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Edwards, Richard; Hopewell, M.; Ashley, William; Barry, James G.; Belt and Priest; Casey, John; Hall, W.; Labaum, Louis A.; Leduc, Mary Philip; Lisa, Manuel; O'Fallon, Benjamin; Piernas; Port Folio; Risley, W.; Stoddard, Amos; Williams, Henry W.; Yore, John E. Edwards's Great West and Her Commercial Metropolis, Embracing a General View of the West, and a Complete History of St. Louis, from the Landing of Ligueste, in 1764, to the Present Time; with Portraits and Biographies of Some of the Old Settlers, and Many of the Most Prominent Buisiness Men . St. Louis: Office of Edwards's Monthly, A Journal of Progress, 1860. [format: book], [genre: biography; history; letter; narrative]. Permission: St. Louis Mercantile Library
Persistent link to this document: http://lincoln.lib.niu.edu/file.php?file=edwards.html


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Chapter I. French Domination.

Laclede Liguest and his companions start from New Orleans, August, 1763, and arrived at Ste. Genevieve in November. — Leave Ste. Genevieve and go to Fort de Chartres. He makes a voyage of discovery to the mouth of the Missouri. — Selects the spot for his trading post. — Settlement of St. Louis, February 15, 1764. — Visit of the Missouri Indians. — Treaty of 1763. — Secret treaty between France and Spain. — Increase of St. Louis. — Early habits of the settlers. — Rage of the people when informed of the secret treaty. — Arrival of Louis St. Ange de Bellerive at St. Louis. — Granting of land. — Popularity of the commandant. — The attachment of the Indians to the French, their hatred of the English. — Laying out of St. Louis. — Its extent in 1764 and 1780. — Its appearance before any buildings were erected. — Style of dwellings. — Names of principal inhabitants. — Grant made to Liguest of the land on which he first commenced to build. — Grant of land on La Petite Rivière. — Mills built thereon. — First mortgage. — First marriage. — Land reserved for church. — First baptism. — The place for a public square. — Unfavorable news from New Orleans. — The arrival of Rios. — The determination of the inhabitants to resist Spanish authority. — He leaves St. Louis when the news reaches him that the Spanish commandant was driven from New Orleans. — Joy of the inhabitants. — The common fields. — Their regulations. — Names of common fields. — Arrival of Pontiac. — His appearance. — His fame. — His visit to Cahokia. — His assassination. — His burial in St. Louis. — Extermination of the Illinois Indians. — The arrival of O'Reilly in New Orleans. — His reception by the people. — Five of the inhabitants are executed, and six sent to the dungeons in Cuba. — The first church is built in St. Louis. — Its consecration by Father Gibault. — Arrival of Piernas in St. Louis. — He takes possession of the town. — French domination ceases in Louisiana.

IT was in the summer of 1763, that there was a commotion of no ordinary kind in the town of New Orleans, then the capital of the whole province of Louisiana, which was almost fabulous in its extent. It had become bruited abroad that a charter had been given a company, conferring upon them the privilege of an exclusive trade with the savages of the Missouri, as far north as the St. Peter's River. The title of the company was Laclede Liguest, Antoine Maxent and Co., of whom the first-named partner was the active representative.

At that time, little was known of the waters of the Upper Mississippi, for above the mouth of the Missouri there was no trade carried on with New Orleans, the capital of the province. Nearly a century before, there had been few settlements formed on the eastern side of the Mississippi, at St. Philip's, Kaskaskia, Cahokia, and Fort de Chartres, villages on or near its banks, but on the west side of the "great river" there was no attempt made to colonize the territory north of Ste. Genevieve, then called La Poste de Ste. Genevieve, which, as far as tradition, with the suggestion of musty records, will avail us, was founded in the year 1755, and is the oldest town in the state of Missouri. The announcement that a company was going to establish a trading post and colony somewhere on the west

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banks of the Mississippi River, near the Missouri, created a great excitement among the inhabitants of New Orleans, who were principally made up of trappers, hunters and traders, fond of the wild romance incident to pioneer life. Many of them were anxious to make part of the new emigration, so soon to alienate themselves from their homes, and risk their lives in a region where the savages still claimed the immunity of their heritage, and believed that their hunting-grounds were free from the encroachments of the white men.

