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Edwards, Richard; Hopewell, M.; Ashley, William; Barry, James G.; Belt and Priest; Casey, John; Hall, W.; Labaum, Louis A.; Leduc, Mary Philip; Lisa, Manuel; O'Fallon, Benjamin; Piernas; Port Folio; Risley, W.; Stoddard, Amos; Williams, Henry W.; Yore, John E. Edwards's Great West and Her Commercial Metropolis, Embracing a General View of the West, and a Complete History of St. Louis, from the Landing of Ligueste, in 1764, to the Present Time; with Portraits and Biographies of Some of the Old Settlers, and Many of the Most Prominent Buisiness Men . St. Louis: Office of Edwards's Monthly, A Journal of Progress, 1860. [format: book], [genre: biography; history; letter; narrative]. Permission: St. Louis Mercantile Library
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Chapter II. Spanish Domination.

Pedro Piernas. — His policy. — His character. — His popularity. — Death of St. Ange de Bellerive. — His character. — His will. — Piernas is threatened with assassination by an Osage chief. — Cruzat becomes Lieutenant-Governor. — The American Revolution. — The hatred of the Spaniards to the English — Smuggled goods. — Ferry across the Maramec — Character of Cruzat. — Don Fernando de Leyba. — Death of Pierre Laclede Liguest. — His appearance. — His character. — Fear of the Indians. — Attack on St. Louis. — L'année du Coup. — Death of Don Fernando de Leyba. — Succeeded by Cartabona. — Arrival of Cruzat. — Flood of the Mississippi. — The Pirates of Grand Tower. — Pirates of Cottonwood Creek. — L'année des dix batteaux. — The danger from Indians. — Pain Court. — Administration of Perez — Trudeau and Delassus. — Large Grants. — Fever of Speculation. — Napoleon Bonaparte. — Cession of the Province of Louisiana to France. — France sells it to the United States. — End of Spanish Domination.

WHEN Don Pedro Piernas entered upon his duties as lieutenant-governor of Upper Louisiana, he found that the inhabitants were strongly attached to the laws which formerly had their sway, and though they had submitted to his authority, it was evidently with reluctance; and they entertained a hostility to the power which they had not the strength to resist. He immediately set himself to work to conciliate the people, and remove their prejudices. He made but little change in the existing government, the French and Spanish colonial laws strongly assimilating; and when any new regulation was introduced, it was so fraught with benefit to the colony, that the inhabitants, after a few months, ceased to regret the change of government, and were wholly disarmed of their prejudices.

Piernas had all the elements of character which suited the infant colony. What laws he established, he faithfully observed himself, and strictly required their observance; yet he was mild in his nature, and showed in every act that the welfare and happiness of the people were his guiding motives. He appointed a surveyor, so that the lines of the different grants could be properly determined, and whose seal would be conclusive evidence of their boundaries. This surveyor, called Martin Duralde, was a Frenchman, and the appointment was unexpected and agreeable to the people. He also made Louis St. Ange de Bellerive, the former commander of the fort, a captain of infantry, in the service of his Catholic Majesty, and always preserved with him the most friendly relations. [28] He also, in a public manner, confirmed all of the grants made by him, which rested by a precarious tenure, having been made without any legal authority. [29] These acts of power, so shorn of every thing like oppression,

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even made him a favorite of the people, and effectually won their confidence. He also placed Frenchmen to fill many subordinate offices, and soon his wise diplomatic policy put to flight every vestige of dissatisfaction.

It was in 1774, but a little more than three years after the commencement of the Spanish domination, that the house of Madame Chouteau, then situated on the block between Chesnut and Market and Main and Second streets, was visited with anxiety by the chief inhabitants of the village. St. Ange de Bellerive, the former commandant, was lying sick upon his couch, and it was evident that his life was fast waning to its close. He had already passed the threescore and ten years allotted to man, and had drawn severely upon, his constitution by the deprivation and suffering incident to a soldier's life in a new country. It was the twenty-sixth of September, 1774, that the dying soldier, surrounded by his most intimate friends, and in presence of the proper officers, made his last will and testament. He showed on his death-bed the characteristics of the brave soldier, joined with those of the hopeful Christian. Without being at all disturbed by his approaching dissolution, he made provision for the disposal of his worldly effects, and submitted his last moments to the guidance and teaching of his father confessor.

Louis St. Ange de Bellerive, beside possessing in an eminent degree all of the qualities requisite for a distinguished officer, was one of the most honorable of men. His will furnishes an index to his character. After declaring himself a good Catholic, and commending his soul "to God, the blessed Virgin, and to the saints of the Celestial Court," he appoints his friend Pierre Laclede Liguest, the founder of St. Louis, his executor. He then directs that the amount of his board should be paid to Madame Chouteau; that he owed for twenty-five cords of wood; that he was in debt to his tailor for divers articles of clothing; and with some other amounts carefully mentioned, all of which debts he desired should be paid by his executor. Then, in accordance with his creed, he ordered masses to be said for the repose of his soul, and left five hundred livres to the church. He died universally lamented, at an advanced age, and was buried in the Catholic burying-ground, with all "the pomp and circumstance" suitable to a Spanish officer of high rank, and consistent with his former high position. (See Errata 5)

Piernas did not long remain the superior officer in Upper Louisiana, and was succeeded by Francisco Cruzat, in 1775. [30] On the accession of Cruzat to power, he returned to New Orleans, beloved and regretted by the colony. He had married a French lady, by the name of Portneuf, which contributed much to his popularity. He was near being assassinated at one time, by an Indian chief of the Osage tribe, who had taken a strong dislike to him because he was not French, and, as is the custom of the Spaniards, treated the Indians with a hauteur and suspicion totally at variance with the familiarity of the Frenchmen. This treatment irritated the savage, and he resolved on vengeance. He came to St. Louis with some followers, decked in the wild attire of the savage warrior, but getting into a debauch the first night of his arrival, he publicly avowed his intention of putting his purpose in execution on the first opportunity.

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A Shawnee chief had then come to St. Louis, on a treaty for some lands in the neighborhood of Ste. Genevieve, to which they had been invited by Piernas, so that they might interpose a barrier between St. Louis and the fierce western tribes, who had evinced a hostile disposition. The Shawnee chief, to show his friendship for Piernas, and having a far superior number of followers than the Osage, and also animated by a spirit of feudal enmity, drew the Osage into a quarrel and stabbed him to the heart. The Osage was buried on the high mound from which the present Mound street takes its name. It may be mentioned here, that both the Shawnees and Delawares had been invited west of the Mississippi, and a large grant of land offered them for acceptance. When that grant took effect, we will again allude to the subject.

