been very careful to observe that the galleries have not voted on these questions.

GEN. BRAGG, of Wisconsin: I rise to a question. Can any individual Delegate to this Convention demand a call of the States, and can any individual Delegate second that call, and will we put upon this Convention the necessity of calling the roll time after time as it may occur to any one or two individuals in the Convention it ought to be called, or must not the call of the States come from a State, and be seconded at least by a State before it shall be entertained by the Chair?

THE CHAIR: The Chair has so governed his action.

MR. CULLERTON, of Illinois: I move the previous question.

THE CHAIR: The motion is not in order.

MR. CULLERTON: What is the motion before the house?

THE CHAIR: The Convention has adopted an order of business,

and will now proceed to execute it. The call of the States for nominations of candidates for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency will now proceed.

The Secretary then proceeded with the call of States for nominations. California being called, the Chairman of the Delegation (Mr. Spencer) arose and said:

MR. PRESIDENT: The State of California will have to ask the indulgence of the Convention. We have a name to present — a nomination — and the gentleman who is to present his name is temporarily absent. We ask that the State be passed for future nomination.

The Secretary called to Delaware.

MR. E. L. MARTIN, of Delaware: Mr. Chairman.

THE CHAIR: The Chair would invite the gentleman from Delaware to proceed.

MR. MARTIN, of Delaware: The State of Delaware desires to present before this Convention one of its Delegates, the Hon. George Gray, and asks that he may be heard by the Convention.

Mr. Gray came to the platform.

THE CHAIR: Mr. Gray, of Delaware.

MR. PRESIDENT, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION: I am instructed to present to you the name of a man worthy to receive the nomination for the exalted station of President of these United States. I do so, Mr. President and gentlemen, with a deep and realizing sense of the great responsibility that rests upon this Convention and upon every member of it to so act that the great opportunity that God himself, we reverently believe, has given us may not pass away unimproved; to so act that the dawning brightness that illumines our horizon may not be darkened, but may grow and increase into the noonday splendor of victory in November. The career of the Republican party, marked as it has been by a reckless disregard of every Constitutional restraint and every dear right that belongs to the people, fittingly culminated in a candidate and a platform that were made and declared in this hall a little more than a month ago. That nomination has flung defiance in the face of

American manhood and has revolted the conscience of the best men of the party whose nomination it is, and such a nomination, gentlemen, is a sign of the decadence of a great party, not a sign of its increasing strength.

Now, gentlemen, the Democracy of this great country demands that you shall give them as a standard-bearer in the impending contest one who has been tried in the balance and never found wanting. It demands a statesman whose wisdom and experience are known of all men. It demands a leader whose chivalrous courage will never falter, and who can and will bring to the dust the plumed knights of false pretences and personal dishonor. It demands a man of high and stainless honor, who will strike corruption whenever and wherever it shows its head. It demands a man with a national record that will bear the electric light of hostile criticism. It demands a man with a private character that will defy the malignant tongue of slander. The Democrats of these United States, in a word, demand a man who shall in his public and private character be the very antithesis and opposite of the nominee of the Republican party. Gentlemen, I speak from my heart, I know, but I do not believe that you will think that my affections have altogether taken possession of my head when I say that the man who is all this and more, and whose name I know is now leaping from your hearts to your lips; is Thomas Francis Bayard of Delaware. Why, gentlemen, this Republic, this dear country of ours, was reared by such men as he. And the Democratic party will always point with boundless pride to his spotless name and his magnificent career. Who, I ask, has defended that great palladium of our liberties, the rights of the States, more valiantly than he? Who has stood with more dauntless courage to resist the insolent assertion of arbitrary power that would have governed some of the fairest States of this Union by military satraps? When did his voice ever fail, on any great question that concerned the interests or honor of his country, to utter words of wisest counsel or to combat what he knew to be false?

How can you afford, gentlemen of the Democratic party, to pass him by? What account will you give to the Democracy who sent you here if you shall fail to meet the challenge of our opponents by failing to blazon his name upon our banners? What will you say to the people of all this great land who are now anxiously looking to the deliberations of this Convention, and waiting to see the lightning of heaven flash to the uttermost corners of this

Union that name which shall be a watchword in the battle for honest and pure government?

Gentlemen of the Convention, with Bayard as your candidate we will make no mistake. His name will still the voice of faction and close up the ranks of the Democracy in every State. He will carry every doubtful State and he will make those States doubtful that never were so before. Enthusiasm will take the place of apathy, and will grow and still grow as the Autumn leaves are falling, until the drear November is made bright and glorious by the paeons of our victory.

MR. MENZIES, of Indiana: Mr. Chairman.

THE CHAIR: The gentleman from Indiana, Mr. Menzies, has the floor.

MR. MENZIES: Mr. Chairman, the Indiana Delegation has requested the Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks to present the name of Indiana's candidate for the Presidency.

THE CHAIR: You will best testify the exalted respect we all feel for the gentleman from Indiana by aiding him in his task with your profound silence. I have the honor to present Gov. Hendricks, who will make a nomination on behalf of the State of Indiana.

MR. PRESIDENT, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION: This is my first experience as a Delegate in a National Convention, and as I rise to present the name of a distinguished citizen of Indiana for your consideration in connection with the office of President of the United States, I feel the delicacy and the great responsibility of the duty I have undertaken. The people now demand a change in the management of Federal affairs, and if this Convention will but give them half an opportunity they will execute that purpose in the election of a President in the coming Fall. I believe that the nominee of this Convention will soon become the chosen President of the United States. He will be the first inaugurated Democratic President of the United States in twenty-four years. He will come in burdened with all the duties that usually belong to that high office, and in addition, with such duties and delicate responsibilities as belong to the transfer of public affairs from the representatives of one party to the representatives of another after long control by the latter. May I ask your attention while I briefly refer to some of the labors and responsibilities

that will require courage, talent and strength on the part of the next President of the United States?

The Constitution imposes upon the President the duty of making such recommendations to Congress of such measures as he shall deem important and necessary. How delicate and important that duty becomes. The President is clothed with this authority by the Constitution. The Constitution imposing it upon him, Congress will heed his recommendations with great care. When Congress convened last December the revenues were annually accumulating in excess of the demands of economical government at the rate of fully fifty millions a year, and that, too, under a revenue system that had been adjusted within one year by the Republican party. When accumulated gold overflows the vaults of the Treasury and tempts to extravagant, wasteful, and sometimes corrupt legislation, who can question that revenue reform is the first duty of a successful party, and if the Democratic House had been reenforced by a President in harmony with it, recommending a well-considered measure of revenue reform, eliminating the vices that nestle in existing laws, and reducing very largely the amount of the revenues, does any man doubt that now there would have been a great relief from the burden of excessive taxation, and that we would have had a system of revenue resting upon justice and fair play? Foremost among the duties and obligations which this great Convention will admonish its nominee to represent is that the laws be executed, but also that the public expenditures be greatly reduced.

Shall the vast standing army of 120 regiments continue under Democratic rule? At the close of the War, I believe, 60,000 were found sufficient to execute the civil service. As a matter of course, that may be received with doubt by some, and it would not excite our special wonder, but when from 60,000 in the course of twenty years it shall advance to 120,000, it bids the Democracy pause. Supernumeraries must be dismissed and unnecessary employments discontinued; and in this connection may I not say that the people whom you represent will stand like a stone wall beside the next President in his endeavors to promote economy and general reform?

Eight years ago our party declared at St. Louis that "reform is necessary in the civil service," and it demanded a change of system, a change of administration, and a change of party, that we may have a change of measures and of men. The experience of every year has since confirmed that declaration and strengthened the demand.

It is but two weeks ago that a Secretary stood upon the witness stand in the presence of a Senate Committee to bear testimony to the reproach of one of the bureaus in his own department. It was in the Department of Medicine and Surgery, and that Secretary said that the false vouchers, he supposed, did not exceed $63,000.

In former times, when the sensibilities of the people became offended by official corruption, they themselves undertook the work of reform. I dare say many of you bear it in memory that an entire Administration went down, and for the time being the party went with it, because of a defalcation or embezzlement of $62,000. That was but forty years ago, and that was the only case that occurred of a defalcation during that Administration. Yet so fearful was the punishment by the people that the party went from power for the time being. Who expects that a party long in power, with all the emoluments of public position received and enjoyed by its followers and retainers, can reform itself? The recent case to which I have referred is very instructive. In that testimony the Secretary said that a year ago he had received a letter informing him of the misconduct of one of the employees, and that but very recently he had been told of two others engaged in nefarious transactions, but, he said to the committee, so earnest was the pressure, especially of members of Congress, for the reappointment of the head of the bureau that he could not believe it possible that his bureau was in the condition in which he found it at last. The offenses against the public service are numerous — many of them flagrant. They must be pursued to their hiding-places. They must be brought forth, exposed, and punished, and the agents that the President shall employ — I mean the new President that you are to nominate here — the agents that he shall employ must have none to shield, nothing to conceal. Let fidelity and competency once more on the part of the employees, and justice and fair play, so far as the people of the country are concerned, be observed, and reforms will follow.

I hope never again to see the cruel and remorseless proscription for political opinions which has disgraced recent Administrations. But, bad as the civil service is, I know that there are men of tried fidelity in it. I know that there are men of ability in the present service, and I would not ask that they should be driven from office; but none but such ought to be continued. In the language of a writer, "When we come to define the rights of the outs and those that are in, let it be understood that none but the fittest shall survive."

Now, Mr. President, I hope the new Administration will hold itself instructed by the sentiment of 1876, in opposition to centralization and to that dangerous spirit of encroachment which tends to consolidation in one, and thus creates, whatever the form of Government, a real despotism.

I have, Mr. President and gentlemen, but one other sentiment to refer to, before I shall call your attention to the claims which I propose to suggest for a man that I will name. And in respect to this sentiment no one is responsible but myself. Will nations never devise a more rational umpire of differences than force? Must blood and treasure always flow before international controversies can be settled? Controversies will arise; they are inevitable; but the civilization of this age demands that they be referred to the disinterested States for settlement by friendly arbitration. The intervening ocean protects our young Republic from the menace of European arms. It will be a beautiful spectacle if this Republic, so strong and so secure, shall lead the nations in a movement for permanent peace, and the relief of the people everywhere from the maintenance of standing armies and ships of war. The best act of Gen. Grant's Administration was the settlement by arbitration of the controversies touching the Alabama. That settlement stands in bright and glorious contrast in our history to the use that he himself made of our own army when he beleaguered the Capital that men might have offices to which they were never elected.

Mr. President and gentlemen, I have to suggest for your consideration a citizen of the State of Indiana, the Hon. Joseph E. McDonald. I thank you all for the reception which you have given to his name. Born in an adjoining State, Indiana became his home when but a boy. He learned a trade, and thus made himself independent and very respectable. And after that he pursued his studies with such opportunities as he had, and finally prepared himself for the great profession of the law. And from the time that he took his stand in the court house of his country until the present, when he may stand, it may be, in the Supreme Court of the United States, he has been the peer of the best of that profession in the West. First selected by the district in which he lives to prosecute the pleas of the State; afterwards chosen by the State to represent her as Attorney-General; next — not next to that, but before that — he went, from his own district in which he was raised from boyhood, up to the Congress of the United States. And afterwards the people of the whole State sent him as Senator to Washington.

Faithfully, diligently, ably for six years he represented Indiana in the Senate. And he was welcomed by the ablest of the Senators as their peer.

Mr. McDonald has been a student of the learning that has made the Democracy of the United States what it is to-day. He is familiar with the writings of the fathers; and his opinions are based upon the sentiments that came to him from their pages. He is of clear perception, of strong judgment, of earnest convictions, fair-minded and just. No man who will have occasion to go to the White House when he shall be the President, if you shall honor him with your nomination — no man will have occasion to find fault with the candid and frank manner of his reception.