The new enterprise was very popular, not only from the reason that we before advanced, of the love of the people, at that early day, of adventurous excitement, but from the circumstance that Antoine Maxant, one of the proprietors of the company, held an office under the king of France, in the province of Louisiana, it is probable that through his influence the charter was obtained from M. d'Abbadie, the governor of the province. Of Pierre Laclede Liguest, previous to this time, we know nothing, except that he came from a province in France bordering on the Pyrenees, and came to this country with credentials from the court of France, with the intention of trading with the Indians. Of him history has made no record, and even tradition, in her legendary narratives, preserves a singular silence. It is only from 1763, to his death in 1778, that we have any data that can furnish any materials for his biography, or enable us to form any estimate of his character. (See Errata 1)

The company, consisting of a large number of mechanics, trappers, hunters, with probably a few agriculturists, started from the Crescent City, in the rough, heavy kind of boats that were used at that time, for some spot on the west bank of the Mississippi that would be favorable for establishing a trading post and colony. The expedition was under the command of Pierre Laclede Liguest, who carried with him a large amount of coarse but strong merchandise, suitable for the trade with the savages. After a fatiguing trip, they made a short stop at Ste. Genevieve, the only French post op the west banks of the Mississippi that could furnish any thing like shelter or the comforts of life. It was the intention of M. Laclede Liguest to leave his merchandise at that place, until he could fix a location higher up the river, and more contiguous to the Missouri.

Finding that Ste. Genevieve could offer no accommodation for his party or sufficient shelter for his goods, M. Laclede Liguest, at the invitation of the officer in charge of Fort de Chartres, again ascended the river, with the intention of stopping at that place, and there disembark his companions and merchandise, until he could select a location suitable for his purposes.

On arriving at Fort de Chartres, he found that preparations were actively making to evacuate the place, and deliver it to the English, to whom had been ceded all of the French territory on the east bank of the Mississippi, with the exception of the city of New Orleans, by the treaty of 1703. The fort was commanded by M. de Neyon de Villiers, who, from the meagre accounts which history has left us, was of a haughty and imperious disposition, and gave to the voyagers not a very cordial welcome, although he had extended to them the invitation of hospitality. [9]

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M. Laclede Liguest, after storing his goods, started with a few attendants for the mouth of the Missouri, resolving to fix on some spot between Fort de Chartres and the "Muddy River," at which he could commence a settlement in the early part of spring, it then being the month of December. After carefully examining the appearance of the land on the west bank of the Mississippi, he arrived at the mouth of the Missouri, the Pekitanoni of the Indians, and, without making any delay, he immediately turned his boat down stream and landed on the spot which has since become the seat of the great metropolis of the western country. He had observed the location in ascending the river, and seeing no other possessing similar advantages, he determined that it should become the site of the village he proposed to establish.

After closely examining the spot, he commenced slicing trees, saying to Auguste Chouteau, a young man who accompanied him: "You will come here as soon as the river will be free from ice, and will cause this place to be cleared, and form a settlement according to the plan I shall give you." After thus marking the place, he again set out for Fort de Chartres, delighted with the spot he had chosen, and on arriving at the fort, he told M. de Neyon and his officers, "that he had found a situation where he intended establishing a settlement, which, in the future, would become one of the most beautiful cities in America." [10]

The place being selected for the establishment of his colony, M. Laclede Liguest occupied himself during the winter at Fort de Chartres, in making preparations to take possession of the chosen spot at the commencement of spring. Having early perfected his arrangements, and there being no hindrance from ice, he selected a choice body of men, consisting of the flower of the expedition, being nearly all mechanics, and placed them under the direction of Auguste Chouteau, who acted as his lieutenant, and for whom and his family he always entertained a singular affection.

There were about thirty men under the charge of the young man, and M. Laclede Liguest gave to him, with other orders, the following instructions: "You will go and disembark at the place where we marked the trees; you will commence to clear the place, and build a large shed to contain the provisions and tools, and some little cabins to lodge the men." [11] Without any impediment they reached the place of their destination, and disembarked on the fifteenth day of February, 1764, at the desired place, and took possession of the soil on which they were to rear their future village. [12] On the following morning the men commenced work in earnest, and, according to instructions, began the building of the shed in which to store the tools and provisions, and also the small cabins to serve as shelter for the men.

In so inclement a month as February, the hardy pioneers must have been subjected to exposure and hardship which most of the present pampered inhabitants of St. Louis can scarcely reconcile with human endurance.

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In those early days, the luxury of life consisted in braving its vicissitudes, and the Spartan education forced upon the inhabitants from necessity, created from habit, a love of danger and a wish for the wild excitement of pioneer life, though unfruitful of gain and subjected to every deprivation. To mingle with the savages, to follow the chase, and to live secluded in the wilderness for months, following the hazardous business of trapping and hunting, formed almost the entire occupation of most of the French inhabitants of that period. A little season of frolic with their light-hearted countrymen, when they returned to the haunts of civilization to dispose of their peltries, amply rewarded them for all their fatigue and danger; and then, quickly surfeited, they again sighed for the Indian and the wilderness. Even the artisans were often lured from their peaceful avocations, and following the chase for a brief season, were not strangers to the rough fare and hardships incident to the hunter's life. They learned to live upon and relish dried buffalo meat or whatever game fortune threw in their way. They could pillow on the earth and sleep unsheltered under the canopy of heaven, without thinking it a hardship.