When Cruzat came into power, all of the English possessions on the east side of the Mississippi were in a state of strong excitement. From the oppression of the mother country, the English colonies had determined to free themselves; and having tried by a conciliating spirit, and finally by petition, to obtain those hereditary rights which had been refused them, they had at length declared their independence, and from Canada to the Gulf of Mexico, from the Mississippi to the Atlantic, the people were preparing for the contest, and all gave evidence of the "dreadful note of preparation."

Since the treaty of 1763, when Spain had ceded to England all of the Floridas, the former power had remained dissatisfied. She had conceived a distrust and dislike for the English, which evinced themselves even in her distant possessions. In St. Louis, this distrust and dislike were also manifested, and a heavy embargo was laid upon English goods, which amounted almost to a prohibition, and created a regular system of smuggling. Some of the inhabitants of St. Louis dealt largely in contraband goods, and in that nefarious practice added much to their commercial profits. These goods were chiefly brought from Cahokia.

Cruzat was a mild and amiable governor, who, though giving no evidence of consummate ability or executive talent, nevertheless did nothing that was disadvantageous to the colony, and was content to let things flow in the healthful channels in which they had been left by his predecessor. He and his family were highly popular with the inhabitants, from possessing, in a great degree, a social and hospitable disposition. It was during his administration that a ferry was established on the Maramec, by a man by the name of John Baptiste Gamache. [31] He had a family, and during his first term as commandant, lost a daughter of tender age, who was buried in the cemetery of the church. He lived in the same residence as did Piernas, during the close of his administration, which was situated on the block corner of Main and Walnut streets; the house was one of the first built in St. Louis, and which Liguest rented to the Spanish governors.

Francisco Cruzat was succeeded in office by Don Fernando de Leyba, in 1778, a drunken, avaricious and feeble-minded man, without possessing a single quality that could recommend him to the important office he held.

It was in the early part of his administration that news was brought to St Louis, that Pierre Laclede Liguest, the founder of the growing town had died, while on a visit to New Orleans, from some of the maladies

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incident to a southern climate. He was universally regretted, and his large property was administered upon by Augustus Chouteau. Antoine Maxent, his partner, holding a high appointment in New Orleans, under the king of Spain, by showing claims upon Liguest for a large amount, got possession of his large landed and personal property, a large portion of which was sold for an insignificant sum at the church door, according to the usages of the times. [32] The whole square where Barnum's St. Louis Hotel now stands was a small portion of his large property, and was the heart of the little town. It was sold for three thousand dollars, Auguste Chouteau being the purchaser; and some years afterward was built upon it the celebrated Chouteau mansion, which at one time was the palace of the town. The sale took place in 1779.

Pierre Laclede Liguest was from the country Bion, in France, near the base of the Pyrenees, the dividing line between France and Spain. He was of a brave and adventurous disposition, and started from France with the avowed purpose of establishing a colony in the French possessions in America, bringing with him many followers. He was little above the medium size, of very dark complexion, with a large nose, expansive brow, and piercing and expressive eyes. [33] Though strictly attentive to his business pursuits, he was by no means of a sordid disposition, and we find recorded in the Archives a deed, bearing date May 12, 1768, in which he deeds to Madame Chouteau, a large piece of property, on the southwest corner of Chesnut and Main streets, where Lucas's banking-house was situated. The deed avows that the gift was made in consideration of the services rendered by Auguste Chouteau, who always acted as his confidential agent. A usufructuary title was only given to Madame Chouteau, and after her death, it was to be divided among her five children. The instrument is carefully worded, and the intention of the testator is clearly expressed.

Pierre Laclede Liguest died, aged fifty-four, on the Mississippi River, near the mouth of the Arkansas River, June 20th, 1778, and was hastily buried in the wild solitude of those regions, and there was no stone or tomb to mark the spot. The place cannot now be recognized. [34]

Directly war was declared between Great Britain and her colonies, the Indians were used as agents of destruction by the English, and throughout the whole of the western country, the colonies suffered all the horrors of savage warfare. From the circumstance of Spain sympathizing with the colonies, and seizing the time as auspicious for regaining the possession of Florida, the inhabitants of St. Louis justly dreaded some attack from the barbarous tribes of savages by whom they were surrounded; for

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the hunters and traders, whose pursuits carried them to the Upper Mississippi, could see that some mischief was brewing in the mind of the savages against the people of St. Louis.

The inhabitants became alarmed, and as the town was almost defenceless, an effort was made to build a wall, formed of brush and clay, some five feet in height, encircling the town, and affording egress and ingress to the inhabitants by three gates stationed on the three principal thoroughfares. There was but one small fort, called La Tour, which afterterward became the prison, and was situated on Fourth Street, near Walnut.

The inhabitants having partially prepared themselves for an attack, and being kept on the qui vive for some months, and finding that no Indians had molested them, began to grow careless of all rumors, which had so long kept them in a state of alarm, and which proved to be nothing more than apparitions produced by the disturbing influence of terror. The fear of the Indians had almost prevented the cultivation of the crops of the preceding year, and the town was threatened almost with famine. The people then finding no truth in the reports which were continually in agitation among them, again went forth to their common fields, as was their custom, and planted largely in the spring of 1780, to supply the former deficiency.

In the mean time, the British commandant at Fort Michilimackinac used every effort to rouse into action the savage instincts of the Indian tribes of the Upper Mississippi, and at length there were more than a thousand warriors ready for the war-path. They were placed under the guidance of white men, who were principally French Canadians in the employment of the British, who, from long residence among the savages, knew how to operate upon their excitable temperaments. The names of the three principal renegade white men were Langdon, Calvé, and Ducharme. [35]

The 26th of May was appointed for the attack, and on the 25th the savages had assembled on the eastern side of the Mississippi, and, carefully concealing themselves during the day, awaiting the morrow, when they fondly hoped to destroy and pillage the town. Quenelle, one of the unprincipled French traders who were in league with the Indians, feeling certain of the destruction of the village, and wishing to save the life of his brother, who resided in it, on the evening of the 25th of May crossed the Mississippi, and endeavored to persuade his brother to accompany him to the east side of the river, giving him to understand that the people of the town would be massacred the following day. This the brother refused to do, and communicated the purport of the interview to the governor and the inhabitants; but no one believed the truth of his statement, and no alarm was created.

