Illinois State Register. 'The Emancipation Proclamation.' in the 'Illinois State Register, 02 January 1863' . Springfield: Illinois State Register, 1863. [format: newspaper], [genre: article]. Permission: Northern Illinois University
Persistent link to this document: http://lincoln.lib.niu.edu/file.php?file=isreg01021863c.html

This state paper is before the people. It has been condemned in advance. It was known in September that it would be issued. The vote of Pennsylvania was changed in October something like a hundred thousand. In Ohio, eighty thousand. In Indiana, forty thousand. In Illinois, twenty-five thousand, and in all the states we find similar changes. There can be no question of the popular condemnation of this measure, given, too, under threat of imprisonment and military impressment.

When this war began the rebel army was very small. The south was filled with loyal men, devoted to the Union under the constitution, and agreeing with the president that the forts and other property of the United States ought to be held, occupied and possessed by federal sanctions. The north and west were a unit in support of this end, if we judge by their professions. On the side of the democrats volunteering was universal in behalf of the Union. On the side of the republicans we had their authoritative declarations, repeatedly given, that the constitution and states' rights should be preserved. The Chicago convention which nominated Mr. Lincoln, adopted this resolution:

"That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, and especially the rights of each state to order and control its own domestic institutions, according to its own judgment, exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political faith depends."

Mr. Lincoln accepted this resolution, and was elected, and in his inaugural he re-affirmed it most unequivocally. He said:

"I declare that I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the states where it exists; that I believe I have no LAWFUL RIGHT to do so, and have no inclination to do so."

From the republicans in congress we had this resolution:

"Resolved, That neither congress, nor the people or governments of the non-slaveholding states have a constitutional right to legislate upon or interfere with slavery in any slaveholding state of the Union."

After the Manassas disaster congress adopted unanimously a resolution embracing the following:

"That the present deplorable civil war has been forced up on the country by the disunionists of the southern states, now in arms against the constitutional government, and in arms around the capital; that in this national emergency, congress, banishing all feelings of mere passion and resentment, will recollect only its duty to the whole country; that war is not waged, on their part, in any spirit of oppression, or for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, or purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of those states, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the constitution, and to preserve the Union, with all the dignity, equality and rights of the several states unimpaired, and that as soon as these objects are accomplished the war ought to cease."

These were the assurances received from the party in power that the constitution and states' rights should be preserved. On the strength of it the whole country flew to arms, and the loyal people of the south were firm against the insurrectionists; who were greatly in the minority. Had these pledges been adhered to, the rebellion would have been speedily crushed, the de facto government of the secession states have been removed, and the Union restored, with a greater certainty of perpetuity than has ever been the nation's hope and pride.

But, unfortunately, no sooner was the administration well established than a war against the rights of the states and the federal constitution was commenced, with a fury and ruthlessness the most revolting and appalling. A war for the over throw of slavery was openly avowed, and become, at once, the leading policy of the party in power. It ran through the cabinet. It ran through the senate. It ran rampant through the house. The misguided president was a new man, but he was cunning enough to see that these people meant no good to him, in pandering to the abolition sentiment, so he determined to enter the china shop himself, and see if he could break fewer things than they; or, if breaking more, he could do it at less cost, which would make the account balance, more or less.

Mr. Lincoln, in his solitary political generalship, felt of the public pulse for a long time before he made up his mind that a grand coup over his abolition competitors would be "compensated emancipation." He had a notion that colonization had been popular with men who were not abolitionists. So he blended the two measures together — compensation and emancipation — though they bore no resemblance, except in name, to the plans of emancipation and compensation formerly meditated or recommended by any of the class of voters whom be sought to reach. It was one of his reticent tricks, for which he is more famous than for anything else, except vulgarity and cold-blooded calculation of personal advantage. Accordingly, he issued a message on the 5th of March, which tells the whole story in this proclamation. He tells the south that this war will be continued till they give up their slaves voluntarily, at a price, or forcibly by his proclamation. He knew when he wrote that warning that the south would not sell him the slaves which he could not pay for, any more than Satan on the mountain could pay for the lands he promised. The alternative then remained of forcible emancipation. The loyal people of the south became alarmed. They saw through the president's game, as all others saw through it. They flocked to Jeff. Davis' standard, which they had before opposed. They saw that his inaugural and his Sumter proclamation were a fraud. But this disaffection of the Union men of the south did not stop the president, as we shall see.

His rivals in the senate and in the house passed a bill freeing and paying for slaves in the District of Columbia. This was done by them for the double purpose of aggravating the south still more, and of placing the president in the back ground in the event of not signing it. Here again Mr. Lincoln's political skill was too much for his abolition rivals. He signed the bill, and that pleased the abolitionists, and he wrote a message saying that it was a bill of meanness an injustice, and that, as he calculated, would please the conservatives. The effect of this presidential act — this most contemptible act that can be imagined under the circumstances — was to immediately arouse all Maryland and Virginia to such a degree that many supposed there was not a Union man left in either state. The army of the southern confederacy was doubled and trebled within two months, and disaster befel the Union cause everywhere. Then came the call for volunteers and the order for drafting. The army was swelled with volunteers, and then came a new proclamation that in January, 1863, all the negroes would be freed. Following this was the massing of rebel troops everywhere in Virginia, and their arms continue to be as victorious to-day as they were when Mr. Lincoln drew sixty thousand troops away from McClellan at the moment that gallant commander had the rebel capital within his grasp.

The solution of this perilous question is brought down to this: the loyal people of the United States, north and south, have stood by the constitution, and will stand by it. If Mr. Lincoln will trample on the constitution the people will not stand by him. They will become disheartened in fighting the battles of the country, and they will utterly withdraw from him the affection and respect which every ruler should, by upright conduct, command. In conclusion, we quote the words of Douglas' last speech:

"WE MUST NOT INVADE CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS. The innocent must not suffer, nor women and children be the victims. Savages most not be let loose. But while I sanction no war on the rights of others, I will implore my countrymen not to lay down their arms until our own rights are recognized.

THE CONSTITUTION AND ITS GUARANTEES ARE OUR BIRTHRIGHT, AND I AM READY TO ENFORCE THAT INALIENABLE RIGHT TO THE LAST EXTENT."

The people will stand by the constitution and laws of the Union, and every measure of safety for the preservation of this bleeding republic.