The followers of Pierre Laclede Liguest were men of this stamp; brave, light-hearted, and inured to hardship. They probably spent the first night of their landing in sitting round their camp-fire, engaged in cooking and eating, in telling long stories of perilous adventure, in passing around the innocent jest, or in singing some national songs which brought to their memories all the pride with which Frenchmen regard their native land. In a few days the sheds and cabins were finished, and in the early part of March, Laclede Liguest having arrived, the plan of the village was laid out, and the site selected where he wished his house to be built. He named the place St. Louis, in honor of Louis XV., king of France. He little knew, at that time, his king had disposed of the whole of the vast country west of the Mississippi to the king of Spain. (See Errata 2)

Laclede Liguest remained but a very short time at St. Louis, being compelled to return to Fort de Chartres to make hasty arrangements for the removal of his goods, as it was daily expected that the place would be given up to the English. He therefore laid out a sufficiency of work for the men, who were left, as before, under the direction of Auguste Chouteau, while he returned to Fort de Chartres to attend to his merchandise. Before his departure, a large arrival of the Missouri Indians gave much uneasiness to the new settlement. They had heard of the large advent of the white men on the west bank of the Mississippi, and being nearly destitute of provisions, a whole village came down to St. Louis to get a supply of the necessaries of life — in other words, they came on a begging expedition. There were some hundred and fifty warriors, besides a fair proportion of women and children, and their arrival, at first, was looked upon with distrust, and probably with some emotions of fear; for they out-numbered the colonists five to one, and could have been very troublesome had they evinced any hostile intentions. However dishonorable their designs, they appeared to have no idea of personal violence, and satisfied themselves with what they could gain by begging, with the chances of pilfering, which they never neglected to embrace.

The presence of the Missouri Indians, notwithstanding their amicable bearing, was a source of continual uneasiness, as they always treated any suggestion of departure with an obstinate refusal. The whole colony was

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kept likewise on the alert lest so much temptation to their cupidity might excite them to some act of distrust and violence. It was thought best at this juncture by Laclede Liguest, to take some measures to cause the removal of these Indians, as their presence seriously conflicted with the advance of the colony. Already many who had come over from Cahokia, at that time called Caos, to take part in the future fortunes of the colonists, became alarmed at the presence of the Missouri Indians, and had removed again to their old homes; for they feared that the establishment of a colony on the west bank of the Mississippi River would be regarded with disfavor by the many warlike tribes on the Missouri, who might forget their ancient feuds, and make common cause against a people to whose advance there appeared no limit.

Laclede Liguest, by his decision of character, joined with the knowledge of what measures have the most effective influence on the savage mind, soon forced the departure of the Missouri Indians, and relieved the colony of their presence. They were, however, very obstinate in their endeavor to remain. After receiving a supply of provisions, they became so well pleased with their new friends, that they professed their intention of always remaining near them, and of building a village around them. They said "that they were like ducks and buzzards, who sought the open water to rest, and could not find a spot more suitable for their purpose than the place where they then were." [13] By threatening them with the vengeance of the French troops stationed at Fort de Chartres, if they persisted in remaining, Laclede Liguest frightened them into a departure.

The whole lot of ground situated between Market and Walnut, and Main and Second streets, three hundred feet square, where Barnum's hotel now stands, once made part of the large landed possessions of Laclede Liguest, and it was on it that the house was built which he first inhabited and the sheds and cabins of the men were on the east square. On these squares was the commencement of the city of St. Louis. The dirt from the cellar of the house was removed by the Missouri squaws, for beads and other trinkets which they highly prized.

It becomes now necessary to break off the thread of the narrative, which cannot be pursued any farther at the present time with lucidity. We have before alluded to the fact that when Laclede Liguest named St. Louis in honor of the king of France, he thought himself at that time the subject of Louis XV., and did not dream that the whole soil west of the Mississippi River had been ceded to the king of Spain. He was aware that the whole country east of the Mississippi, with the exception of New Orleans, had been passed over to England, together with Canada, and when the news reached the villages and settlements there was a general mourning among the inhabitants, who possessed a feudal antipathy to the English, and who cursed, without stint, the cowardice or policy of their monarch, who transferred them to the allegiance of their most detested foe. They envied the few inhabitants on the west side of the great river, believing that they were still the subjects of la belle France. They were, however, suffering a delusion, for the whole of Louisiana west of the Mississippi had been transferred to Spain, even before the treaty of Paris in 1763.