The 25th of May, 1780, was the feast of Corpus Christi, a day consecrated by the Catholics with all the religious observances of their church. The little log church was decorated for the occasion, and on the morning of that day it was crowded by the happy villagers, in their best attire, to hear Father Bernard, the officiating priest. In the afternoon they went in crowds to the prairie to gather strawberries, which had just commenced to ripen, and after the day had closed in that social enjoyment to which they were so much predisposed, they lay down to sleep, unconscious of their fate on the morrow, and the contiguity of their murderous foes.

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On the 26th, when the morning star was still bright in the firmament, the Indians silently glided across the Mississippi, and landed where the city of Bremen now stands. They then took a circuitous course back of the town, so as to surprise the inhabitants, whom they expected to find working their common fields, and near where now are the Fair Grounds, they came to what was called Cardinal's Spring, and surprised two Frenchmen, one from whom the spring took its name, and the other called Baptiste Rivière; the former they killed, and the latter was taken prisoner to Chicago. [36] The savages then continued their course back of the village, and came suddenly upon some of the inhabitants who were working their crops, and commenced the attack with horrid yells, which could be heard over the whole village. Some forty of the inhabitants, were killed before they could reach the village, and the cannon, which had been kept charged, was fired upon the savage warriors, who were in hot pursuit of the fugitives, by some of the inhabitants. The tremendous noise of the piece of ordnance, together with the fact of the ball striking near them and tearing up the earth in its course, arrested the progress of the savages, and caused them again to scamper back in their tracks. They had expected to surprise the town and pillage it without resistance, and the unexpected salute of the cannon led them to think that every preparation was made for their coming; and in the quick time of Indian retreat, they again got in their canoes, crossed the Mississippi, carrying with them some twelve or fourteen prisoners. (See Errata 6)

There is no question, but had the Indians shown even an ordinary amount of courage, that St. Louis could easily have been taken. That some of the inhabitants evinced courage it is true, but it is also true that there were but little more than a hundred fighting men in the whole village, and with the exception of a few choice spirits, the villagers were nearly frightened out of their wits. Don Fernando de Leyba, the governor, had locked himself in his house, and his lieutenant, Silvio Francisco Cartabona, and his soldiers, had, like frightened sheep, placed themselves in the upper part of the tower. So greatly frightened were the villagers, that it was many days before they dared to venture out of their enclosures; and, indeed, for some time they deserted their cabins, and assembled in the houses of the Spanish commandant, Madame Chouteau, and the other stone houses of the village, as affording more security in case of another attack.

The Indians, on this occasion, terribly mutilated the bodies of their victims, and had they not been frightened into a retreat, they would have left a bloody page for the historian to record. They recrossed the river, and soon after dispersed and joined their respective tribes.

Some authors contend that the appearance of General Clark across the river caused them to evacuate the country, but he was not near St. Louis at the time, and it is probable that the savages, once frightened by the discharge of artillery, did not recover from their fright. They had been taught to believe that there would be an effectual surprise, and seeing a battery opened upon them, they became disheartened. The prisoners

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that were taken, all, in some years afterwards returned to their homes after the peace was made in 1783, when they were released. [37]

In Hunt's Minutes, kept in the United States Recorder's office, there is the evidence of Baptiste Rivière, dit Baccané, that he was taken prisoner and carried to Chicago, from which he subsequently escaped. They were all treated cruelly by their Indian captors, and made to carry the heaviest burdens almost in a state of nudity, and, on wincing from any signs of fatigue, were whipped as lazy beasts, and kept in a half-famished state. Only one of the white men who accompanied the Indians was engaged in the attack; they stopped on the island in the Mississippi, where they crossed, awaiting probably until the slaughter was over, which, treacherous as they were, they did not wish to witness.

The register in the cathedral contains the following record: "In the

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year 1780, 26th of May, I, Capuchin priest and apostolic missionary, have buried in the cemetery of this parish the bodies of Charles Biset, of Aimable Guion, of the son of Calvé, and of a negro of Chancelier, killed by the savages. In faith of which, I have signed the day and year as above. — F. Bernard." Many other bodies were found afterward and interred where they were found, as decomposition had taken place, it being very warm weather. The year in which this attack was made, was ever afterward called L'annèe du coup (the year of the blow).

The opinion has been advanced by many, that the governor, Don Fernando de Leyba, had an understanding with the English, and for some stipulated sum had agreed to let the savages surprise the town. Certain it was, that he had sold most of the powder belonging to the garrisons to some traders just before the attack, and used no reasonable precautions to prevent surprise; but, on the contrary, always repelled any idea of an attack on the town as an impossible event. These were ominous signs, and appeared to carry with them the dark burden of guilt; but these circumstances are only suggestive proofs against him. The positive proof is wanting. On the other hand, he was very feeble in health, and addicted to dissipation in so great a degree as to stupefy his understanding. One or both of these causes might account for his inaction, and why he did not make reasonable preparations for an attack which had been threatened for so long a period. His sordid nature furnishes a motive for the sale of the powder. Be the facts what they may, there were suspicions afloat which have attached the foulest stigma to his name and blasted it forever. He died a little more than a month after the attack — some say by poison administered by himself. In the register of the Catholic church, we find the two following notices of burial:

"In the year 1779, September 7th, I, Capuchin priest, missionary, and apostolic curate of St. Louis, have buried in the cemetery of this church opposite the balustrade to the right, the body of the Lady Marie do la Conceptione y Zezar, wife of Don Fernando de Leyba, commandant of this post, captain of infantry, and have administered the sacraments of penitence and extreme unction. In faith of which, I have signed the day and year as above.


"In the year 1780, on the 28th of June, I, a Capuchin priest and apostolic missionary, curate of St. Louis, Illinois county, province of Louisiana, bishopric of Cuba, have buried in this church, immediately opposite the balustrade on the right, the body of Don Fernando de Leyba, captain of infantry in the battalion of Louisiana, and the commandant of this post, having received all the sacraments of our mother, the Holy Church. In testimony whereof, I have signed this present the day and year aforesaid.

"† F. BERNARD, Miss."

After the death of Fernando de Leyba, his lieutenant, Silvio Francisco Cartabona, exercised the functions of lieutenant-governor until the arrival of Cruzat, who had again been appointed commandant at St. Louis, and then the town, which had so narrowly escaped the attack of the Indians, was regularly fortified. A reference to the map attached to this work will show the course of this wall, which was a strong stockade of posts, with forts and bastions at proper intervals. However, the efficiency of these fortifications was never tested; for after the treaty of 1783, the savages, though often alarming the inhabitants by attacking some of the

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isolated settlements that were forming in the Missouri, never attempted another attack upon St. Louis. (See Errata 7)

During Cruzat's second administration, there occurred the only murder that ever took place either during the French or Spanish domination. One of the soldiers of the garrison, in a paroxysm of rage, stabbed another to the heart, and was immediately ironed and sent to New Orleans.