Gentlemen of the Convention, I do not speak for Mr. McDonald alone; I do not speak for myself alone; I do not speak alone for these thirty gentlemen that have directed me to stand here and speak for them; I speak for a mighty State. Some ten days ago a Democracy that never steps backward, a Democracy that meets the contest when and where it may come, instructed these thirty gentlemen and myself to say to you that Joseph E. McDonald is worthy of your consideration as the candidate for President of the United States. And what is Indiana, and what is the Democracy of Indiana? This mighty State, that is neither of the East nor yet of the West, but sitting midway between the East and the West, resting upon the Ohio, associating in commerce, in trade, and in good neighborship with the adjoining States, this great State has said to us: "Present the name of Mr. McDonald to the greatest Convention the world has ever seen." And for Indiana I make my appeal to you to-day. What greeting will you give to Indiana? For twenty-five years, during which I have had some responsible connection with that great party, she has been without strife or discord in her ranks. She has stood always as one man, and when the election-days have come the tread of her Democracy has been as the tread of one regiment when the hour of battle is at hand. You know very well, gentlemen, that Indiana makes no question whether your candidate shall live in New York or Delaware, or Kentucky; you know very well that when the crisis comes Indiana will give him her vote. But I want to know, are you going to make it against Indiana because she is so faithful, because she will not hesitate? Are you to say, from election to election, from Convention to Convention, "We need not trouble about that solid State; she is all right; her vote will go well at the election; we must take care

— and just by way of illustration — we must take care of New York?" Is that where, as the representatives of the Democracy of Indiana, these thirty gentlemen and myself have to stand in your presence? We ask, not a favor, because Indiana is true always; but we ask that that shall not come in judgment against us. When many of your States did hesitate, when the War had passed, and the smoke of the battle had gone away and the sound of guns upon the plains and among the mountains had ceased, and you struggled, and we struggled, Indiana was the first State to carry the banner of Democracy in triumph to Victory.

And now, gentlemen, a man of good attainments and high character, indorsed by a mighty State, I present his name to you, and all that I ask is justice. The humblest of us all may ask that much; and when it shall come to be that in a Democratic Convention justice may not be asked, then perhaps, I will better renew the practice of the past, and not come to Conventions at all. I thank you, my brother Democrats, I thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the attention that you have given me while I have spoken for a friend.

MR. J. B. MANN, of Illinois: Mr. Chairman, in the call of the roll of States Illinois has been passed, but I ask that the privilege of seconding the nomination of Joseph E. McDonald — that the privilege of seconding this nomination — be accorded to Illinois' gallant citizen and soldier, Gen. John C. Black.

THE CHAIR: The State of Illinois, having been passed, asks leave to be called now to second the nomination by her citizen, Gen. Black. No objection being heard Gen. Black will proceed.

MR. CHAIRMAN, AND FELLOW DELEGATES: It is my high honor to second the nomination, made on behalf of the State of Indiana, of Joseph E. McDonald. We, fellow Delegates, to whom I address my remarks, must go from this vast Convention into the presence of an actual struggle, one compared with which this is but a single leaf upon a mighty tree; and in that mightier presence of the whole American people we must maintain our cause for the benefit of good government. The enthusiasm here exhibited, Mr. Chairman, will avail but little with the 55,000,000 who stand outside these walls unless we present to them the best of causes and the best of men. By our Platform we will appeal to the sober judgment of the people for the justness of our cause and challenge

denial of any of its assertions. We need for a leader a man whose antecedents and record, known and read of all, in and of themselves, will constitute and contain satisfactory answer to all reasonable objections. We need a man whose views upon all public questions now at issue can be found without a search-warrant and determined without an inquisition. We need a man who is known to be in favor of the great public policies which we advocate, and which we know lie at the foundation of our stability, prosperity, honor and glory as a free people.

Joseph E. McDonald is such a man. For twenty-five years in public life, as jurist, leader and statesman, he has made his mark on his age by the steadfast performance of his duty.

In behalf of the business interests of the land he favored the remonetization of silver and thus unlocked the wealth of the West and poured its full volume into the wasting veins of public prosperity. You men of California, and of Oregon, and the Far West, when it was sought by the cooley-contract system to crowd our free toilers out of the mines and fields of California, he helped to close the golden gates of the Pacific against the incoming hordes, and kept the Far West free from servile invasion. He has resisted the lavish expenditures of the public moneys. He has borne a conspicuous part in the effort to reform the mode and correct the amount and diminish the sum of Federal taxation, believing in the Constitutional declaration that the Congress of the United States can only raise moneys for the public needs, having no power to grant subsidies or bestow bounties. In his State, as in the Nation at large he has as firmly resisted all encroachments upon the vast body of rights reserved to the people by themselves and known by them in two words, "Personal Liberty"; words as sweet as ever fell from the lips of free men, and dreadful to the ears of tyrant, schemer and fanatic.

Thus we present him to you. Wise legislator, true financier, brave statesman, his record glitters with the stars of truth, and all may see its glory, and every star is a Democratic star, and all the glories are those of the people. What would you more? Do you demand success? He wrested his State from the calamitous fall of 1880, and in two years made it 10,000 Democratic. And to-day, with unanimous voice by the tongue of the ex-Vice-President of the United States, she asks for his nomination. Do you require courage, fellow Delegates, here is a man whom the blandishments of party have never swerved from the truth, and who in the face of

all temptation stood for the right as he believed it against all the waves of popular demand, stood like a rock, immovable, the image of the Scripture verified in him, silver and gold for his foundation, the money approved by the original Democratic creed. And when treason, Republican treason, in 1876 lay hold upon the pillars of the State and shook the fabric to its base, no hand more steadfast than his was raised in its support.

The voice of labor calls loudly to you for representation. Its organized hosts are at your doors. Its advocates stand in your midst and all around you. Its giant power tenders allegiance. Fellow Democrats, a million of voters wait your action here. This man toiled for years with his hands for his daily bread before achieving by his unaided efforts prosperity and power. He knew, and he now remembers, the passionate prayer and heart-deep need of the countless, masses that their rights be preserved and perpetuated. He is the child of toil, a strong son of the people, and their blood fills his right arm with life and power for their service. That makes him strong enough, and his arm long enough, to pluck the knotted plumes from the brow of corruption and tear from the form of venal officialism and rascality the mantle of fraud. He is a leader who has no factions to conciliate, none to conquer. At his call every Democrat will gladly prepare for action, every Democratic column will move upon the field, every Democratic banner be full high advanced and stream against the common foe to victory. He will have to call no councils of war to make peace with rebellious chiefs. He represents the total, harmonious mass of his party. From among many honored leaders we present him to you first among his peers.

Fellow Democrats of the East, for twenty years we have committed the ensign of leadership into your hands, and those of your chosen sons. For twenty years, never dishonored, it has rested upon the verge of victory. For twenty years we have rallied at your call, and the bugle blast of your Eastern chieftain was always potent to summon the hosts of Democracy from all this broad region. From our West, Oh, men of the East, we have gained State after State — a mighty Democratic train. See where we have set the Democratic banner — in almost every fastness of Republicanism in the Northwest. So long as patriotism demands it, and the voice of our Conventions enjoins it, we will still follow you steadfast and true; but if you will, for this year, support this brave, true Western Democrat, we promise you victory.

MR. DENNIS SPENCER, of California : When California was called she said she had a candidate to present, but at that time the gentleman who was to present the candidate was temporarily absent, owing to a slight sickness. He is now present, and we would ask the privilege of allowing California to name her candidate.

THE CHAIR: The Chair hearing no objection, the privilege will be accorded. California is considered as called.

MR. SPENCER: The Delegates have decided that the Hon. John W. Breckinridge shall present the name of the candidate.

THE CHAIR: Gentlemen of the Convention: The Hon. John W. Breckinridge, son of the last Democratic Vice-President who was not unjustly deprived of his office, will now address the Convention as the representative of California.

MR. CHAIRMAN, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION: By inadvertence, California was passed in this Democratic Convention; but we desire to say to you that when the ballots are cast in November next she will never be passed by a Republican candidate. She has sent us here, her representatives, in few and simple words to present for the consideration of the Democratic party a man who needs no eulogy at her hands, whose name is enshrined in the hearts of the whole American people. She has asked us to present for your consideration a man who, if you nominate him, we believe there is a settled conviction in the hearts of all will be the next President of the United States. Such a selection is a sacred trust and a solemn responsibility. There never was in the history of the party a rarer or a grander opportunity to make an appeal to the country. Let us present a man of whose integrity and devotion to principle there has never been a question, upon whose character and reputation there has never fallen the imperceptible shadow of blot or stain; whose ability and learning shall be commensurate with the duties of the high office to which we would elevate him — let us nominate such a one, place him side by side with his antithesis, the Plumed Knight of Maine, and simply say to the American people, "Behold the men!"

Gentlemen of this Convention, we of California believe that we can confidently turn and say, "Behold the man — Allen G. Thurman,

man, of Ohio!" Of all the honored and illustrious names which have been and shall be presented for the consideration of this Convention there are none which lie nearer to the great heart of the American people than that lofty and intrepid statesman who for more than twenty years has been the boldest and the ablest advocate of Democratic doctrine and Democratic principle.

California did not send us here to waste our time in eulogy — simply to present his name. But one word more, and it is this: We are told, sir — and it is the only objection which has been raised to him — this man at the close of the war, when the echoes of that strife were still vibrating in the air, annihilated in the great State of Ohio a Republican majority of nearly 40,000 votes — we are told as the only objection to him that Ohio is an October State; and our reply is, gentlemen, that this is not a State but a National Convention, and we are here to select a national candidate.

GEN. A. J. WARNER, of Ohio: Mr. President, Ohio has not been called, but I ask that the nomination which has just been made may be seconded at this time by Gen. Ward, of Ohio.

THE CHAIR: It can be done only by unanimous consent. The Chair hearing no objection, the application is allowed.

THE CHAIR: The Convention will listen to Gen. Durbin Ward, of Ohio.

MR. PRESIDENT, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION: If there were nothing else to inspire me, this sea of upturned, honest faces, would be enough to give me courage to speak in this presence. I came here as a Delegate from the State of Ohio, a Delegate-at-large, representing, I verily believe, the great majority of the Democratic party of that State, to second the nomination of Allen G. Thurman. Allen G. Thurman is not a name unknown to you. For a quarter of a century he has stood foremost in the ranks of that great party which has preserved the Constitutional liberties of this country. Ohio is the gateway between the East and the West. She has had many great citizens, living and dead. She has had a President, Chief Justices — all the grand offices of the Republic have, at one time or another, Mr. President, been awarded to the citizens of the State of Ohio. And I can proudly say, in seconding the nomination of Allen G. Thurman, that no prouder name appears in the

annals of Ohio, and no prouder name appears in the annals of the United States.

Gentlemen, Ohio is the battle-ground of this Presidential election — make what you will of it. You can win without it, but if you carry that State in October the battle is already won, and you need go no further.

Mr. President, and gentlemen of this Convention, I came here with unstudied words, having had no opportunity whatever to make the least preparation, but when a Senator who served twelve years in the Congress of the United States, a gentleman who was a great lawyer and a ripe jurist when he entered that body, and while he was there — without any disrespect to anybody else — whenever a stranger was called on to point out a great man on the floor of the Senate of the United States invariably he pointed to Allen G. Thurman who carried his red bandanna handkerchief. Gentlemen, we are entering upon the battle. The war is on. You want no plumed knight, panoplied in holiday armor, to take a tilt in the tournament for his fair lady's braid of hair, but you want an Ajax, with helmet and spear, to thunder along the line and deal death-giving blows to the foe whom we meet.

Allen G. Thurman is that man in thought, in intellect, in courage, in statesmanship, in adherence to Constitutional law, in defiance of the power of monopolies, in defense of the rights of the masses, in defiance of the corruptions of the age. Who to-day stands as the peer of Allen G. Thurman, unless it be that man who has passed away from the arena of politics — Samuel J. Tilden.