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France, placed under an imbecile monarch, and involved in pecuniary difficulties, entered into a secret treaty with Spain in 1762, and ceded to her all of her possessions west of the Mississippi River, including the city of New Orleans. What the terms of this treaty were the world never knew, but the natural inference to be drawn from the mystery and secrecy which shrouded it was, that it was in a high degree discreditable to France. The time when this secret treaty became known will be developed in the natural course of this narrative, as it is intimately interwoven with the events which form a part of this history.

After thus premising, we will return to the direct events attending the settlement of St. Louis. On the departure of the Missouri Indians, the new colony, after finishing the necessary houses for their accommodation, soon gave indications of a thrifty appearance. The inhabitants of Cahokia, Kaskaskia and other villages of the Illinois, having a great aversion for English rule, left their homes and settled in the new town, swelling the number of its inhabitants and adding to its resources. To this large accession of the French inhabitants of Illinois, who thought they had removed to a soil long to be governed by the laws of Franco, may be attributed the increase, growth, and vital indications which attended St. Louis even at that early period.

Under the direction of Laclede Liguest, a man of rare energy of character, and every way competent to be at the head of a new colony, if from the little that is left us of his history we can form an opinion, the great business for which he had come from New Orleans was soon established, and the trade with the Indians commenced. Before this, all of the trade in peltry had been carried on at Cahokia and Kaskaskia, but at the establishment of the trading post at St. Louis, the trade in those places commenced to languish, and by degrees was transferred to the new settlement west of the Mississippi. The reason for this change of place in the peltry trade is not to be accounted for solely on the ground of the superior sagacity of the founder of St. Louis in directing the channels of trade to the place he had founded, but other circumstances had their force in effecting it,

As has been before observed, directly it became known that the English were about to take possession of the Illinois country east of the Mississippi (a large portion of Upper Louisiana at that time went by the name of the Illinois country), many of the inhabitants removed to St. Louis, carrying with them their business and their capital. This emigration from Illinois was chiefly from Cahokia and Kaskaskia, the chiet villages, thereby weakening their trade and diminishing their resources. It is also a well known fact that the Indians have always had an aversion to the English from their first intercourse with that people, and immediately that they received possession of the country east of the Mississippi, the savages, from a repugnance to their laws and their customs, no more sought to trade with the towns which were under their domination, but turned their attention to the new trading post on the west of the Mississippi, which was inhabited only by Frenchmen and apparently belonging to the domain of France. For the French the Indians had cordial feelings and a fraternal regard; for the English their feelings were wormwood and gall.

When St. Louis became the favorite place for the peltry trade, which

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it owed mostly to the reasons we have given and somewhat to its location being contiguous to the Missouri, upon whose waters so many tribes of Indians dwelt, it became a still farther inducement for a place of residence, which, together with the unpopularity of the English rule, caused a continual emigration from the villages east of the Mississippi; and a little more than a year from its establishment, it became evident, that it was going to be a town of importance, and would be the leading business place in Upper Louisiana.

For more than a year after St. Louis was founded, the inhabitants were contented and happy, and lived in a state of perfect harmony. There were no statutes, no lawgivers, no prisons. There were a few leading inhabitants who were looked upon in the light of patriarchs by the rest, to whom were submitted any little differences that would arise, and whose opinions had all the force of judicial decisions.

The people who formed the first settlement at St. Louis were a different people from those which form the present population of the Great Metropolis of the West. Almost all of them were natives of the province of Louisiana or Canada, and consequently from their childhood had been unaccustomed to the luxuries of life, and were strangers to the artificial wants incident to older countries, and created by the indulgences of a more advanced stage of civilization. Divested of all extravagance in their wishes, they did not pursue wealth with the devotion so characteristic of modern days. They did not make it a god, for whom they were ready to sacrifice all of their temporal comforts and peril their eternal welfare. Contented with little, they had no motive to great exertion, and when their simple desires were satisfied, they endeavored to cultivate the art of being happy with each other.

At that early time there was a fraternal bond which united the community. There was but little division of interest, there were no castes of society, no temptations to test human weakness. All were on an equality, with the same habits and tastes. Their little cabins, formed by logs set upon their ends, and then roofed in, were the very rendezvous of happiness. The dance, the festive song, the uncontrolled mirth, all bore evidence that their spirits were untrammelled by the selfish cares of life, and revelled in the sans souci ecstasy of simple pleasures. Enjoyment was the aim and end of their being; and though they were wofully deficient in mental cultivation, their tastes did not flow into those vicious channels so characteristic of an ignorant people; they were marked by simplicity and untainted by degradation.

Such were the characteristics of the first settlers of St. Louis, who, though settling in a wilderness, and suffering the almost numberless deprivations inseparable from an infant colony, yet enjoyed a larger measure of happiness, and had less of culpable frailties than the inhabitants who now dwell in the city they founded.