Though St. Louis was no more disturbed by the savages, yet its commerce was very much damaged by a nest of pirates who used to station themselves at the Grand Tower, a large column of rock fifty feet in height, and situated nearly half way between St. Louis and the mouth of the Ohio. Before the propelling power of steam navigation became known, the current of the Mississippi was so swift about the tower, that the voyagers were compelled to go in advance of their boats and draw them by ropes close along the banks of the river. The pirates, who would be lurking near the tower, would suddenly attack them when off their guard, take the merchandise, and never spared any one to tell the tale.

The pirates consisted of lawless white men, runaway negroes, and half-blooded Indians. They became the terror of the Mississippi, and the foulest murders were committed by them for a series of years, until no single boat dared venture by that fatal place, where it was certain that the voyagers would have to run the gauntlet. It was necessary that several boats should associate together for protection, which course was pursued until the country began to fill up by the hardy pioneers, and an attack made by a well-organized band of voyagers induced the gang to disperse, and left the river free from molestation. The many murders that have been committed at the Grand Tower has given birth to many a wild legend of rapine and bloodshed.

In the early part of the summer of 1785, the inhabitants of St. Louis had a fright even greater than that they had received from the savages during L'année du coup. The Mississippi rose to such a height as to threaten to inundate the town and sweep it from existence. The whole American Bottom was a sea; Cahokia and Kaskaskia were surrounded by the angry waters; and a large quantity of grain and stock were swept away. Nearly all of the town was then situated on Main street, and when the waters rose above the bluff banks of the river, there commenced a scene of apprehension and terror that were more than painful from their duration. Just as the inhabitants were on the eve of removing what was valuable in their little dwellings, the river commenced to subside, relieving them from imminent danger and the agony of uncertainty. This was an event sufficient to form an era in the epoch of the times, and the year was denominated L'année des grands eaux (the year of the great waters).

From the Illinois Monthly Magazine, an excellent periodical in existence many years ago, we make the following extract of an article contributed by Wilson Prim, Esq., whose ancestors were at the laying out of the city of St. Louis. It speaks of a band of pirates located at Cottonwood Creek, commanded by two men named Culbert and Magilbray.

"In the spring of 1787, a barge belonging to Mr. Beausoliel had started from New Orleans, richly laden with merchandise, for St. Louis. As she approached Cottonwood Creek, a breeze sprang up and bore it swiftly by. This the robbers perceived, and immediately dispatched a company of men up the river for the purpose of heading. The manoeuvre was effected

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in the course of two days, at an island which has since been called Beausoliel's Island. The barge had just put ashore — the robbers boarded and ordered the crew to return down. The men were disarmed, guards were stationed in every part of the vessel, and she was soon under way. Mr. Beausoliel gave himself up to despair. He had all he possessed in the purchase of the barge and its cargo, and now that he was to be deprived of them all, he was in agony. This vessel would have shared the fate of many others that had preceded it, but for the heroic daring of a negro, who was one of the crew. Casotte, the negro, was a man rather under the ordinary height, very slender in person, but of extraordinary strength and activity. The color of his skin and the curl of his hair, alone told that he was a negro; for the peculiar characteristics of his race had given place in him to what may be termed beauty. His forehead was finely moulded; his eyes small and sparkling as those of a serpent; his nose aquiline; his lips of a proper thickness; in fact, the whole appearance of the man, joined to his known character for shrewdness and courage, seemed to indicate that, under better circumstances, he might have shone conspicuously in the history of nations. Casotte, as soon as the robbers had taken possession of the barge, began to make every demonstration of uncontrollable joy. He danced, sang, laughed, and soon induced his captors to believe that they had delivered him from irksome slavery, and that his actions were the ebullitions of pleasure. His constant attention, too, to their smallest wants and wishes, won their confidence; and whilst they kept a watchful eye on the other prisoners, they permitted him to roam through the vessel unmolested and unwatched. This was the state of things that the negro desired; he seized the first opportunity to speak to Mr. Beausoliel, and beg permission to rid him of his dangerous intruders. He laid his plan before his master, who, after a great deal of hesitation, acceded to it. Casotte then spoke to two of the crew, likewise negroes, and engaged them in the conspiracy. Casotte was cook, and it was agreed between him and his fellow-conspirators that the signal for dinner should be the signal for action. The hour of dinner at length arrived. The robbers assembled in considerable numbers on the deck, and stationed themselves at the bow and stern and along the sides, to prevent any rising of the men. Casotte went among them with the most unconscious look and demeanor imaginable. As soon as he perceived that his comrades had taken the stations he had assigned to them, he took his position at the bow of the boat, near one of the robbers, a stout, herculean man, who was armed cap-à-pie. Every thing being arranged to his satisfaction, Casotte gave the preconcerted signal, and immediately the robber near him was struggling in the waters. With the speed of lightning he went from one robber to another, and in less than three minutes he had thrown fourteen of them overboard. Then seizing an oar, he struck on the head those who attempted to save themselves by grappling the running boards — then shot with the muskets that had been dropped on deck, those who swam away. In the mean time, the other conspirators were not idle, but did almost as much execution as their leader. The deck was soon cleared, and the robbers that remained below were too few in number to offer any resistance.

"Having got rid of his troublesome visitors, Mr. Beansoliel deemed it prudent to return to New Orleans. This he accordingly did, taking care,

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when he arrived near Cottonwood Creek, to keep the opposite side of the river. He reached New Orleans, and gave an account of his capture and liberation to the governor, who thereupon issued an order that the boats bound for St. Louis in the following spring should all go in company, to afford mutual assistance in case of necessity. Spring came, and ten keel boats, each provided with swivels, and their respective crew's well armed, took their departure from New Orleans, determined, if possible, to destroy most of the robbers. When they neared the Cottonwood Creek, the foremost boat perceived several men near the mouth, among the trees. The anchor was dropped, and she waited until the other boats should come up. In a few moments they appeared, and a consultation was held, in which it was determined that a sufficient number of men should remain on board whilst the others should proceed on shore to attack the robbers. The boats were rowed to shore in a line, and those appointed for that purpose landed and began to search the island in quest of the robbers, in vain. They had disappeared. Three or four flat-boats were found in the bend of the creek, laden with all kinds of valuable merchandise — the fruits of their depredations. A long, low hut was discovered — the dwelling of the robbers — in which were stowed away numerous cases of guns destined for the fur trade, and ammunition and provisions of all kinds. The greater part of these things were put on board the boats, and restored to their respective owners, in St. Louis.