But it is said that he lives in an October State. It is said you cannot carry that State. Gentlemen of the Convention, we have carried the State twice in the last two annual elections. Give us Allen G. Thurman and we will carry it again in October as well as November. We bring to you no callow politician. We bring to you no man who has to tarry at Jericho until his beard has grown. We bring to you a Democrat of life-long standing. We bring to you a man who was a Democrat always; always true, always honest, always able, always resolute, never faltering, always just to his friends, and always merciful to his enemies.

Gentlemen of the Convention, I am detaining you too long. I say to you that in my deliberate judgment if you nominate — and I address it to the Delegates of New York, and Pennsylvania, and New Jersey, and Connecticut, and Indiana — if you nominate Thurman you have nominated the strongest candidate before the people

that can be put before this Convention. You not only command every Democratic vote in the United States, but you command the dissatisfied element in the Republican party.

You take a man as to whom they may be proud to say that they abandon their party to support that noblest Roman of them all, Allen G. Thurman.

I ask you to consider well before you vote against him. I know that it is said that there are divisions in Ohio; so there are in New York. I have heard New York battle with each other. There are divisions in both States, so that if that be a reason why Allen G. Thurman should be voted down, it is equally a reason why the candidate from the State of New York should be voted down.

He is a great statesman. We nominate him from Ohio, but he is not from Ohio. He is from the United States. Born in Virginia, the good old valley of Virginia, in the beautiful city of Lynchburg, coming to our State when a poor boy, without the aid of a dollar from anybody, he came with a strong arm, with the thought and intellect of a great man, and he has risen step by step, until this day, with all deference to everybody else, he is the colossal figure in the Democratic party of the United States.

THE CHAIR: The call of the roll will proceed.

When Kentucky was called, Mr. James A. McKenzie rose to his feet.

THE CHAIR: The gentleman from Kentucky.

MR. MCKENZIE: Mr. President, I shall not detain this Convention exceeding five minutes. It will take me three minutes to get to the platform. [Demands to go to the platform were persistent and Mr. McKenzie complied.]

THE CHAIR: Gentlemen of the Convention, the Honorable James A, McKenzie, of Kentucky.

MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION: In the name of a State that will give 50,000 majority to the nominee of this Convention, I desire to place in nomination for the highest office within the reach of human ambition, the name of the present distinguished Speaker of the American Congress, John G. Carlisle, of Kentucky.

In all the essential characteristics of manliness, courage, ability, integrity and patriotism, he is the peer of any that has been or will be mentioned in this great presence.

Since ill-health has compelled the retirement of the Sage of Greystone from the arena of active politics, no name carries with it more of talismanic charm and the respect of the American people than that of John G. Carlisle.

The Presidency of the United States is a position of such transcendant dignity, responsibility and honor that the civilization and prestige of this country, its laws, its liberties and all the great interests centering in such a trust demand that we present for the suffrages of a free people —

It may be urged against Mr. Carlisle that he comes from the wrong side of the Ohio River; but, my God, if the Statute of Limitations ever is to run against that plea it ought to begin now. I belong to a class of men who believe that the war is over. I belong to a class of men who believe that we have a Union in fact as well as in name; and I believe there is as much of honor, virtue and patriotism in the South as there is anywhere within the broad limits of our common country. I appeal to the sentiment of justice and fairness that pervades this great Convention, representing, as it does, the intelligence of the Democracy of America, if I come before it with any unnatural plea when I ask you to recognize that the arbitrament of the sword has settled the war, and to present to you a peace-offering in the person of John G. Carlisle. His history as a member of the House of Representatives stands out like an antique column, covered all over with the record of brave and honorable achievements. Wherever persecution has stalked abroad, or faction lifted its gorgon head, or dishonesty thrust its pilfering hand into the Nation's hoard, he has appeared in the lists as the defender of the persecuted, the champion of good order and Constitutional methods, and the sworn foe of all schemes of spoliation, plunder and extravagance.

Carlisle and the nominee of the Republican party present a contrast to which I would like to invite the attention of this Convention — the one a "combination and a form indeed, where every god did seem to set his seal to give the world assurance of a man;" the

other leprous with accusation and tattooed all over with imputed spoils and jobbery.

The Democratic party, under the leadership of a man so conservative as Mr. Carlisle, would become the antithesis of everything that the worst elements of the Republican party advocate and espouse — and God knows that there are worse elements in that party than in any other on the face of the earth.

It would represent the spirit of order, rather than the genius of riot; the dominion of law, rather than the recklessness of license; the betterment of our civil service, rather than the longer reign of a system which fosters dishonesty, and encourages incompetency. It would proclaim to the conservatism of the country the fact that the Presidency is a great public trust, and not a personal perquisite. [The speaker had been directing most of his remarks to the Chairman, and at this point the demands of the audience became vociferous that he should turn about and face them. He inquired of the Chairman what was wanted. The Chair replied that they wanted him to face the audience. He then came forward and, in a voice to be heard distinctly all over the hall, said "All right, gentlemen, I am not afraid to face you." When the great burst of applause which greeted this retort, had subsided, the speaker continued]: It would announce that corporations should be under the dominion of law, rather than the law, and the law-maker should be under the dominion of corporations. That our lost commerce shall be restored to its rightful place on the high seas, rather than that our sailorless ships shall fall down piecemeal, and our carrying trade come and go in foreign bottoms. Above all and above everything, it would announce that war taxes shall be put on a peace basis, rather than that peace taxes shall be continued on a war basis; it would announce that our public domain should be utilized as homes for the American people, rather than as seignories for foreign syndicates and gigantic railroad corporations.

It would announce to the country that there should be demanded honesty, capacity, and integrity of every person intrusted with political power, or public place, rather than the longer continuance of a civil service in which personal fealty is the highest test of qualification, and in which dishonesty and incompetency are not infrequent exceptions to the general rule.

I invoke upon this National Convention the spirit of peace and harmony. You will have need for the vote of Kentucky when you come to make up the sum total of the result in the November

election, and I urge Mr. Carlisle's claims with less hesitation when I reflect that of the 201 electoral votes necessary to secure a Democratic President we propose in the South to furnish you 153 of them, and not charge you a cent for it.

We are all a Democratic family, do not let us fall out about questions of detail. I want to see this country sectionalized on parallels of longtitude as well as on parallels of latitude. I want to live to see the time when the spirit of such confraternity will exist between the sections North and South as to obliterate all unpleasant memories of the war.

Mr. President, let there be no laggards or cowards in the Democratic ranks. Close up the files, and let there be no contentions or wranglings over minor points or sentimental differences, but let us fight with a common impulse against a common foe.

I have read in English history that when the forces of Oliver Cromwell were lying upon their arms awaiting battle they frequently engaged in angry disputations concerning matters of faith, but when the order to charge came down that line from old Ironsides, with the forces of Prince Rupert in front, they forgot their differences, and had no thought but victory until success crowned the arms of the Protector. The honorable gentleman, the Chairman of this great Convention, will shortly give to this Democratic host the command to charge all along the line. Laying aside, then, all differences, all dissensions, all bickerings and all strife, let us charge the Republican party, front and rear, and with John G. Carlisle at the head of the column, win such a victory as was won by the Puritan soldiery over the forces of Charles at Naseby and Marston Moor.

MR. CARTER H. HARRISON, of Illinois: On behalf of ten thousand hungry and five thousand thirsty people I move that the Convention adjourn until seven o'clock this evening.

THE CHAIR: The motion is not in order. The Convention is in the execution of a previous order. The roll of States will proceed.

When Massachusetts was called, Hon. Josiah G. Abbott said:

Mr. Chairman, Massachusetts presents no name for nomination at this time.

MR. E. C. WALTHAL, of Mississippi: Mr. Chairman, the State of

Mississippi, through Gen. Charles E. Hooker, desires to second the nomination of the Hon. Thomas F. Bayard, of Delaware.

GENTLEMEN OF THE DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OF THE UNION: We of the South have come to your Convention, as it has been our wont for many years past, to fight as soldiers in the ranks of the Democratic party. We come with a solid electoral vote from the South for the nominee of this Convention, whoever he may be. We come with no set speech in favor of any special individual; and as the representative of my own Delegation I come to speak and to second the nomination of the distinguished Senator from Delaware, Thomas F. Bayard. When I heard the nomination made by that distinguished citizen of Indiana of a Western Democrat who stands high in the estimation of the party all over the Union, when his name was presented by Gov. Hendricks, of Indiana, he whom we came from the South hoping to support, in common with the head of the great old ticket of 1876, it touched a very warm place in the heart of every Southern man. And when the distinguished young gentleman from California, whom I saw to-day, when he stood upon this stand to speak to you for the first time, a fit type of his great and glorious father, whom it was my delight to honor — when I heard him present the name of Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, in the heart of every Mississippian and every Southern man the conviction arose that he had named a man high and lofty in the ranks of the Democratic party, peering with any one. We of the South have come here for the purpose of uniting in making a nomination with our fellow Democrats all over the Union which shall achieve Democratic victory in November next; and as we survey the ground we take our position not because we have special favorites, but because we are looking to a nomination that may compact together, upon the principles asserted in our platform and upon the candidate nominated, the entire Democracy of the whole Union!

It is said that Thomas F. Bayard comes from a small State. Aye, he does, gentlemen of the Convention, but in his own person he has a heart large enough and a head big enough to embrace the whole Union from sea to sea.

We want a nomination made here upon principles which shall command success. We want a nomination made of a man whose record is so fair that it is utterly and entirely unassailable. We

want a nomination of a man who stands upon the great financial questions in an attitude of acceptability to every portion of this widespread country. We want a man who, upon the tariff question, stands upon the firm, safe middle-ground between the impracticability of free trade upon the one side and the equally unconstitutional doctrine of protection for protection only, upon the other. We do not intend, I hope, that this great Democratic Convention shall be split in two by the quarrels anywhere had upon the question of the tariff. We intend to make the plank broad enough for us all to stand upon and desert no principle in maintaining it.

In seconding the nomination of Mr. Bayard it would be idle for me to speak to the American people of his character. His record is before you, unblemished by a single mistake, unstained by a single act that requires explanation. He would head your ticket and bear your flag for an assailing canvass against the forces of the enemy; and not one advocate upon any stump in the Union would ever have to explain either the personal character or the public record of Thomas F. Bayard. It is because we believe he possesses these elements of success, this capacity to combine and concentrate the power of the party everywhere, that we second in behalf of Mississippi the nomination made by the State of Delaware. There are said to be divisions in some of the great States. In the State of New York, the Empire State, that stands in colossal grandeur and power in your Electoral College, and which gives great strength and force and power to whomever it may name, it is well known to us all that there are divisions. We have seen it in this Convention, and I suggested to one of the gentlemen of that Delegation when I first learned on my arrival here that Tilden and Hendricks would no longer be in the field that we should select a candidate outside of New York who would coalesce and combine together the entire Democratic party in the Empire State, and in our judgment Thomas F. Bayard was that man.

We have passed the day in the history of the Democratic party, and I trust in the history of our nation, when men of mediocre capacity, when men whose characters are stained by anything that is not as pure as the bright snow upon Alpine summits, ought to occupy the highest office within the gift of the American people.

We want a man of brains and culture and courage, and Thomas F. Bayard is that man. We want a man whose knowledge of Governmental affairs of the entire continent, whose public career shall command admiration of the entire country. He speaks in no doubtful

terms upon any question that has ever been before the American people. Gathering his inspiration from the great founders of the Constitution, he believes in maintaining the Government of the United States, in the language of the Supreme Court of the United States, as an indissoluble Union of indestructible States, preserving on the one hand the Constitutional powers of the Federal Government in the sphere of power and authority, and on the other preserving with equal sanctity the powers of the States reserved to themselves. This is his great cardinal doctrine. I have said that with him I believe we could challenge success. He will heal the differences of he great Empire State of New York. He will coalesce the two great sections of that party. He stands the best chance of any man that can be named to carry the State of New Jersey. He stands the best chance of any man that can be named to carry the State of Connecticut, and he has a record so pure, so upright, so unchallenged, that he will achieve victories in States where we now do not think of it. And with his name upon our standard when we go before the people you will hear the "io triumphe " of victory coming from where the great Mississippi flows, with its thousand tributaries, to that golden bowl of the West Indies — the Gulf of Mexico. You will hear it coming from the glittering lakes of your own fair and sun-favored country of the West. You will hear it coming from where the long swell of the Atlantic breaks upon the rock-bound New England shore. The voice of victory will span the continent, crossing hill and vale, rill and mountain, and its last great echo, I say to my friends in California, will be heard where the Western ocean breaks against the golden gates of California.