It was in April, 1764, that M. d'Abbadie, the commandant-general of the province of Louisiana, received orders from the sovereign of France to proclaim to the people the surrender of all the French possessions west of the Mississippi to the power of Spain. At this intelligence the people of New Orleans were almost maddened with rage, and publicly avowed that they would not submit to the foreign allegiance which their imbecile sovereign would impose upon them. The treaty with England had been unpopular, and

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Louis had been abused for his pusillanimity; but when this secret treaty with Spain was promulgated, and it became known that France had not a tittle of claim to all of her vast possessions which were hers two years before in America, the ire of the French was aroused, their national pride mortified, they heaped curses on the head of their king and his ministers, and declared they would not be alienated from their mother country. M. d'Abbadie was so overwhelmed with grief at the orders he had received that he died of grief some months afterward. [14]

It was not many months before the distressing intelligence reached the new colony at St. Louis, that they were no longer subjects of France, and the same grief and rage were manifested by the inhabitants which had been evinced by the people of New Orleans. For a brief season there was an interruption to the dance, the song, and the festive hour; and the little cabins sounded with maledictions against a monarch who had transferred them to other laws, and a foreign allegiance. There was one hope to which they clung with all the ardor incident to sanguine temperaments, which was, that the subjects of France residing in the country west of the Mississippi would never consent to be governed by the laws of Spain. Whatever spirit of resistance was avowed by the inhabitants of New Orleans, was fully indorsed by the people of St. Louis; and it was this universal profession of resistance which prevented Spain from forcing upon them sooner, the laws she had a right to impose on the soil she had properly acquired. However, Spain attempted a conciliating policy, and determined upon waiting until the first ebullition of feeling had subsided, before she would attempt to exercise her authority. In the proper place we will state the time and events incident to the Spaniards taking possession of the country they had acquired by the secret treaty of 1762.

As has been before observed, for the first months of its existence, there were no appointments of officers in the little colony to put into force any prescribed law, or to arrest for its violation. The rights of person and property were respected, and the little community, without having the overshadowing power of the law and its terrors, were obedient to its maxims from a sense of duty, and in no formal mariner did they give up any of those natural rights which form the basis of constituted societies. There were among them those in whom there was a general confidence, and to those as to fathers, were submitted any trivial differences which disturbed the usual friendly relations.

Pierre Laclede Liguest, by the authority which naturally vested in him, by being the active representative of a company existing under the sanction of royal authority, was looked upon with superior respect and as the natural head of the colony. He had many implied as well as express prerogatives, and there is no evidence that he ever attempted to abuse them. From all the records which remain that throw any light upon his character, and all of the reports handed down by tradition, he attended strictly to his business as merchant and trader, and ventured upon no legislative authority — which he could have done undisputed, to a moderate extent. According to the rights of a company existing under a royal charter, he could possess himself of any quantity of land necessary for the requirements of the company, and had the power of apportioning

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it to individuals who wished to settle in the precincts of the village he had established. This possession of land was only a usufructuary possession, remaining in force until the legal appointment of proper officers vested with power to confer grants, and it then became necessary for the representative of a company and also for those who had received an apportionment to apply by way of petition for grants, which, if the conditions were complied with, would give them a fee simple right to the soil.

In the summer of 1765, St. Louis received the addition of upward of forty soldiers, under the command of Louis St. Ange de Bellerive, from Fort de Chartres, which had been given up, with due formality, but with a sense of humiliation, to Captain Sterling, the English officer appointed to take possession in the name of his country. Whether this advent of Louis St. Ange de Bellerive was authorized by M. Aubri, the commandant-general at New Orleans, or whether it is to be attributed to a voluntary act on his part, can never with certainty be decided; we have only the light of surrounding circumstances from which to form an opinion, and we are inclined to the belief that he had received orders from his superior in New Orleans to remove to St. Louis; for the inhabitants, at that time, both of Upper and Lower Louisiana, had come to the firm conclusion of resisting to the last extremity, any attempt of the Spaniards to enforce their authority in the town of New Orleans or on the west banks of the Mississippi. These hostile intentions, so manifest at the time, probably induced the commandant-general to give St. Ange de Bellerive instructions to remove to St. Louis with the few troops remaining in his charge after the evacuation of Fort de Chartres. This, of course, is only a conjecture, but we would think it was inconsistent with the character of a royal officer's fame, on his own authority to remove to any post with the troops under his command. He was an officer under the king, and had no room to act, except in obedience to the dictates of his superiors.

The arrival of troops in a country during the time of peace is no profitable acquisition, and especially in a new colony where there is usually no surplus of provisions and a dearth of nearly all the necessaries of life. The arrival, then, of these forty soldiers from Fort de Chartres, in a commercial point of view, was of no advantage to St. Louis. They did not add to its number of industrious inhabitants, but had the effect of creating a still greater disposition to indolence, already too prevalent among them.