"This proceeding had the effect of dispersing the robbers, for they were never after heard of. The arrival of ten barges together at St. Louis was an unusual spectacle, and the year 1788 has ever since been called L'année des dix bateaux (the year of the ten boats)."

The Mississippi, at that time, flowed through a vast solitude, which afforded an opportunity for banditti to exercise their unlawful propensities almost with impunity. There were but few forts from St. Louis to New Orleans, and these were so far asunder, that they offered but little protection to the commerce between the capitals of Upper and Lower Louisiana. It was at long intervals that the boats ran between the two places, and they were usually richly freighted, and offered strong inducements to the freebooters who infested the most secluded solitudes of the river, watching, like cormorants, the appearance of their prey. There was many a death-struggle on the bosom of the Mississippi, many a fruitless appeal to mercy, and many a death-shriek of torture, as the rifle, the knife, and the tomahawk did their murderous work. When all was done, plash! plash! were the signs that a watery sepulchre had received the bodies of the victims.

In the year 1788, the authority of Francisco Cruzat ceased, and Manuel Perez became commandant-general of the post of St. Louis, of the west Illinois country. It was during this time that the friendly relations, subsisting since the Revolution, between the east and west sides of the Mississippi were materially interrupted, by the Spanish government laying claim to the exclusive right of the navigation of the river. New Orleans and Mobile had heretofore been the chief markets for all the grain raised in the fertile regions of the Wabash and the bottoms of the Ohio, and the claims of Spain engendered bitter feelings of discontent throughout a most extensive region, and fast filling up with an industrious and thrifty population. It is not the province of this work to enter into a history of

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the intrigues carried on by the Spanish governor at New Orleans with some of the leading citizens in the South and West of the Union, in which was implicated an officer of high military rank, who, for his friendly feelings toward his Catholic Majesty, had received the privilege of navigating the Mississippi, his goods free of duty; but only to show the cause why the Americans on the eastern bank of the Mississippi, who had always been most cordial with the inhabitants of St. Louis, should exhibit a subsequent coolness. However, the French, who chiefly occupied the region west of the Mississippi in the vicinity of St. Louis, were but little affected by the quarrel between the two nations, and continued to visit their friends and relations in the towns on the west side as before.

At this time St. Louis went by the name of Pain Court. This name originated from the circumstance of there always being a dearth of the "staff of life" in the early existence of the town, and hunters and traders who came from the neighborhood of the Wabash, wishing to replenish their stock of provisions, in making their purchase would remark the short allowance of bread they obtained for their money, and in revenge for the dearness of the article, conferred upon the town the sobriquet of Pain Court (short of bread).

St. Louis had rapidly increased in population, and in 1788 it and the adjoining villages contained eleven hundred and ninety-seven inhabitants, this without including St. Genevieve, which had grown likewise apace, and contained a population exceeding eight hundred. Pain Court then contained no tavern. There was no need of that institution — that mockery of a home which so often irritates the traveller with its pretended comforts, which it sells out at such extortionate rates. All of the little huts and more comfortable buildings were the abodes of hospitality. In Pain Court, the stranger would receive a shelter, and the pilgrim could rest from his wanderings without any remuneration. The desire of gain had not then chilled the warm gush of feeling which naturally flows from the heart of every individual, unless acted upon by the cold atmosphere of selfish considerations.

The Indians, though they made no direct attack upon St. Louis, frequently would come down the Missouri in small war-parties, and lurk about the neighborhood, and, if an opportunity offered, would take prisoner, or more frequently, kill any of the inhabitants who had indiscreetly wandered too far from the town. One of the inhabitants by the name of Duchouquet, whilst alone in the neighborhood now known as Chouteau's Pond, was set upon by a party of Delaware Indians, called by the French Les Loups (wolves), and immediately murdered and scalped. His brother was some distance from him, and seeing the Indians, escaped to the village with the news, and a company of soldiers started in immediate pursuit, under an officer by the name of Tayon. By taking a circuitous route, they came unexpectedly upon the party of Indians, and Francis Duchouquet singling out the Indian who had killed his brother, and whose dripping scalp-lock was hanging to his belt, brought him to the ground with his rifle, the ball taking effect in his thigh. He rushed upon the savage with the intention of stabbing him to the heart, but seeing him prostrate upon the ground and writhing in pain, he declared to a friend afterward "that he could not do it." However, he was dispatched

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by the soldiers, whose feelings were not so sensitive. Four more of the savages were killed in the pursuit. [38]

It was the policy of the Spanish government to encourage, as much as possible, emigration from the United States, and they offered the most liberal grants of land to induce the industrious and enterprising Americans to immigrate to the country west of the Mississippi. However, all of their liberal inducements were vain, and no Americans took up their residence in St. Louis or any of the adjoining villages until nearly the close of the Spanish domination. This arose in part from the difficulties existing at the time between Spain and the United States relative to the navigation of the Mississippi, and partly to the natural dislike of a people just freed from monarchical oppression, and enjoying the first fruits of liberty, to enter again under the subjection of any government that was not organized on the same broad basis of freedom as marked their own. There was, nevertheless, a considerable emigration from Canada, the east of the Mississippi, and New Orleans; and St. Louis continued to increase. Her traders and hunters were venturesome and enterprising, going far up the Missouri, and dwelling with the fierce tribes of Indians who dwelt upon their banks. Many of them paid with their lives the price of their temerity, and in some fitful mood of the savages, were cleaved with the tomahawk, or still more horrible, were impaled and burnt at the stake. These dreadful occurrences were not frequent, as the Indians found that such acts would keep the whites altogether away from their country, and the goods which they first looked upon with curiosity and esteemed as luxuries, after a few years became a necessity, and almost essential to their existence. Unfortunately, the habiliments of civilization had for them all the poisonous qualities of the shirt of Nessus — they brought suffering, decay, and death.

The trade of St. Louis was much interrupted when war existed between Spain and England, contemporary with our Revolution, as wealthy merchants from Canada were accustomed to come west to purchase furs and peltries for the European market. When peace was declared, in 1783, between the three powers — United States, Spain, and England — the trade with Canada, which had been suspended, was again resumed, and the traders at St. Louis had another market than New Orleans, and received better pay for their goods.