I have said that Thomas F. Bayard's record, his position, his principles, his attitude, need no explanation to the American people. He speaks never in any doubtful terms. His are not the words that fall from the lips of the unthinking demagogue to madden for a moment, and expire, but his are words winged with great deeds for the future, words of sober wisdom and lofty patriotism, such as freedom's martyrs exhale as they expire and the most enduring forms that earth permits to linger in the shade of the huge crag where the eagle builds his eyrie, or in the sea-cave where the tempest sleeps, until some hero of gigantic mold like Thomas F. Bayard shall bid them wake to fill the world with echo.

THE CHAIR: The call of States will proceed.

When Nebraska was reached, Mr. R. A. Beatty said:

Ex-Gov. Morton, of the State of Nebraska, desires to second the nomination of Bayard. He is now engaged on the Committee on Resolutions, and desires to have that opportunity after he comes from that Committee.

THE CHAIR: Nebraska desires an opportunity to second the nomination of Mr. Bayard after the gentleman who has been selected for the purpose shall return. He is now engaged upon a Committee. Unless objection is made, leave will be taken as granted.

MR. COCKRAN, of New York: Is it in order to move a recess pending the roll-call?

THE CHAIR: It is not. The Convention is in the execution of an order to call the roll of the States, which is but partly completed.

MR. HARRISON, of Illinois: Suppose this call of the roll should last until midnight? A motion to adjourn to a fixed time is always in order.

THE CHAIR: The parliamentary law would not differ if it lasted until Saturday midnight.

The call of the States was continued, and when New York was reached, Mr. Daniel Manning, of that State, arose and said:

New York presents the name of Grover Cleveland, and desires to be heard through Mr. Daniel N. Lockwood, of Buffalo.

THE CHAIR: The Hon. Daniel N. Lockwood, of New York.

MR. CHAIRMAN, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION: It is with no ordinary feeling, and with no ordinary feeling of responsibility, that I appear before this Convention as a representative of the Democracy of the State of New York for the purpose of placing in nomination before this Convention a gentleman from the State of New York for the candidacy of the Presidency of the United States. This responsibility is made greater when I remember that the richest pages of American history have been made up from the records of Democratic Administrations. Its responsibility is made still greater when I remember that the only blot in the political history of the country — the action of the Electoral Commission at Washington in

1876 — was an outrage upon the American people, that that outrage and that injury to justice is still unavenged, and this responsibility is not lessened when I recall the fact that the gentleman whose name I shall present to you has been my political associate from our youth to the present hour. Side by side have we marched to the melody of Democratic music. Side by side have we studied the principles of Jefferson and of Jackson, and learned the faith in which we believe, and during all this time we have occupied the positions, comparatively, of private citizens, yet always true and always faithful to Democratic principles. And, gentlemen of the Convention, the only object of our meeting here is to deal with the question so that when we have gone to our homes the people who are the voters of the country will ratify the nomination which we shall make.

No man has greater respect or more veneration for the honored names which have been presented to this Convention than myself; but, gentlemen, the world is moving, and moving rapidly. From the North and the South new men — men who have acted but little in politics — are coming to the front, and to-day there are hundreds and thousands of young men in this country, men who are to cast their first vote, men who are independent in politics, and they are looking to this Convention praying silently that there shall be no mistake made here. They want to drive the Republican party from power; they want to cast their vote for a Democrat in whom they believe; and those people know from the record of the gentleman whose name I shall present that Democracy with him means honest government, pure government, the protection of the rights of the people of every class and every condition.

A little more than three years ago I had the honor at the City of Buffalo to present the name of this same gentleman for the office of Mayor of that city. It was presented then for the same reason and for the same causes that we present it now. It was because the government of that city had become corrupt, had become debauched and political integrity sat not in high places. The people looked for a man who would represent honest government, and without any hesitation they named Grover Cleveland. The result of that election and of his holding that office was that in less than nine months the State of New York found herself in a position to want just such a candidate and for just such a purpose. At the State Convention in 1882 his name was placed in nomination for the office of Governor of the State of New York. The same people, the same class of people knew that that meant honest government, it meant pure government,

it meant Democratic government, and it was ratified at the polls; and, gentlemen, now after eighteen months of service there the Democracy of the State of New York come to you and ask you to go to the country, to go to the Independent and Democratic voters of the country, to go to the young men of the country, the new blood of the country, and present the name of Grover Cleveland as your standard-bearer.

I shall indulge in no eulogy of Mr. Cleveland; I shall not attempt any further description of his political career; it is known; his Democracy is known; his statesmanship is known throughout the length and breadth of this land. All I ask of this Convention is to let no passion, no prejudice, influence their duty which they owe to the people of this country. Be not deceived. Grover Cleveland can give the Democratic party the thirty-six Electoral votes of the State of New York next November. He can by his purity of character, by his purity of Administration, by his fearless and undaunted courage to do right, bring to you more strength than any other man. One word more. Cleveland's candidacy before this Convention is offered upon the ground of his honor, his integrity, his wisdom, and his Democracy. Upon those grounds we ask it, believing that if nominated by this Convention he can be elected and take his seat at Washington, a Democratic President of the United States.

MR. F. H. WINSTON, of Illinois: The State of Illinois asks the indulgence of the Convention that the nomination of Grover Cleveland may be seconded by Mayor Carter H. Harrison, of Chicago. We again claim the indulgence of the Convention.

THE CHAIR: The gentleman from Illinois asks leave for the State of Illinois to second the nomination of Grover Cleveland. The State of Illinois has been called and passed. Is there any objection? If not, his second will be received.

MR. GRADY, of New York: Will the State of New York be called again?

THE CHAIR: The gentleman from New York will be recognized presently. I need hardly name to this Convention the next Governor of Illinois.

MR CHAIRMAN, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION: I was asked a little while ago to second this nomination because the distinguished gentleman who was to have done so is absent by reason

of indisposition. I will detain you but a few moments to give you the reasons why I think Illinois wants Grover Cleveland for its candidate. Gentlemen, in 1876 was that terrible crime, so graphically described by your Temporary Chairman, committed. He told you in language I cannot compare with that that crime is yet to be avenged, and that till the Democracy had won a Presidency it would not be wiped from the page of American history. He told you that that crime was next to judicial murder — murder committed by the Republican party. And remembering that it is said "Whoso sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed," the Democracy must destroy the Republican party this Fall or the crime goes four years longer unavenged. Eight weeks ago we heard coming from all over this land a name that we know would wipe out the crime. From the North and from the South, from the East and from the West came the name, and that name was Samuel J. Tilden.

A VOICE: And Hendricks.

MR. HARRISON: I will reach the other end of the ticket in a moment. Samuel J. Tilden we expected to be presented at this Convention, and we had expected no nomination and no ballot. It would have been done by acclamation, and it would have been followed by another name — one who even yet, if we cannot agree, may be mentioned here; but with true chivalry, true to his friend whom he has nominated to-day, Thomas A. Hendricks refuses to have his name mentioned here.

Now, gentlemen, how is the crime committed in 1876 to be avenged? The cry came eight weeks ago for Tilden and reform. That cry is echoed here, "Cleveland and reform." No man asked the nomination of Mr. Cleveland because of his magnetism. He neither attracts the people nor do corporations attract him. The magnetic man is on the other side. We want a man whose name will be the synonym of honesty and reform. We believe in Illinois that the mantle of Gov. Tilden has fallen, and rightly fallen, and rests gracefully upon the shoulders of Grover Cleveland. We believe in the last closing words of that great letter from our grand leader, whose brain is yet as clear as a bell, though an Almighty God has permitted his hand to be palsied and his voice to be almost stilled, we believe in that utterance of his, that the cry of the Democratic party this Fall must and shall be reform; and we have no doubt that Mr. Cleveland will give us reform.

Gentlemen, we are here to deliberate. I do not want to nominate Mr. Cleveland if we cannot elect him. They tell us we cannot. Factional

fight comes and says he has enemies. Where does the fight come from? They say that a great Church will oppose him on religious grounds. Ah, no! That Church never lets its minister's voice be heard in the pulpit preaching politics; and the cry that that Church will not permit Mr. Cleveland to be elected is a slander upon a Church that has in its employ some of Democracy's first and most noble standard-bearers.

They say that the Irish will cut his throat — they will knife him. Did you ever know the Irish to knife the Democratic party except for good reasons? No! The Irishman believes in the Democratic party because the Democratic party is true to every oppressed people and is true to the Irishman.

They say Mr. Cleveland, forsooth, did not pardon somebody, and therefore the Irish will knife Mr. Cleveland. Whom will they knife Mr. Cleveland for? For Mr. Blaine? Why, do you think that the Irishmen will forget Max Sweeney lying in a foreign dungeon? Max Sweeney, whose wife had shed tears almost of blood, before James G. Blaine, and he turned a deaf ear to her supplications. The Irish will not desert Mr. Cleveland, because the Irish believe in the Democratic party when the Democratic party is right. And if we nominate Mr. Cleveland we will be right, and the Irish will stand by us.

They tell us that the workingmen will desert Mr. Cleveland. My friends, who are the friends of the workingman? It is the Democratic party; the party of the people; true to the workingmen; founded on the workingmen; a party founded and built upon the workingmen as upon a rock which will endure forever.

They tell us that Mr. Cleveland vetoed some bill hostile to the workingmen. Has there been a whisper that those vetoes, or that veto, was brought about by corrupt influences? Not one. It is an insult to the workingman to say that he is going to be caught by a catchword, or carried away by idle denunciation.

My friends, there is another great party in this country; there is another great nationality; and those spring from it who believe in honesty. I speak now of the Germanic people of the United States. All they demand in the officers of the Government is honesty of purpose and honesty in practice. Give us Gov. Cleveland, and I believe ninety per cent. of the German-speaking Republicans of the past will be found side by side with the Democrats this Fall in electing him.

On this account, Mr. Chairman, I ask that this Convention will

nominate Grover Cleveland; because I believe he will help us to win Illinois next November.

THE CHAIR: The gentleman from Minnesota has the floor.

MR. GEORGE N. BAXTER, of Minnesota: The State of Minnesota, which has been passed in the call of the roll, asks the privilege of seconding the nomination of Gov. Cleveland.

THE CHAIR: The State of Minnesota asks the privilege of seconding the nomination of Gov. Cleveland. There being no objection, the privilege is accorded.

MR. A. J. O'CONNOR, of Illinois: I object until New York is through with.

THE CHAIR: You are too late. The objection was not made until after the privilege had been accorded.

THE CHAIR: The Hon. Richard A. Jones, of Minnesota.

GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION: Minnesota, coming here from the Far North and what was but recently the Far West, desires to add her modest voice in seconding the name of the Governor of New York for President of the United States. We came here elected to support another and more distinguished name from that great State, together with the eloquent gentleman who presented the candidate from Indiana, but, being denied that privilege, we wish to urge upon you deliberation and care in selecting a candidate who may be elected in November, and we believe that that man is Grover Cleveland, of New York. We have nothing to say against, but everything in favor of, that distinguished Senator coming from the State of Delaware, whose own great name enlarges the boundaries of his State. We look with pride to that still great name, once so eloquent in the councils of the United State Senate, coming from Ohio, who stands like some tall cliff, lifting his noble form undismayed, though defeated in his own State, dear to all of us as the bright and great son of Ohio. But, gentlemen, we want to succeed this next November. We want you to give us a name that even in Minnesota, where we cannot give you an Electoral vote, yet we may advance the banners of Democracy until they shall be fixed, like the motto upon our State escutcheon of the North Star, unmoved and always Democratic, and carried forth in the future to victory. If you will place on the banners of the Democracy this Fall the great name

from New York and cry "Excelsior," we, too, will take up the shout that shall echo from the Atlantic to the Pacific until we have achieved the victory that is already thundering in the air.