These soldiers, from their early manhood, had been subjected to military life, and from habit, were fit for no other purpose. A little while after their arrival, the effect of their presence became manifest, and there was more of a disposition in the community to indulge in idleness and the low vices it always generates. Quarrels and disputes, fighting and dissipation, and the invasion of the right of property, became rife among the inhabitants, and it became necessary that there should be established a power which should be effective in preserving the peace of the community, and at once to suppress the growth of those injurious predispositions, which were increasing to an alarming degree, and militated against the healthful advance of the settlement.

St. Ange de Bellerive was most popular, both as an officer and a man, and according to the general wish of the inhabitants, he was placed at the head of affairs, and exercised all the functions of a commandant-general. He was not only a favorite among his countrymen, but his name

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acted as a talisman in securing the respect and affection of the Indians. They knew him as the inveterate foe of the English, and that in itself was virtue sufficient in their eyes to enlist their affection; but there was another most potent cause — he was the friend of Pontiac, the great chief of the Ottawas — the demigod of the savages. It was only by the persuasions of St. Ange de Bellerive that the great Indian chieftain consented to bury the tomahawk, which had been raised for so many years against the English, and made his name a terror to their settlements. When all of his allies forsook him, and it became evident that success was impossible, St. Ange de Bellerive persuaded him to abandon a forlorn hope, and consent to peace, when arms could no longer avail him. Pontiac acted in obedience with his wishes, for he knew that St. Ange was no friend of the English, and would not advise him to peace were there any hope in a hostile policy.

The regard of the Indian chief was sufficient to conciliate the regard of all the Indian tribes, and this known fact, together with his weight of character, made him the most prominent man in St. Louis, who combined in himself the proper requisites which suited the people in their emergency. By their unanimous wish he was vested with the authority of commandant-general, with full power to grant lands, and to do all other acts consistent with his office, as though he held it by royal authority. The people of St. Louis stood in need of some one vested with the power of commandant-general, who could give some title to property, and to keep off that confusion which was rapidly prevailing concerning a confliction of titles arising from priority of possession.

St. Ange de Bellerive was an intimate friend of Laclede Liguest, the founder of the town, and like him, never entered into the married relations of life, and was in every way worthy of the new trust reposed in him.

The first grant of land made by St. Ange in his new authority, is recorded in a book which was kept for the purpose, and appropriately called Livre Terrein, This grant of land, the first that is recorded, was made to one Joseph Labuxiere, and had a front of three hundred feet on Royal street (now Main), with one hundred and fifty feet in depth running to the river. All of our readers are acquainted with the block where the Bank of the State of Missouri stands. It was of this block that the first grant was made under St. Ange de Bcllerive, as recorded in the Land Book.

From a diligent examination of this ancient record we see that two judges, a procureur-general and a notary had been appointed, and this was done also most probably by the commandant-general at New Orleans, whose power was limited to the appointment of those officers, and did not extend to the appointment of any one invested with the authority of granting lands; as before a necessity of such a thing occurring in Upper Louisiana, west of the Mississippi, St. Louis had not been founded, and the sovereign of France, after that time, had no power of appointing officers over a country which he had transferred to another power. All that Aubri, the commandant-general of New Orleans, could do, he probably did, by the appointment of the officers which we have before mentioned. That it was by his approbation that St. Ange de Bellerive accepted of the authority with which the people vested in him, there is no doubt of;

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for he was too honorable an officer, and knew too well his duty, to consent to administer an authority which, until superseded by the Spanish government, was vested in the commandant-general at New Orleans, previous to the secret treaty of 1762. The first grant of land in the Livre Terrein is dated the twenty-seventh of April, 1766.

After the occupation of the English of the forts on the east of the Mississippi, for many years there was but little intercourse between the inhabitants occupying the different banks of the river, and though the grant of property was of a precarious nature in St. Louis, from the circumstance that it did not proceed from a properly appointed officer, and whose grants could all be annulled whenever the Spaniards would enforce their claim, as St. Ange de Bellerive received his appointment after it was known at Orleans that the country had been ceded to Spain; yet the French inhabitants still continued to cross the Mississippi to St. Louis, anxious to be under the domination of laws which suited their habits of life, and averse to being brought in contact with a race for whom they had a feudal antipathy. They hated the English and English laws, and all who could remove without the greatest sacrifice of property did so.

The land where St. Louis stands was claimed by the Illinois Indians, yet they tacitly assented to its occupancy by the French, and never appeared to urge any remuneration for the heritage they had been despoiled of without their consent. In those days, the legality of Indian claims was not acknowledged by the white man, who settled wherever lucre or other selfish feelings prompted, and appropriated lands without any inquiry as to his right. In those early times they were termed savages, and were treated as beings having no benefit in any thing created by an act of civilization. Law was not made to protect them, and their property was invaded with impunity.