The administration of Perez was a prosperous one. He was mild in his authority, and of a frank and sociable disposition, very much resembling that of his predecessor. He mingled freely with the inhabitants; with his family attended the festive gatherings; and in the convivial hour threw off all of the austerity of the commandant. The surveys had much increased during his administration, and he performed one of those diplomatic feats which great minds alone can conceive and accomplish. The Osage Indians, a powerful tribe up the Missouri, had been always most troublesome neighbors, and at every opportune moment would make a descent upon the inhabitants on the outskirts of St. Louis or some of the adjoining villages, murder or take off some of them prisoners who inconsiderately had wandered too far from the towns, and drive off any cattle and horses which had strayed at a distance on the prairie. As

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when the fire ravages the prairie, it is found best to stay its course by opposing flames in a contrary direction, so Perez resolved to stop savage ferocity by staking against it some barbarous native force, as a protection to his own settlement. He therefore sent emissaries to the Shawnees and Delawares, two powerful tribes east of the Mississippi, who smoked with them the calumet, and offered them a large grant of land in the neighborhood of Cape Girardeau. This invitation many of the Shawnees and Delawares accepted, and settled in the neighborhood of Cape Girardeau, when they resisted the incursions, in a great degree, of other tribes, and afforded much protection to the infant settlements. It was through the agency of a man by the name of Lorimer, who afterward became the commandant at the post of St. Genevieve, that the Indians were induced to come west of the Mississippi, and as a reward for his services, he afterward obtained a grant of thirty thousand acres of land. (See Errata 8)

Perez was succeeded by Zenon Trudeau, in 1793, who, from the mildness of his disposition and his affable manner, became very popular with the people. He did all that he could to encourage immigration, and for that reason the grants became more liberal in extent, and the surveys were extended far to the westward. The communication between St. Louis and New Orleans had become much more frequent, and St. Louis became the abode of many prosperous merchants. There were noble cavaliers, who had been ostracized by their governments for political offences, and many from a love of adventure sought the growing town on the west bank of the Mississippi, and forgetting the pride of birth, put themselves on an equal footing with the happy, light-hearted inhabitants, adopting their habits and mingling in their amusements. Some of them would go far up the Missouri, and live with the savage tribes who inhabited those regions, and so effectually identifying themselves with some favorite tribe, that they fought their battles with other hostile nations, and being skilful in the use of the destructive arms of civilized warfare, became great warriors, and finally chiefs of the tribes. The Indians had always a predilection for the whites whenever they would willingly adopt their customs, and one of their favorite feats was to lurk in the neighborhood of the settlements and steal a child, and hurry it to their homes in the forest. If the child proved a boy, after washing him a multitude of times, and, as they supposed, washing away all of its white nature, they would commence training him in their tactics to make him a great warrior, and after a few years the child would become like his savage associates, with the same barbarous instincts, love of forest life, and a darling desire for the fame of a savage warrior.

During the time that Zenon Trudeau was commandant, St. Louis and the adjoining villages having considerably increased, there became much less fear of the Indians, and the white men pushed farther into the wilderness. The surveys became much larger, and the extraordinary terms held out to settlers by conferring upon them large grants of lands, induced many citizens of the United States to cross the Mississippi and take up their residence on the Spanish domain. Business, in all its different amifications, became more extended; the log-huts were being replaced with neat one-story cottages, with piazzas in front and rear; and every thing indicated increasing thrift and prosperity. Still there was but little

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attention paid to agriculture, and the great emulation among the trading inhabitants was to engross the greatest amount of Indian trade. This trade was principally carried on up the Missouri River and its tributaries, as the Upper Mississippi was monopolized principally by traders from Canada. So fond did those persons become of living with the Indians, after pursuing that life for a little time, that they no more relished the habits and customs of civilized communities; and when by business forced into the pale of civilization, they became restless and discontented, and longed for their tawny friends, their wigwam hardships, and the unrestrained liberty of forest life. So perfectly Indianized did some of them become, that when, by controlling circumstances, they were compelled to live in the atmosphere of civilization, they drooped languished, and finally died, for the want of that wild excitement which, had become part of their existence.

Some of the traders who went up the Missouri with goods, and returned when the exchange for peltries was effected, would bring Indian boys and attempt to raise them in their families; but every effort was unsuccessful. Some would escape, others would die, and others would again be returned to their tribes as incorrigible, after vain efforts had been made to induce them to become attached to the amenities of life, and become useful workers in the busy hive of a civilized community.

The Indians cannot exist with the white men. They were not formed by nature to subserve the purposes of civilization. They were made for the forest: their existence was identified with the trees, and when the axe did its work of destruction, it severed likewise the threads of savage life. Like the enchanted wood of Tasso, when a tree was felled a life was destroyed. Another century will pass, and the old forests and American Indians will have passed away together.

Like most of the Spanish commandants, Trudeau was of an amiable temperament and mild in authority. His family mingled freely with the natives, nor did he or they preserve any exterior emblem of position and importance, but associated with the citizens on terms of perfect equality. His administration was a popular one, and when he retired from the office of commandant, it was universally regretted. This popular commandant died some years afterward in New Orleans.

Trudeau was succeeded by Charles Dehault Delassus de Delusière, in 1798 — a Frenchman by birth, but long in the Spanish service. For some years previously, he had been commandant of the post of New Madrid, and having given such satisfaction in his executive office, he was promoted to lieutenant-governor of Upper Louisiana. He was at this time unmarried, and being of a social disposition, untainted and unspoiled by the rays of authority, he became the favorite of the ambitious fair ones of the city, and "the observed of all observers" in the ball-room. His first act on coming into power, was to have the census taken of Upper Louisiana, which exhibited the following result: —

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1785. St. Louis and villages 897
" St. Genevieve 594
1783. St. Louis and villages 1,197
  St. Genevieve 896
1799. St. Louis 925
" Carondelet 184
" St. Charles 875
" St. Fernando 276
" Marias des Liard 376
" Maramec 115
" St. Andrew 393
" St. Genevieve 949
" New Bourbon 560
" Cape Girardeau 521
" New Madrid 782
" Little Meadows 72
Whites   4,948
Free colored   197
Slaves   883