Gentlemen of the Convention, I have no other words to say to you than this. In Republican States, like the State of Minnesota, we wish to add new names to the Democratic poll. We wish to increase our numbers. Then we call upon you to give us the name of Grover Cleveland, for whom every Democrat can vote in that great State. You have been detained too long already, and I therefore simply leave the stand, thanking you for your attention.

The Chairman now recognized Mr. T. F. Grady, of New York, who came forward to the platform.

THE CHAIR: The Hon. Thomas F. Grady, of New York.

MR. HOSEA W. PARKER, of New Hampshire: I rise to a point of order. The gentleman is out of order unless he rises for the purpose of seconding a nomination.

THE CHAIR: The gentleman (Mr. Parker) will please take his seat. The gentleman from New York (Mr. Grady), having been recognized and awarded the floor, I cannot sustain a point of order that he is not entitled to have it.

GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION: You will remember that a little while ago, in a Convention held within these walls, amid the most unbounded enthusiasm outside the floor of the Convention, with waving plumes and shouts of joy, recorded as lasting for seventeen minutes continuously, the Republicans named their candidate; but within a few hours all the enthusiasm had subsided, and he has been the tamest kind of a candidate ever since.

I have no dancing plume to wave. I have no hope that the plain story I propose to address to you will awaken unbounded enthusiasm among those whose only concern is that some local advantage may be gained under the name of "Cleveland and Reform" in this, that, or the other State, at the sacrifice of the Presidency of the United States. I should be glad to second Mr. Cleveland's nomination except that I know and believe I can show you that he cannot carry the State of New York. I do not ask you to take my word for it. I don't ask you to decide a question of veracity as between the gentlemen who favor him and myself. I do not ask you

to weigh my opinion against that of any other man. But I point to you a test as unerring, as certain as the light of day itself, — if Grover Cleveland was the choice of the New York Democracy the last State Convention of that organization and the Delegates-at-large chosen by it, would not be equally divided between his friends and his opponents.

GEN. BRAGG, of Wisconsin: Mr. Chairman, I rise to a question of order.

THE CHAIR: The gentleman will state his point of order and it will be heard.

GEN. BRAGG: I cannot state my point of order when a mob controls the Convention. When order prevails I will state my point of order. My point of order is that the order of business which this — [The confusion was so great the speaker's voice was drowned again.]

THE CHAIR: The Sergeant-at-Arms will preserve order. The gentleman is entitled to state his point of order, and shall do it.

GEN. BRAGG: My point of order is that the order of business which this Convention is executing is the nomination of candidates and not the attacking of candidates. Upon that point I call the gentleman to order and ask the ruling of the Chair.

THE CHAIR: The Chair remembers that a similar point of order was made at the St. Louis Convention; and, as the Chair remembers, it was sustained. But the Chair has been disposed to be exceedingly lenient in allowing the course of remarks, anticipating that the gentleman would come to his nomination. Unless he is about to proceed to his nomination the Chair would feel obliged to sustain the point of order.

MR. DANIEL MANNING, Chairman of the New York Delegation: On behalf of the New York State Delegation I ask unanimous consent of this Convention that Mr. Grady be allowed to proceed, without regard to the point of order.

THE CHAIR: The Chair did not hear the gentleman from New York. [The official stenographer repeated to the Chairman what Mr. Manning had said.] The Chairman of the New York Delegation asks the consent of the Convention that the gentleman (Mr. Grady) be allowed to proceed irrespective of the point of order.

GEN. R. C. WICLIFFE, of Louisiana: I will agree to that proposition,

provided a New York Delegate shall be heard in reply to him.

THE CHAIR: The Chair hears no objection, and presumes that to be the unanimous consent of the Convention. The Sergeant-at-Arms will ask the gentlemen to take their seats. The Convention will please be in order, and give Mr. Grady the entire, patient hearing that his ability entitles him to.

MR. GRADY: Mr. Chairman, it has been stated that the purpose for which you are assembled is to make a nomination that will be ratified by the people at the next election, and it has been urged in support of the nomination presented from New York that that is the one that would receive such treatment at the hands of the people. I am here to say to you that we do not claim, a suggested by the distinguished Delegate from Illinois, that the Catholics or the Irish are against Mr. Cleveland. We are here to say that the Anti-Monopoly element of the State, and the laboring interest of the State, Catholic and Protestant, Irish, German and American, every man who belongs to either of these two great interests, is opposed to Grover Cleveland's nomination, and will be opposed to Grover Cleveland's election, and with good reason for their course. I am speaking to you from the records of our State. I am not sneaking into the rooms of your Delegations, taking my chance as to whether what I say will be known to those of when it is said. I am here before this Convention backed by the public records of my State. Mr. Cleveland was elected Governor of the State of New York in 1882 by a majority of 192,000. He owed that majority, first, to the most loyal, enthusiastic, devoted Democratic support that ever a candidate received. Next, he owed it to those identified with the Anti-Monopoly organization in every one of the sixty counties of our State, because at the preceding Legislative session a Railroad Commission bill had been passed; and third, he owed it to the Republican disaffection brought about by the same interference in local concerns of which Mr. Cleveland himself has been guilty since.

But let us go back to 1882. The gentleman who placed his name in nomination said the world is moving — moving rapidly. The world is moving much too rapidly, if Thurman, McDonald, Bayad and Randall must stand aside while Cleveland takes the lead. We had an election in 1883. We had a candidate representing all that Mr. Cleveland represents. He was Mr. Cleveland's beau ideal; he represented his party policy, his political methods, and everything

with which Mr. Cleveland has seen fit to identify himself; and instead of riding at the head of the majority column, 192,000 strong, he was buried under an adverse majority of 18,597, making a change in the Democratic vote of 211,431. They will tell you that a local issue brought about that change. They will tell you that it was the candidate's identification with Prohibition; but the whole State, from one end to the other, where the liquor element was great and where the liquor element was weak, showed the same dissatisfaction with Mr. Cleveland's administration; and right in Mr. Cleveland's own home of Erie County the Democratic loss was 11,787. Let me try to show you the cause for this. I said that much of Mr. Cleveland's success was due to the fact that the Democratic Legislature in 1882 had passed a Railroad Commission bill. Much of the dissatisfaction with Mr. Cleveland to-day is because he has deprived the people of the fruits and benefits of that Railroad Commission bill. He has appointed men identified with the interests to which the people are opposed. He has made it not a court before which they can go with confidence, but a packed jury, in which they have no voice, and from which they can gain no relief. (Confusion and noise.)

HON. M. J. MCCAFFERTY, of Massachusetts: Mr. Chairman, I call attention to the fact that all disturbances are outside the line of the Delegates. If the President would enforce the rule that those outside of Delegates should remain quiet or the house would be cleared of them we would get through with this business much more rapidly.

THE CHAIR: The Chair will certainly enforce that rule unless the disturbances be discontinued. The gentleman from New York has the floor and is entitled to patient hearing.

MR. GRADY: It was because of this action that the Anti-Monopoly vote, which is not the Tammany vote, which is not a vote controlled by political organization, which is not a vote confined to the City of New York, but which extends throughout the entire State — that vote was alienated from the Democratic party, and if there be any dispute as to the standing of that organization in reference to the nomination of Mr. Cleveland for the Presidency I am willing that the Executive Committee of the Anti-Monopoly League should speak, and they have spoken, in condemnation of his candidacy, and of unalterable opposition in the event of his name being placed upon our ticket.

The distinguished gentleman from Illinois, who doubted whether there was any one who would charge the veto of the Elevated Railroad bill as being influenced by corrupt motives, can do as all of us have done — take the facts and make up his opinion for himself. In 1882 the Democratic Senate passed the Five-Cent-Fare bill. In 1882, as was supposed, by the corrupt use of money, the Five-Cent bill was defeated in the Assembly. In 1883 the bill passed the Assembly without any attempt to stop it. The bill came to a Senate already committed to its support and the people thought there was something wrong — people feared there might be something wrong — and people have placed the entire responsibility for the injustice under which they suffer in this regard upon the shoulders of the present Governor of our State. Mr. Chairman, and gentlemen of the Convention, they have told you that this Five-Cent-Fare bill was an unimportant local issue. I will tell you what it meant. It meant that when the clerk left his business at 3 o'clock Saturday he should not stand for an hour and a half under the broiling sun to keep five cents in his own pocket and out of the pocket of the grasping monopoly whose services he had to employ. It meant that on Sunday, when the mechanic —

A VOICE IN THE AUDIENCE: Why don't you speak for Blaine?

THE CHAIR: The Sergeant-at-Arms will give attention to that man in the gallery.

MR. CASSIDY, of Iowa: I move that the galleries be cleared.

THE CHAIR: The galleries must keep order or they will be cleared. The gentleman shall have the floor and a fair opportunity to say every word he is entitled to say.

MR. GRADY: It meant that on Sunday, when the mechanic took his wife and his two or three children to get a breath of fresh air from out the tenement districts that he should not have to pay — (Renewed confusion.)

THE CHAIR: The Convention will be in order. Delegates will take their seats. Every man must contribute his efforts to preserve order by maintaining it himself. The gentleman from New York will proceed. Let there be perfect order and you will enjoy his argument and sooner reach a conclusion.

MR. GRADY: It meant that when the workingman on Sunday takes his wife and his two or three children to the Elevated Railroad depot to go from out the tenement district into the suburbs, there to have the only holiday vouchsafed him during the week, he should

pay twenty cents instead of forty cents fare, and in going and coming save what represents to him the toil of five hours during the day. And I say to you the State of New York cannot be carried for Mr. Cleveland; not because of any Irish question, not because of any Catholic question, but because of this Anti-Monopoly question in which the people have a deep-seated feeling that no man could be worse to them than Mr. Cleveland has been in that regard. Joined with this is the large labor interest in the State of New York. They seek to speak for the laboring interest. They have had here one or two men whose connection with the laboring interest has resulted in placing them in comfortable berths. They have asked you to accept their whispers as the feelings of that great body of men who cannot be delivered over on election-day by any political organization under the sun.

Now, Mr. Chairman, and gentlemen of the Convention, it is easy to indulge in glittering generalities. Democracy is a great, big word, and has often been employed to cover a multitude of sins. I only know of one single instance in which Grover Cleveland was brought face to face with Democratic doctrine and made to show his hand either as a Democrat or something else, and he proved at that time to be something else. The Democracy are opposed to the centralization of power. The Democracy believe in the lodging of power in the hands of the people. The Democracy believe in the distribution of power so that it shall never become stronger in an official than is consistent with the absolute liberty of the people. One great question was offered to Mr. Cleveland during the eighteen months of his Administration to prove himself either the friend of absolutism, of centralized autocratic government, or to prove himself attached to the true principles of Democracy, and he failed us then.

Now, gentlemen of the Convention, let me remind you of a consideration that has been used every day since the canvass opened in this city, and that is that the fight against Cleveland was the same fight that had been made eight years ago against Samuel J. Tilden. But you men who know those who at that time were as close in Mr. Tilden's support as any man now upon this floor, find them to-day arrayed against this attempt to sacrifice the opportunity of the Democratic party to take a gambler's chance of winning the State of New York with a doubtful man.

HON. W. A. WALLACE, of Pennsylvania: Will the Chair permit me to make a motion?

THE CHAIR: The gentleman from New York has the floor.

MR. WALLACE: Will the gentleman yield so that I may introduce a motion?

MR. GRADY: Certainly.

THE CHAIR: The gentleman yields. Senator Wallace has the floor.

SENATOR WALLACE: I move to suspend the order of business now pending in order that I may introduce a motion to take a recess until 7.30 this evening. We have been in session six hours; human endurance can stand it no longer, and I hope we may be permitted to take a recess.