Though all the country between St. Louis and the Pacific ocean was a wilderness where swarmed the most numerous and savage tribes of Indians on the American continent, the inhabitants of the little colony established by Liguest appear never during his life to have become embroiled with their savage neighbors, and after the departure of the Missouri Indians never to have dreaded their interference. This was the more singular as St. Louis on every side was surrounded with them, and from any of the cardinal points, the war-whoops of thousands of warriors could have been heard at its doors, had a spirit of revenge excited them to a hostile demonstration. Had the English founded the settlement, history would doubtless have had to record a different state of facts. It appears to have been the nature or the destiny of that nation, to have provoked the hostility of the Indians in the formation of every new settlement contiguous to the wilds where they roamed. What it did in the way of civilization on the American continent, was done contrary to every principle of religion, and in violation of the natural promptings of humanity. On whatever soil it placed its foot, it had first to be drenched in human blood before it could be possessed in peace. They profaned the sacred name of civilization by sacrificing to it, in the same horrid manner that the heathen did to Moloch by human life.

The conciliatory policy of the French had always made them favorites with the Indians; nor was the settlement of St. Louis an exception to the general custom. Liguest had his agents established far in the wilds, where

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the beaver, buffalo and deer were the most plentiful, and where his emissaries were completely in the power of the Indian; yet these emissaries, with the pliancy peculiar to their nation, adopted at once the habits of the tribes with which they were brought in contact. They hunted with them, like them could endure the greatest fatigue, and live off meat, without bread and condiment. These characteristics would naturally have biased the different tribes in their favor, but the Frenchmen, never suffering a too severe morality to interfere with what they thought their rightful pleasures, would marry the daughters of the chiefs, which, besides having the luxury of a wife in the remote wilds, gave them an influence in the tribe, and a monopoly in the fur and peltry trade.

The peltry trade, with some little of lead, formed the only articles of commerce of St. Louis, and for the first years of the settlement, Liguest, according to the terms of the charter, monopolized the whole trade. Whether he actually kept possession of the trade for eight years, according to the terms of the grant, there are no means of determining at the present day, but from the amount of property which he acquired, some idea of which we will furnish the reader at the proper time, it is probable that he insisted on the monopoly to the extent of its term. The secret treaty of 1762 did not interfere with his rights, as treaties never disturb the validity of contracts without proper indemnification. (See Errata 3)

When Pierre Laclede Liguest, in the spring of 1764, formed the plan of the village, though he may have thought he was liberal in the dimensions of its outline; yet the inhabitants of St. Louis will think that his ideas of its future grandeur was not evinced by the extent of its boundaries as disclosed by the map to which the reader is referred. What is now Main street extended from what is known as Almond to Morgan street, and upon it all of the first settlements were made. It was called La Rue Royale, which name it sustained for many years, until it was changed to that of La Rue principale. What is now known as Second street extended from Cedar to Morgan. In the curly grants it is merely denominated une autre rue principale. It was probably known by no other appellation until the church was built, or preparation was made to build the same in the block where the cathedral now stands; it was then changed to La Rue de l'Eglise. [15] Between 1766 and 1780, there was another street named, which was called La Rue des Granges, or The Street of the Barns, which is now Third street. [16] These were the dimensions of the town which Liguest prophesied to M. de Neyon, the French commandant at Fort de Chartres, would "be the most beautiful city in America." Though the circumscribed plan bore no relation to the prophecy, yet the prophecy has become true in less than a century. (See Errata 4)

The accompanying map exhibits the appearance of the town in 1780, just after it had been fortified by Cruzat, one of the most popular of the Spanish commandants. The town had swelled even in that short period beyond the dimensions assigned by its founder, names had been given to the streets, and the place had assumed the features of a respectable village, containing nearly seven hundred inhabitants.

When Liguest visited the spot in 1764, there was a narrow strip of

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wood which skirted the river, which extended as far back as Fifth street, but not in a direct line, as stated by some authors, running the whole length of the dimensions of the town. It varied in its breadth in different localities, and some portions of the margin of the river were entirely free from any timber. The largest body of wood was where the first buildings were erected. In the rear of the village was an extensive prairie, termed in the records La Grande Prairie. [17] There was no fear then of the "Father of Waters" overleaping his barriers, and, as if to repel his invasion, nature had formed a bluff of from twenty to thirty feet above the natural bed of the Mississippi. This bluff extended, with variation in height, the whole length of the village. At a little distance west of this bluff was a gentle swell, and on this rise the buildings first formed a village. There were two other swells, the last of which was bounded by Fourth street.