So great did the immigration become, that the frenzied feeling of speculation commenced to seize upon the settlers, and they used every possible device to get as many and as large grants of land, which they knew would rapidly enhance in value, and which, in a short time, they could sell at a remunerative value. It was not the healthful spirit of industry which caused them to solicit grants; the exciting fever of speculation had begun to rage in their veins, and they were anxious for land — not for grazing or agricultural purposes, but that they might sell it, and by the sale realize enormous profits. These grants grew very excessive, and we will mention a few to give an idea of their extent. James Mackay, who was once a Spanish officer in command of St. Charles, applied to Delassus for a grant of 30,000 acres of land, alleging in his petition that he had been a Spanish commandant, had been faithful in the discharge of his duties, and had received no compensation for his services. In consideration of these facts, the lieutenant-governor graciously granted him the lands. Francis Savier obtained a grant of 8,800 acres for nearly the same reasons, and Maturin Bouvet obtained a grant of twenty arpents square because he had been robbed of a few inconsiderable articles by the Indians while working a saline (salt-pit). There were many grants of the same nature, conferred with the same extravagant liberality on the slightest pretexts. There was one grant petitioned for and received, the petitioner alleging that himself and brother had never neglected to give proof of their zeal to the Spanish government, and being engaged extensively in the Indian trade, they had, on all occasions, made efforts to conciliate the tribes, and make them subservient to the Spanish government. He obtained the land.

From the Mississippi to New Mexico, the country was a wilderness, and consequently a part of the royal domain, and a few thousand acres' grant when they had such an extent to draw upon, appeared like taking a grain of sand from the sea-shore, and the Spanish commandants were not at all economical in their distribution, because there was no necessity. In the following chapter, the subject of grants will be more fully treated upon.

Under Delassus, there were two large grants of land for distillery purposes, and then an additional grant to furnish a sufficient supply of fuel for distilling grain; and after that time there was no more whiskey imported

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into the province of Upper Louisiana. [39] From that day to this, St. Louis has had a plentiful supply of the poisonous fluid; only now, from its peculiar manufacture, it is much cheaper and more deadly. As the arts and sciences have advanced, the ability to do good and harm increases in equal ratio.

During the year 1800, events were taking place in Europe of such magnitude that they were doomed to have a most important influence over the political currents of America. With the iron hand of power and a wily diplomatic policy, Napoleon Bonaparte had forced Spain into a treaty, by which she ceded to France all of her territory known as Louisiana west of the Mississippi, in consideration that the Prince of Parma, who was son-in-law to the king of Spain, should be established in Tuscany.

This treaty was very dissatisfactory to England, as she was jealous of the growing power of France under the auspices of that splendid genius which proved both her glory and downfall. The mistress of the seas determined that France should never take possession of her acquired regions, and for that purpose kept the coast of France under surveillance, so as to prevent any departure of troops for America. Napoleon saw that it was folly to attempt coping with the maritime power of England, which, when he was in Egypt, had nearly swept from existence the navy of France, and through the sagacious Talleyrand, determined to sell to the United States the property which controlling circumstances prevented him from occupying. Mr. Livingston was at that time the minister-plenipotentiary of the United States to France, and seeing the desire of the French government, he obtained the sanction of Mr. Jefferson, then President, to purchase the country which the marine power of England and absorbing events in Europe prevented France from occupying.

Mr. Livingston was a diplomat of the first water, but he had the prince of diplomatists to cope with in the persons of Talleyrand and Marbois, and it was thought advisable by Mr. Jefferson to dispatch Mr. Munroe to Paris as an auxiliary in effecting the purchase of Upper Louisiana. After some masterly moves on both sides on the political chess-board, the sale was effected, the United States agreeing to pay 60,000,000 francs for the extensive province, and assuming a debt of 20,000,000 more, owing by France by way of indemnity to American citizens for maritime spoliation. The treaty was concluded on the 30th of April, 1803, and signed on the 3d of May.

While the purchase of Louisiana was pending between France and the United States, in consequence of the large number of grants the surveys had been extended far into the wilderness, and in consequence, the surveyors and their attachés were exposed to the attacks of hostile Indians. One of the deputy surveyors, by the name of Bouvet, whilst surveying a piece of land west of St. Genevieve, was taken prisoner by a band of Osage Indians, and after being subjected to the torture, was burned at the stake. There were numerous murders committed by that savage tribe, who watched every occasion to attack isolated detachments of the whites when at a distance from the forts. There was no redress for these murders,

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for immediately they had performed their bloody work, the Indians would retreat to their own country through more than a hundred miles of wilderness, which the whites could not muster a sufficient number of troops to invade. The only safety for the inhabitants was to keep near their forts, to which they could retreat at the first warning of danger, and could render effectual assistance to each other. At this time (from 1800 to 1803) there was much excitement regarding the great mineral region in southern Missouri; and so as to locate their grants upon what was thought to be the most profitable part of the royal domain, the inhabitants, instigated by cupidity, often fell victims to the tomahawk and rifle of the savages, whilst straying too remote from the settlements.

After the conclusion of the treaty for the purchase of Louisiana, Napoleon gave utterance to these remarkable words, in conversation to one of his ministers: "This accession of territory strengthens forever the power of the United States; and I have given to England a maritime rival, that will sooner or later humble her pride."

To this treaty the Spanish government at first protested, saying that France had no right to retrocede the province which she had so recently acquired, and which had been ceded to her with the condition that she should not again dispose of it. However, this puerile demonstration was disregarded both by France and the United States, and on the 20th of December, 1803, M. Laussat, the French commissioner, delivered the province of Louisiana and its dependencies to Governor Claibourne and General Wilkinson, commissioners of the United States.

Though this public surrender of the province of Louisiana comprised all of the territory and every locality, and at once gave the United States a recognized dominion over it; yet it was thought proper that a formal surrender should be made of the province of Upper Louisiana, of which St. Louis was the capital and the residence of the Spanish lieutenant-governors, as it was such a vast distance from New Orleans, which was the capital of the province and where the transfer had been effected. For this purpose, Major Stoddard, an officer in the American service, an accomplished scholar, and who wrote a most reliable history of Louisiana, was appointed commissioner of the French government, and on the 9th of March, 1804, received the transfer from Charles Dehault Delassus, the Spanish commandant; on the next day he transferred it to the United States. (See Errata 9)

When it became known in St. Louis that the United States had purchased Louisiana, the spirit of speculation, already so rife, received a new impulse, and the house of the Spanish commandant was besieged by a crowd of clamorous petitioners eager for grants; for it was well known that as soon as the laws of the United States brooded over the western banks of the Mississippi, the settlers from the eastern side would cross over and fill up the country, giving it increased value and consequently enriching its owners. Delassus was liberal in his grants, a petition scarcely ever being refused.