THE CHAIR: The gentleman from Pennsylvania moves to suspend the order of business with the view of making a motion, he says, to take a recess until 7.30.

MR. SMALLEY, of Vermont: I rise to a point of order.

THE CHAIR: The gentleman will state his point of order.

MR. SMALLEY: My point of order is that during the call of the roll of the States the motion to take a recess is not in order.

THE CHAIR: The Chair is obliged to overrule the point of order. The Convention may at any time suspend its order of business. The motion is not debatable.

The motion to suspend the order of business was lost.

THE CHAIR: Gentlemen will now come to order. If we remain here until midnight we will do it like gentlemen. The Convention will come to order, and order will be maintained on the part of the audience. The gentleman from New York has the floor.

MR. GRADY: I have only asked this Convention to accept as authorized the statements which have been made by those in authority to speak for the opposition against the nomination which has been urged; and I want to contrast with the treatment of that nomination the position taken with regard to other nominations that have been made. It has been urged that Thurman is not available because he comes from an October State. It is placing a low estimate upon the intelligence of the Democracy of the Nation to say that as against a life-long public service, such as the distinguished son of Ohio has given to this Nation and to the Democratic party, the State from which he comes or the time of its election shall count against him.

It is urged against McDonald that he belongs to the West and that the candidate must come from New York. If the candidate is to come from New York let it be some man in New York who will not be antagonized by those elements that are outside of political control. But, sir, New York cannot afford to take that position. The Democracy of New York takes no such position, and the men who represent her as greedily demanding that if the President is to be elected he must come from that State do a great injustice to the constituencies by whom they were sent here. New York can be carried for Bayard, McDonald, Thurman, Randall, or any man who may be named outside of the State. New York is a safe State if we have the Democratic party solidly united. New York is not a safe State, even if we have a few Independent Republican votes, if most of the Democrats are enrolled in some other camp. Let the first concern of this Convention be to keep united the members of our own party. First let us take care of our household, and then let us go on this mission of charity to the political heathen who is willing to be converted outside of the Republican camp and administer to him such consolation as may be within our power. I am only anxious that the outcome of this Convention shall be the nomination of a ticket which shall bring to its support every honest, loyal Democrat throughout the United States. I am only anxious that the cowardice condemned by us when exhibited by our enemies, and yet imitated by us when faced with the practical question, shall not deprive us of the advantage of the present political situation. The Chairman of this Convention said that it was time that the war issues were buried, that he believed they were buried, that he believed it would be fruitless to attempt to revive them throughout the Union; and yet here in a Democratic Convention it is urged against one of the candidates that, because some twenty-three years ago his voice went up for peace rather than for war, he cannot be presented after twenty-five years of patriotic service as a safe candidate before the very men who say that the war and its memories, its unpleasant memories, must be a thing of the past. I say to you, if you show that cowardice here now, you may expect the rebuke which cowardice deserves. I tell you that if you look with confidence to the men who have suffered most because of their undying and unflinching Democracy, you must show here to-day a Democracy that is satisfied first in satisfying Democrats, and whose second concern is in satisfying those dissatisfied with their own party.

I thank you, Mr. Chairman, and gentlemen of the Convention, for

the patient hearing you have given me. I only hope that the result of the vote upon the question will make us a united party marching solidly to victory under the leadership of some statesman who is known throughout the length and breadth of the land.

THE CHAIR: The gentleman from New York, Mr. Cockran.

MR. COCKRAN: I have a motion to make. Mr. Chairman, my motion is a very innocent one. It is simply to renew that which had been previously made by Senator Wallace except in a sufficiently modified form to bring it within the rules. I move that the order of business be now suspended, and that we take a recess until eight o'clock this evening. And on that motion I call for the roll of States, and I will submit to have it voted down by the Delegates, but I decline to have it smothered by the galleries.

THE CHAIR: The gentleman from New York moves to suspend the order of business with a view to make a motion to take a recess to eight o'clock this evening. He calls for a call of the roll of the States. I wish to state that I have disregarded individual calls early in the Convention and that I believed that I was right in doing so, and having since conferred with distinguished parliamentarians knowing the rules of the House of Representatives, which govern this body, I find I am right, and that a call of the States can only be made when one State — not an individual Delegate, but through its Chairman — calls for the roll and five States second it. The question is on the motion of the gentleman from New York to suspend the order of business, which is not debatable.

The motion was lost.

MR. JOHN F. HOUSE, of Tennessee: Mr. Chairman, I rise to a parliamentary inquiry. Is a motion to adjourn now in order?

THE CHAIR: No, sir. The house is still in the execution of its order of business, and the only motion that the Chair can entertain is to suspend that order of business.

MR. HOUSE: A motion to adjourn, Mr. Chairman, is always in order.

THE CHAIR: No, sir; not when the order of business is proceeding.

MR. COCKRAN, of New York: Mr. Chairman, I rise to a question of privilege. A demand was made for a call of the roll of States by the State of California which the Chairman overlooked.

THE CHAIR: The Chair did overlook it, he regrets to say, if it was made; but the motion has been lost, and the Chair so decided.

MR. COCKRAN: Mr. Chairman, I then renew my motion to adjourn until half-past eight.

THE CHAIR: Let us have order, gentlemen. We make no progress whatever in disorder. The gentleman from New York renews the motion to suspend the order of business with a view to a motion for a recess until half-past eight.

MR. COCKRAN: Until eleven o'clock in the morning — I desire to change that.

MR. BRAGG, of Wisconsin: Mr. Chairman, I rise to a point of order. There has been no intervening business for this motion to suspend.

THE CHAIR: The point of order of the gentleman from Wisconsin is that it is a motion to suspend the order of business which has just been overruled without intervening business. It is well taken, and the motion is out of order.

MR. COCKRAN: I then ask for the floor in the name of the State of New York.

MR. MCGILVRAY, of Colorado: Mr. President, I propose to renew that motion, sir, but in a different manner.

THE CHAIR: One moment. The gentleman from New York asks the floor.

Mr. Cockran, of New York, then took the speaker's platform.

A DELEGTE: Does he want to make a nomination?

MR. COCKRAN: Mr. Chairman, I am here to second a nomination.

A DELEGATE: I object.

THE CHAIR: He rises to second a nomination. I trust there will be no further objection or disorder. Let us hear the gentleman from New York. The gentleman from New York has the floor.

MR. O. W. POWERS, of Michigan: Mr. Chairman, I rise to a point of order. Unless the gentleman takes the floor to nominate or present a candidate he is out of order.

Address of Hon. W. Bourke Cockran, of New York.

MR. CHAIRMAN: I am here to second a candidate whose name ought to be received with welcome in a Democratic Convention. I take this platform to second the nomination of a gentleman about whose ability to carry the critical State of New York no question can be raised by the majority of the Delegation from that State, and no question will be raised by the minority. I stand upon this platform in the name of the great constituency which I in part represent, to thank the members of this body for the generous disposition which has been manifested on the part of so many Delegations, to sacrifice all personal preferences, all personal prejudice, all questions of State pride or local advantage, for the grand purpose of carrying this country for the party, and which, subordinating every personal impulse to the welfare of the party, induces them to allow the State of New York to nominate the candidate. Gentlemen of the Convention, my purpose in taking this platform is to second the nomination of a man who will fill the very purpose for which you have made so many sacrifices in all your different States. It is to warn you, lest your magnanimity may degenerate into folly, and lest your generosity may become extravagance, that I, in behalf of the minority of the New York Delegation, desire to say to you a few words which may enlighten you on the condition of the party in that State, and thereby direct your eyes to the man who is properly —

GEN. BRAGG, of Wisconsin: I call the gentleman to order.

MR. COCKRAN: Will you let me finish one sentence, only as a matter of politeness?

GEN. BRAGG: You are out of order, and you might as well stop at one time as another.

MR. COCKRAN: No power on earth can make me stop except the direction of the Chair.

GEN. BRAGG: I insist that the gentleman is out of order. The point of order I make is that he has stated his purpose to be to second a nomination; and to go into a statement of the condition of politics in the State of New York is not a part of seconding a nomination.

MR. CLUNIE, of California: Mr. Chairman.

THE CHAIR: The point of order is raised. I will hear no discussion.

MR. CLUNIE: I can be heard on a point of order.

THE CHAIR: The Chair is of the opinion that the point of order

is not well taken. He is making his own argument in his own way, in making or seconding a nomination, so long as he does not make it an attack on other candidates.

MR. CLUNIE: I would remind the gentleman of what Carter Harrison said, that the Catholic Church was against him, and the claim that the labor element was against him, and the charity institutions were against him, and why should not this man discuss the same things as well as Carter Harrison?

MR. COCKRAN: With many thanks to the Chairman, and also with the gracious permission of the great objector from Wisconsin (Gen. Bragg), I will give to this Convention a few words of sincere advice. Gentlemen, there is no person in this hall who feels more kindly to the gentleman who has been named as the candidate of the majority of the New York Delegation than I do. There is no person who would be more anxious to see him promoted to the place that his merits entitle him to fill, but I am too warm a friend of his to desire his promotion to an office for which I do not believe he has the mental qualifications, and where, too, it is designed, that he shall be the puppet of the gentlemen who have managed to capture the majority of the New York Delegation. Gentlemen, why should it be necessary for the members of this Convention to invade a State which does not want the assistance of the country to settle its own quarrels? Why should there be a disposition on the part of the Democracy of this country to subject the results of this great Presidential election to the hazard of a chance, and to trust to the protestations of certain persons as to the political condition of that State, instead of following the part of prudence, and choosing from the illustrious names which are the common property of our party, some candidate whose name will be an argument in his favor, whose history will be a platform, and whose record will be an advance, and a long step in advance, toward the confidence and support of the voters of this country. (Cries of "Name your Candidate!")

I will name a man who has never been concerned in a single act which could be termed as savoring of corporate influence. I will name a man who has never prostituted an executive pen to veto a bill conceived in the interest of labor. I will point to a man whose legislative career marks the first organization of the police power of the country in checking the encroachments of a ruthless corporation, and one who, if elected to power, can never be suspected of even a disposition to prohibit legislation that will bring railroad

fares within the reach of common laborers, and make the common necessaries of life less expensive to those who are the least able to defray them. I name you a man whose hairs have grown white in the service of his country — who, as each hair has glistened with age, and who, as the hoary locks have become more numerous on his brow, has added an additional page to the glorious history of our land — whose spirit breathes out from the statute books of the United States; whose name is a word that will rally to the support of the party all those who desire to see the country administered by one who has some knowledge of the principles of state-craft, and one who will restore to the Democratic column the State of Ohio, which has been too long lost from its support. I may, it is true, Mr. Chairman, in doing this, be violating some of the rules which have been laid down for the guidance of Delegates in this Convention. I am a Delegate who can speak, but who cannot vote. The rules of the Convention have disfranchised my constituency, and it is for that reason that I appeal here to the sound sense of the Democracy, and ask them by their nomination to go before the country with some apology for the action which they took yesterday, and which resulted in the gagging of a minority on the floor of this body. The gentleman who has preceded me, and who has placed Mr. Cleveland before this Convention, said a great many things, some of which were true, and some of which are possibly due to the poetic genius which is always an essential element of the character which goes to make up an orator; but when he declared that it was necessary for the Democracy to turn their backs upon statesmanship, to turn their backs upon those who have long and illustrious lives to which to point as an argument for the confidence of the country; to regard the men who had spent years in the service of this Nation, and had served it honorably, with distrust; that the unknown and untried political quantities should be selected as the leaders and the guides of this campaign, he said to you what the common sense of this Convention ought to condemn, and what the common sense of the voters will condemn if you follow his advice. I do not intend to delay this Convention to follow the gentleman from Erie County through all the devious mazes of his logic and of his rhetoric; but I ask if any reason has been given upon this platform which would justify the distrust with which you members of this Convention are expected to view the old and time-honored servants whose hairs have grown gray in your service, or why that very service should be a reason for you to visit them with dislike and

distrust, while years of effort, years of glorious toil, years which go to make up the history of our land and the Constitutional system under which we live, are to be trampled underfoot, that an obscure man from Erie County may be advanced to the Presidency of the United States. I have listened in this Convention, I have listened throughout the corridors of the hotels, I have read all the arguments that have been advanced in the press as to why the old servants of the party should be discarded and the new ones should be advanced to the highest places of trust, and I am free to confess that I have not yet discovered one which ought to control the action of a sensible man. On this question I challenge the judgment of this Convention; I challenge the recollection of every honest and every fair and impartial man within hearing of my voice — what reasons have been advanced in support of this change of leadership? Why are we asked to take this plunge in the dark, to subject the future fortunes of our party to the hazards of a lottery, to thrust our hands into a bag and bring out an unknown number, which may turn out a regenerator and a Moses for the party, or may turn out a false prophet that it would be much better we had never discovered? Why are we asked to close our eyes and jump blindly over a precipice, and trust to the hazards of fortune as to what may be the result? Why, we are told that some one candidate is available, we are told that he can carry the State of New York, and a judicious but ominous silence is preserved as to why he ought to carry any State, and why, above all, he should be selected as the standard-bearer of the Democracy of the Nation.

Now, gentlemen, I am almost through. I desire simply to say this: when you are told that this gentleman is so available, will you stop to inquire as to the reliability of your authority and ask why he is available? We are told that he could carry the State of New York, and there are many gentlemen upon the floor who will tell you that he cannot. (A voice: Who says so?) If I did not feel to some extent under restraint myself, I would probably answer the outsider, who yells from the place he occupies by courtesy, by telling him that I am one who says so and there are twenty-four more in the Delegation who say so, and these twenty-five, I am prepared to say in the hearing of this Convention, believing that Mr. Cleveland cannot carry the State of New York, protest solemnly against his nomination, and through the medium of the press my words will be scattered all over the length and breadth of this land and will reach your constituents, who will demand of you a day of reckoning if

you lend yourselves blindly to the passion of this hour. They will be told that in this Convention twenty-five men from the State of New York, nearly every one of them representing some portion of the only ten Democratic counties in that State, said that he cannot carry the State of New York; that he is viewed with distrust by the laboring classes, whose votes are the backbone of the Democratic party within that State. Now, gentlemen, we maybe wrong, or they may be wrong. One or the other must be making a mistake, and when we reflect that there has not been one argument advanced as to why this particular candidate should be chosen except his alleged availability, and that the question of his availability itself is open to dispute, will not his nomination be a repetition of that insanity, that folly, that fatuity which has beset the Democracy for twenty years, and which, after exposing them to the experiences of defeat, leaves them now in a condition where they are threatened with repeating the blunders that have brought about the recurring disasters of four Presidential elections? It is against the repetition of that folly that I desire here to raise my voice. The gentleman from Illinois, the distinguished Mayor of this city, whose appearance on this platform was greeted, I believe, by a large recruiting of the members in the gallery to whom the doors were thrown open by the acts of his police — the gentleman from Illinois, who knows Chicago well, has assumed to speak of the politics of New York State. Gentlemen, he may know something about these, but if he does he has carefully concealed the extent of his knowledge while he was upon this platform. He has assumed to speak for the Catholic Church, as if he were her eldest son. I, for my part, regret that the name of a religious body should even be breathed whithin this Convention. To me the altar of God is a place where peace should prevail and human passions be stilled; and, as a man who believes in his creed and hopes that the vast majority of this Convention are men of a Christian type of character, I trust that the cross will not appear here to be dragged in the mire of partisan discussion, and I sincerely trust, gentlemen, that question will not be launched into the politics of this campaign, whatever may be the result of this Convention. But when the gentleman from Illinois mentions it, it is at least an evidence that there is some suspicion throughout the land that some grave religious discussion will be engendered in these contentions, which are inevitable and inseparable from Presidential contests. The man, whose nomination I have seconded, in 1875, when sectarian bigotry ran riot through the State of Ohio, when lanterns bearing inscriptions calculated

to arouse the worst passions of the human heart were being borne over every highway, and the confidence of the people in the system of common school education was being disturbed by the most violent appeals to their passions — the grand old Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, stood like a lightning-rod amid the storm, and conducted it harmless into the ground. His was the first voice that was raised amidst the commotion, and caused it to be still and peace and confidence to prevail throughout the length and breadth of that community. And it is in the hope that this question, with all the other burning questions of factional contests in the State of New York, may be eliminated from this campaign, that I invoke you to pause before you invade our New York and rush to settle the quarrels which we had much better settle among ourselves. We of one organization have no fear of a contest which we are allowed to fight hand to hand, in the place where we are known, and only protest against this disposition to invade the State of New York, without any argument to justify it, without any crime that we have committed, without any reason that we have given, and force down the throats of a portion of the people a man against whose nomination we protest; while out in the State of Ohio stands a grand, colossal public figure, which will move before the Democratic party throughout this contest, if he be selected as the nominee, as the pillar of fire moved before the children of Israel in the dark, and will light you along the path which leads to victory, and will discover to your grateful and satisfied eyes, the White House, the ultimate goal of all Democratic effort, throughout this contest. Gentlemen, there is but one more question to which I think it proper to allude, and that is the old, old cry that has been repeated here ever since we came to Chicago, that Tammany Hall had opposed Tilden in 1876, and for that reason, all these leaders in the country must be ignored, in order that the man whom Tammany Hall opposes to-day shall be selected as the standard-bearer of the Democracy. I am told that Tammany Hall declared that the City of New York could not be carried for Tilden ; but let me remind you, gentlemen of the Convention, that the boast was made in behalf of Gov. Tilden in 1876, that he could carry the State outside of the City of New York. That was the boast which was echoed right and left, east and west, up and down, through all the streets and by-ways of the City of St. Louis. It was against that boast that Mr. Kelly entered his solemn protest upon the platform of the hall where the Convention met. Now, what are the facts? Did Mr. Tilden carry

the State of New York as his henchmen boasted he could; as his supporters declared he could; as all these gentlemen who are today the henchmen of the candidate whom we oppose, declared that he could? He was defeated in the State of New York, outside of the County of New York, by 25,000 majority. It was the 55,000 majority which was given to him within that city that delivered the electoral vote of the State to the support of the grandest statesman of modern times. So that, since Mr. Kelly and Tammany hall were respectively the only Democratic leader and only Democratic organization within the City or County of New York during that year, it follows that if Mr. Kelly had chosen to fulfill his prophecy of disaster he might have done so, and that in delivering to Mr. Tilden the great vote which his organization rolled up for him, he showed that he preferred doing his duty as a good Democrat to saving his reputation as a prophet. But, gentlemen of the Convention, Mr. Cleveland is not Mr. Tilden. Let us but have a chance to name the man whose wrongs committed against himself as well as against the party have sent him into the great martyrology of the Democracy, and then all, without distinction of party, and then all, without distinction of faction, then all, without distinction of Tammany Hall or anti-Tammany Hall, will rise as one man and accept the nomination as a revelation from Providence, and the means of escaping all the disasters which threaten our footsteps. But the majority of the New York Delegation are to-day silent — silent although Lieut.-Gov. Hill declared last night in the meeting of the Texas Delegation — and I call the attention of those gentlemen here to verify the truth of what I say — that, although Mr. Tilden wrote his letter of 1880, had the Democratic Convention named him, he would have been willing to accept. And what assurance have we, if he were to be named now, that he would not be equally willing to accept? Are we to be deprived of our birthright and denied the privilege to do justice where justice ought to be done, because a few gentlemen in New York have chosen to wander away in search of false gods and to worship the golden calf ? We, for our part, are still true, faithful to the traditions of the Democracy. We are faithful to principles. We are anxious for success. Since the majority of the Delegation prevent our naming Tilden, let us name the man who stands next to him in the eyes of the country, and in the eyes of the whole world. We have been told that the mantle of Tilden has fallen upon the shoulders of Cleveland. Gentlemen, when the mantle that fits the shoulders of a giant falls

on those of a dwarf, the result is disastrous to the dwarf. The shoulders of Mr. Cleveland cannot uphold that ample mantle. The shoulders of Allen G. Thurman can fill every crease, every fold and every part of that garment. Name him, gentlemen of the Convention, to the Democracy of this Nation; go before the people with a plain purpose declared and established by your act which will give them confidence, now that you are asking them to trust you, with accomplishing a complete revolution in the public affairs of the country. Do not ask to have all the financial relations of this country, to have all the delicate questions of foreign and domestic policy, which must be disturbed and readjusted with the coming of the Democracy into power, subjected to the uncertain chances of what may happen if an untried man be chosen for the Presidency. Give us a statesman in whose life we can show to the people that reason for their confidence which is essential to success. Do not trust so much to availability, or to the mere getting of votes. Try, for God's sake, try to deserve the votes, and I am satisfied that the votes will come.

And, gentlemen, if these last few words of warning, which are perhaps to be the last that will come from New York to this Convention — if they be heeded, as I believe they will be — you will find that every element of contest will be stilled; that although we may have been divided by the wild waves of factional tumult, as soon as the gavel of the Chairman declares the nomination made, we will become calm and placid as the bosom of a lake in Summer. Though we may have been divided before we entered these halls, we are but like the countless rivulets that go to make up a mighty stream, and which, though turbulent and violent while they are flowing in their separate courses, after they have passed the point of confluence, merge together and roll their united course to the sea in a majestic tide, all powerful in its strength, and resistless in its force. So with all these various conflicting elements of the party, divided by various preferences, divided by the hostilities of local factions, I believe, I implore, I pray and I trust to the wisdom of this Convention, that they will go out of these doors united in a mighty mass, sweeping on in its path to victory, resistless by reason of its very purpose, and grand by reason of the leadership which will be chosen by the body of this Convention. Then there will be no reason to fear any religious question; then will there be no reason to fear any labor question disturbing the plans and the harmony of the campaign. The moment that the choice is made, the choice which I have suggested —

as being the best which could be chosen after Gov. Tilden's declination — I believe that you will hear but one prayer uttered throughout the length and breadth of the land, one prayer which will come alike from persons of every creed, and rise from houses of every description of worship; one prayer which will ascend to heaven with the incense that is burned on the Catholic altar as well as with the orison that is breathed to God in the severer forms of worship adopted by other sects. It will be part of the liturgy of the Episcopalian, part of the invocation of the Methodist minister. It will mingle with the prayer that the Irish maiden will breathe to the Virgin at nightfall. And that prayer coming from so many thousands of hearts will be for the prosperity of our land. The prosperity of our land is involved in what this Convention will do. See to it, gentlemen, that you make no mistake by casting under the feet of mediocrity the golden prize that should be reserved for the contention of excellence. Treat the Presidency as a garland that will crown the brow that will be fit to wear it; and it is with the humblest and most complete confidence in the wisdom of this Convention that I suggest the grand old statesman from Ohio, Allen G. Thurman, as the one upon whom its choice should fall.

THE CHAIR: The gentleman from New York, Mr. E. K. Apgar, has the floor. I desire to state that Mr. Apgar will probably make, in brief remarks, the last speech that will be heard, as I understand it, from New York, on this question. I desire to add that Mr. Apgar's voice is somewhat wearied with much use, and he requests of the galleries if they do not hear him readily, that they will be patient that he may be heard by the Convention.

MR. E. A. NOONAN, of Missouri: I simply want to know whether this is a session of the New York Delegation at Albany, or whether we are here for the purpose of attending to business in the City of Chicago. We are tired of this thing.

THE CHAIR: The gentlemen is not in order. We shall be sooner through by keeping silent.