The love of liberty is inherent in all men, and consequently, when the news came to St. Louis that Louisiana was purchased by the United States, the inhabitants rejoiced in the change, although the Spanish laws, though springing from a monarchal source, possessed mildness almost at variance with kingly power. The love of wealth is also inseparable from human existence, and the prospect of selling their lands at vastly remunerative

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prices was likewise a powerful incentive to the inhabitants for hailing a change of government which would bring about so desirable a result. Consequently, when the stars and stripes floated from the government house of St. Louis, and Major Stoddard was inducted into office, the inhabitants manifested every symptom of joy; though they regretted the change some months afterward, when they found a population was gradually gathering in their midst, introducing different habits and customs, adopting another creed of worship, and giving another direction to political currents, which had so long run into fixed channels. They then regretted the change that had taken place, and often sighed for the blissful days of ignorance, content, and comparative poverty, which had been their lot under the Spanish domination. (See Errata 10)

The Anglo-Saxon immigration to St. Louis possessed more industry, a superior knowledge in agricultural and mechanical pursuits, and above all, an enterprise and expansive views, which soon gave them a controlling influence, and were mortifying to the spirit of the native inhabitants, who were enabled to occupy only a secondary position. They assumed, at once, the control of affairs, occupied the most prominent offices, and in their worldly thrift far outstripped the French and Spaniards, who felt the canker-worm of envy gnawing in their bosoms when they saw the city, which had been founded by the one and governed by the other for many years, pass under the rule of another race, and whose principles of action and social feeling bore no affinity to theirs.

Upper Louisiana extended south to a place called Hope Encampment, situated nearly opposite the Chickasaw Bluffs, and its northern boundary is the same as what now limits in that direction the territory of the United States. It was bounded on the east by the Mississippi, and on the west, it was entitled, by the law of nations, to all of the unclaimed country drained by the rivers which emptied in the occupied portion; which would give its extent on the west, to the Rocky Mountains, in which the Missouri had its fountain.

The population of Upper Louisiana, at the time of the cession in 1804, according to Major Stoddard — who is more to be relied upon than any other author in that particular, as being on the spot at the time of the transfer — was nine thousand and twenty whites, and one thousand three hundred and twenty blacks. Education was in a very defective state; there was no post-office in the place, and no ferry across the Mississippi. Whenever a traveller or hunter by chance wished to cross the Mississippi [40] opposite St. Louis — as the river was at that time very narrow — they would call over, and some of the inhabitants would cross in their little canoes, or boats of somewhat larger dimensions, as the occasion might require. Agriculture was pursued but to a limited extent, and though the soil about St. Louis and the contiguous villages was as fertile as was ever furrowed by the ploughshare, it was not cultivated to any extent, and affording but little more than was necessary for bread; peltries and lead being the chief articles of export. So deficient was St. Louis, at times in the "staff of life," that the hunter coming from the rich country of the Wabash, where the lands were more skilfully cultivated, gave it in derision the humorous

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appellation of Pain Court (short bread). Carondelet for many years went by the name of Vide Poche (empty pocket), indicative of the poverty of its inhabitants. (See Errata 11)

The advent of the Americans and the change of government were propitious for St. Louis; for from that time agriculture, that firm basis of a nation's wealth, became the leading vocation of the industrious immigration, and from thence to the present Pain Court was a misnomer.

The extent of St. Louis at the time of the cession to the United States was very circumscribed. There were no buildings on Third Street, and where the Planters' Hotel now stands was an enclosed common, where cattle belonging to the villagers grazed. One public-house, newly opened in the place, was kept by Jean Hortez on a small scale; and indeed there was scarcely a necessity for any, for the inhabitants were so hospitable, that a stranger would be received anywhere as one of the family, and without charge, had his place at the table and the fireside. As we before remarked, there was no post-office; all communications had to be made by individuals coming to, and returning from the town to the sections of country from whence they came on a visit. Even between New Orleans, the capital of the province, and St. Louis, there was no established mode of transmitting letters by government, and official as well as private correspondence was sent by individuals who were visiting these places on business. There were gun-boats belonging to government that ran between New Orleans and St. Louis, but at such long intervening periods that it would have been inconvenient to depend solely upon this mode of transmitting communications. However, between St. Louis and Mackinaw, and St. Louis and New Orleans, and the few intervening points, the opportunities of transmitting communications were much more frequent than other sections of country, as the current of commercial trade ran between these villages. To the emigrants from Kentucky and Ohio, who a year or two before the cession had come to St. Louis in considerable numbers, contiguous to the town, was presented the greatest difficulty in communicating with their friends. They found but little difficulty in hearing from those they had left, because there was almost a continual stream of immigration to the Spanish country; but it was rarely that any one returned, and it was often years before the new settlers could send to their friends any account of the country they had adopted as their home.

The 60,000,000 of francs which the United States paid for the province of Louisiana, were given for a large extent of territory, with immense agricultural and mineral resources, but almost entirely undeveloped. The 50,000 inhabitants which the whole province contained were not desirable residents of a new country, and did not possess the elements of thrift and enterprise to make the soil or the mines yield the innate wealth which they possessed. They were but little skilled either in agriculture or mining, and the Indian trade, to which they almost exclusively devoted themselves, would soon have exhausted itself, as the deer, buffalo and beaver would become diminished; and their supplies in that quarter being cut off, they would have grown poorer as their trade languished, and have never reached any degree of prosperity, had not the vigor and skill of the Anglo-American race been precipitated in the country and given a new direction and new force to the small and sluggish currents of business. At the time of the cession the country itself was an acquisition, but not the inhabitants.

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Edwards, Richard; Hopewell, M.; Ashley, William; Barry, James G.; Belt and Priest; Casey, John; Hall, W.; Labaum, Louis A.; Leduc, Mary Philip; Lisa, Manuel; O'Fallon, Benjamin; Piernas; Port Folio; Risley, W.; Stoddard, Amos; Williams, Henry W.; Yore, John E. Edwards's Great West and Her Commercial Metropolis, Embracing a General View of the West, and a Complete History of St. Louis, from the Landing of Ligueste, in 1764, to the Present Time; with Portraits and Biographies of Some of the Old Settlers, and Many of the Most Prominent Buisiness Men . St. Louis: Office of Edwards's Monthly, A Journal of Progress, 1860. [format: book], [genre: biography; history; letter; narrative]. Permission: St. Louis Mercantile Library
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