MR. CHAIRMAN, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION: I pray your indulgence for the briefest possible period while I speak in behalf of the large majority of the New York Delagation, which, by a vote of sixty-one to eleven, instructed the Chairman of our Delegation to present to this Convention the name of Grover Cleveland

for nomination for President of the United States. I shall make no detailed argument. I desire merely to recall to your minds another scene than this, but one strikingly similar in its features. Eight years ago I sat with the New York Delegation in the great Exposition Building in the City of St. Louis, when the New York Delegation there presented to that Convention the name of Samuel J. Tilden to be the nominee for President of the United States. Then, as now, a minority of the Delegation resisted at every step that nomination. Then, as now, the leader of the organization which these two gentlemen have represented — then, as now, the leader of that organization took the platform and told you that Mr. Tilden could not by any possibility carry the State of New York; that his majority, owing to the opposition of Tammany Hall, owing to the opposition of the labor element, owing to other oppositions, that Mr. Tilden's majority in the City of New York would be so cut down that it would be hopeless for him to try to carry the State. That Convention, in its wisdom, disregarded the advice of these gentlemen and placed Mr. Tilden in nomination. What was the result? In the very City of New York, where these gentlemen had predicted the principal defection, Mr. Tilden received a majority of 55,000.

The circumstances are not changed. Mr. Tilden was Governor of the State. So is Mr. Cleveland. Mr. Tilden had been made Governor because of his connection with municipal reform. So has Mr. Cleveland. Mr. Tilden was nominated to the Presidency because his two years as Governor had commended him to the people of the whole United States. So has Mr. Cleveland's. Gentlemen, the situation is a simple one. For more than twelve years past the balance of power in the State of New York has been held by a large unattached vote, which belongs to neither political organization. We have in the State, probably, about 600,000 voters who will vote for the Democratic party nominee whom you may nominate. We have about 580,000 voters who will vote the Republican ticket under any and all circumstances. Now, outside of both these organizations there are a hundred thousand men in the State of New York who do not care a snap of their finger whether the Republican party or the Democratic party, as such, shall carry the election. They vote in every election according to the issues and the candidates presented. These men absolutely hold the control of the politics of New York in their hands. They are the balance of power. You must have their votes or you cannot win. Every time for ten years past when we have appealed to this element victory

has perched upon our banners. When we have failed to do so defeat has come. These men unitedly, to a man, with a vast majority of the Democratic party represented by the Delegates of the Democratic party in this Convention, implore you to nominate to the office of President Mr. Tilden's successor, elected Governor for the same causes. They ask you to place him in nomination in order that all the elements opposed to the longer continuance of the Republican party in power may be united and make its defeat entirely certain.

MR. R. A. COLLINS, of Missouri: Mr. Chairman: The State of Missouri has adopted a very peaceful policy upon this floor, and they desire to be heard in seconding the nomination of a gentleman. They have desired me to present to this Convention Col. Mansur, who is a Delegate-at-large from that representative and proud State, to be heard upon this floor.

HON. JOHN C. JACOBS, of New York: I rise to a question of privilege, and I desire to be heard. I desire to remain no longer under the misrepresentations that have been cast upon me through the statements of the representatives of the majority of the Delegation from New York. I represent a district of the State of New York.

THE CHAIR: The Chair is of the opinion that that is not a question of privilege.

A DELEGATE, from California: He has been slurred and he has a right to throw back the slur.

SENATOR JACOBS: I rise on behalf of those I represent — the largest representation from the State of New York.

THE CHAIR: The question of privilege is not allowed. The gentleman from Missouri has the floor.

SENATOR JACOBS: May I have an opportunity to speak after he gets through?

THE CHAIR: That is for the Convention. The gentlemen from Missouri asks leave to second a nomination, by Col. Mansur, a representative from that State. Unless there be objection leave is granted.

HON. J. M. PALMER, of Illinois: Will Mr. Mansur yield to me for a moment?

MR. MANSUR: Yes.

GOV. PALMER: This Convention has shown its patience, its fairness,

its candor, in listening to every gentleman that desired to present the claims of any candidate. May we not be relieved for an hour or an hour and a half?

THE CHAIR: It is at the pleasure of the Convention to make its own order. The Chair has entertained every parliamentary motion to suspend the order of the Convention.

GOV. PALMER: I have no desire to interfere with the gentlemen from Missouri, but, if it will suit his convenience, we will come back gladly at half past seven or eight, and I therefore move that the proceedings be suspended until eight o'clock.

THE CHAIR: The gentlemen of Illinois moves to suspend the order of business with a view of taking a recess until eight o'clock this evening. This motion is not debatable.

MR. CLUNIE, of California: We want a call of the States.

THE CHAIR: Are you the Chairman of the Delegation?

MR. CLUNIE: I am not the Chairman, but I desire to offer an amendment as to the time.

THE CHAIR: The Chairman of the Delegation represents the States on the call for a call of States.

MR. CLUNIE: We do not want a call of the States. We simply want to change the time of the resolution.

THE CHAIR: There is no resolution except to except to suspend the order of business. Gov. Palmer has the floor.

GOV. PALMER: I was about to say that I am so anxious not to interfere with my friend from Missouri that I withdraw it.

COL. MANSUR: I hope it will be entertained.

GOV. PALMER: I will renew it then.

THE CHAIR: The motion is to suspend the order of business with a view, after the order of business is suspended, of making a motion to take, a recess to eight o'clock this evening. The question is not debatable.

MR. E. L. MARTIN, of Deleware: I move an amendment to that motion — that this Convention adjourn until eleven o'clock to-morrow morning.

THE CHAIR: The motion is not in order. The motion to suspend the order of business is the motion before the Convention.

HON. LEON ABBETT, of New Jersey: I ask on behalf of New Jersey for a call of the states.

THE CHAIR: New Jersey asks for a call of the States on the question.

MR. JON. L. MCKINNEY, of Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania seconds it.

MR. LA RUE, of California: California seconds it.

MR. MCGILVRAY, of Colorado: Colorado seconds it.

THE CHAIR: Colorado seconds it.

JOHN O'DAY, of Missouri: Missouri seconds the motion.

THE CHAIR: The call of States is seconded.

MR. HOUSE, of Tennessee: I rise to a point of order.

THE CHAIR: State your point of order.

MR. HOUSE: My point of order is this: The gentlemen from Deleware moved that this Convention adjourn until to-morrow at eleven o'clock. A motion to adjourn is always in order.

THE CHAIR: The Chair overruled that point of order at the time. The question is on the motion of the gentlemen from Illinois. The call of the States will proceed.

MR. G. V. MENZIES, of Indiana: I move to amend the motion.

THE CHAIR: The call of the States has begun. The order of the Convention will be executed.

GOV. PALMER, of Illinois: Mr. Chairman, may I be allowed to withdraw the motion?

THE CHAIR: The call of the States has begun.

The Clerk called the State of Alabama, and its vote was cast as 20 ayes. The State of Arkansas was called.

MR. SMITH M. WEED, of New York: If the motion had been withdrawn, why should we sit here twenty minutes to take a vote upon it? The gentlemen [Gov. Palmer] says he will withdraw it.

MR. JOSEPH B. MANN, of Illinois: Has not the mover of the proposition to suspend the order of business the right, with the consent of the Convention, to withdraw it?

THE CHAIR: Certainly.

MR. MANN: He offers to withdraw it.

THE CHAIR: It is objected to.

The Clerk then proceeded with the call, as follows:

A large number of the Delegates began to leave the hall, causing great confusion.

THE CHAIR: The gentlemen will please keep their seats. This is only upon the suspension of the order of business. It is not to take a recess.

The Secretary then proceeded with the call, with the following additional responses:

MR. E. F. CULLERTON, of Illinois: I move that the further call of the roll of States be dispensed with.

MR. JOHN D. MCGILVRAY, of Colorado: I move we adjourn till eleven o'clock to-morrow.

THE CHAIR: The question is, shall the order of business be suspended?

The motion was carried.

MR. SMITH M. WEED, of New York: I move we take a recess till half past eight o'clock this evening.

GOV. PALMER, of Illinois: I trust the Convention will allow me to say a word. I desire to say that I have been informed by the officers of the Convention, those who are caring for our comfort, that it is absolutely necessary that they have a respite. I therefore move that this Convention adjourn until eleven o'clock to-morrow.

MR. CHARLES W. CONSTANTINE, of Ohio: I rise to a point of order. The motion to suspend was made for the purpose of moving to take a recess till eight o'clock this evening, and I appeal to the gentleman from Illinois [Gov. Palmer] whether that was not the motion.

THE CHAIR: The point of order the Chair believes to be well taken.

GOV. PALMER: I did not hear what the remark was.

THE CHAIR: The point of order is that the motion was to suspend the order of business for the purpose of a motion to take a recess until eight o'clock.

GOV. PALMER: I am inclined to think that the gentlemen is right. It must have been so understood. I therefore make that motion. I therefore withdraw my motion and make that which I think the gentlemen had a right to suppose would be made.

THE CHAIR: The question is upon the motion to take a recess until eight o'clock to-night. The Chair asks Delegates to take their seats, and he will endeavor to give them all a fair and impartial hearing.

MR. MCGILVRAY: I rise to make a parliamentary inquiry. Is it not pertinent here, sir, to offer an amendment to the resolution pending? I have offered an amendment, sir, and desire to have it put.

THE CHAIR: The Chair has not recognized you as making a motion because he has been endeavoring to get the motion of the gentleman from Illinois [Gov. Palmer] before the house.

MR. MCGILVRAY: I now offer an amendment that we adjourn till eleven o'clock.

MR. JOHN F. HOUSE, of Tennessee: What is the motion?

THE CHAIR: The motion of the gentleman from Illinois (Gov. Palmer) is to take a recess till eight o'clock.

MR. HOUSE: I move to amend by substituting half-past ten o clock to-morrow morning.

GEN. CLUNIE, from California: I second your amendment, and I will appeal from the decision of the Chair if he decides your amendment out of order.

THE CHAIR: It is moved to amend by substituting half-past ten o'clock to-morrow.

MR. DENNIS SPENCER: I second the motion.

MR. CONSTANTINE: I make the same point of order. It was not so stated on the motion to suspend.

THE CHAIR: The Chair is of the opinion that the point of order is not well taken. The question is on the motion of the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. House).

GOV. LEON ABBETT, of New Jersey: Upon that I call for the calling of the roll of States.

THE CHAIR: The gentleman from New Jersey asks for a call of the States on that question. The Chair heard no second to the call of the States. The question is on the motion of the gentleman from Tennessee to substitute half-past ten o'clock to-morrow morning.

The question was put, and the galleries voted.

THE CHAIR: The Chair heard so many voices from the gallery that he is unable to decide.

The question was put again, and the galleries voted as before.

THE CHAIR: The Chair is in doubt.

HON. M. J. MCCAFFERTY, of Massachusetts: I demand the call of the States.

HON. DENNIS SPENCER, of California: Mr. Menzies, of Indiana, and others seconded the call.

THE CHAIR: The call is seconded by five, and will be proceeded with.

The Clerk then began the roll-call. There were no responses from Alabama and Louisiana, the Delegates having left the hall. The call proceeded only as far as Rhode Island, when it became clear that the motion would be adopted.

MR. J. B. BROWN, of Indiana: Mr. Chairman, it is apparent that the motion will be carried, and for that reason I move to suspend the further call of the States.

The vote as far as taken was as follows:

	Yeas.	Nays.
Alabama
Arkansas		14
California	16
Colorado	6
Connecticut		12
Delaware	6
Florida		8
Georgia		24
Illinois	44
Indiana	30
Iowa	8	10
Kansas	12	6
Kentucky	21	5
Louisiana
Maine	12
Maryland		16
	Yeas.	Nays.
Massachusetts	28
Michigan		26
Minnesota	12	4
Mississippi	4	14
Missouri	29	3
Nebraska		10
Nevada	6
New Hampshire	8
New Jersey	18
New York	72
North Carolina
Ohio	46
Oregon	6
Pennsylvania	58	2
Rhode Island		8

THE CHAIR: The motion is to suspend the further call of the States.

The motion was adopted.

THE CHAIR: The question is then upon the motion to amend by substituting half-past ten o'clock as the time to which the Convention will adjourn.

The amendment was adopted.

THE CHAIR: The question recurs on the motion as amended to take recess until half-past ten to-morrow morning.

The motion was adopted, and at 6.18 P. M. the Convention adjourned until Thursday, July 10, at 10.30 A. M.

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