With the exception of the first house that was built in 1764, belonging to Liguest, which had its first story built of stone, previous to 1766 the houses were built of logs or poles, placed upon ends, and then the square shingled at the top. Some were daubed with mud, and others, whose owners were in a better condition in life, were plastered within. They, however, exhibited but little comfort, and though they answered well the purposes of the inhabitants, whose wants were few, and who were unaccustomed to the luxuries of life, they would have been looked upon by the denizens of the present day as little huts unsuitable for the purposes of a stable or a shamble.

After the advent of Louis St. Ange de Bellerive, from Fort de Chartres, when a government became instituted, things assumed a more flattering appearance, and several merchants of means, seeing the village under the salutary restraints of law, became residents of the place, and built more commodious habitations. Up to 1766, the names which appear to have occupied the most prominent place in the history of the little village are Cerré, Labadie, Liguest, Chouteau, Sarpy, Clamorgan, Labuxière, Lafêbre, Condé, Ortes, and St. Ange de Bellerive. [18] All other families who have become identified with the history of St. Louis were then inhabitants who made no important figure, and have since reached positions of importance, or fixed their residence in the town after that period.

It was on August 11th, 1766, [19] that Liguest got a grant of land where the first cabins reared in the town were built, and also the residence he afterward occupied, and which after his death became a portion of the Chouteau property, by purchase, and on which was raised the Chouteau mansion. It was thought at that time that France would make some effort to have retroceded to her all her possessions on the west bank of the Mississippi, and that the grants made by St. Ange de Bellerive would then be legalized by confirmation. Deputies had been despatched from New Orleans to the king of France, imploring him to take some measures to that effect, as his subjects could be happy under none other than a French domination. At the same date with the grant we have mentioned, Liguest had granted to him a portion of land situated on La Petite Rivière,

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on which he caused to be built two mills for grist purposes, one of which ran by water, and the other was termed a horse-mill. These were the first mills erected in St. Louis, and were probably erected some time in 1766. [20]

The first mortgage recorded in the archives bears date the twenty-ninth of September, 1766, and is made by one Pierre Berger to one Francis Latour. The mortgage is a curious instrument, and, amidst the dearth of other information, serves to give an insight into the business and habits of that interesting period. Both of the parties acknowledge themselves as merchants and traders largely engaged in the peltry trade, one a resident in Canada, and the other temporarily a resident of St. Louis. The mortgage was given on all of the goods owned by one of the parties as security in ease of the non-payment of so many bundles of deer skins at a stipulated time. This first mortgage on record was cancelled some years afterward by a simple receipt of the attorney of the mortgagee, acknowledging the payment, attested by the notary of the town, and placed on record.

The year 1766 appears to have been fruitful in events, and furnishes much of the data for the history of the town. The first marriage which is recorded among the archives as having taken place in the new settlement, is dated the 20th of April, 1766. The parties to the contract are Toussaint Hunau and Marie Bangenon. In those early days marriage appears to have been a much more important institution than in the present fast days of progressive civilization. Then the parties had to appear previous to the ceremony, and accompanied by their friends and in the presence of witnesses, had to declare their intentions.

In these marriage contracts there was a great deal of worldly thrift and policy. The god of Love did not send his shafts so deep into the veins of his victims as now, causing the blood to burn and seethe, and making them blind and forgetful of every thing else in their haste to be united in matrimonial bonds. Then there was no ill-timed precipitation; no "marrying in haste, and repenting at leisure." The parties, or at least their friends for them, looked upon marriage with a business eye, and consummated it in a business manner. The contract usually averred that neither of the parties was responsible for the debts of the other before marriage; gave the amount of property possessed by both, together with the declaration of the amount they were to receive from their friends, who were present, and whose promises were binding on them, and made part of the record. There was some gift of a small sum of money also made by one party to the other as a gâge d'amour, and there were the usual reservations made in case the marriage was unfruitful, and one of them surviving the other. These marriage contracts are singular documents, and savor too much of the chilling atmosphere of worldly prudence. True affection being a divine emanation of the great source of love, should be divested of every interested motive, and not be surrounded too much with provident influences.

In the grant of land made to Liguest, which we have before mentioned, bearing date the 11th of August, 1766, and containing the whole block where Barnum's hotel stands, we see that it is adjoining the land which

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was held in reservation for the church; so the land on which the cathedral stands was designed for a catholic church previous to 1766, and at the laying out of the town. The French, though gay and volatile in their character, have always a great respect for their church, and in the establishment of every colony the primary consideration has always been to establish a place of worship where they might assemble and enjoy the salutary influences of religion. Before the building of the first church, which took place in 1770, the religious rites were probably performed under some temporary shelter made for the purpose; for we see, by reference to an old record of baptism in possession of the Catholic church, that the first baptism in the new colony was performed in 1766, by Father Meurin, who, according to the record, "in default of a church," performed the interesting service in a tent.

The founder of St. Louis, no doubt, intended that the neighborhood of his residence, which, as we have before observed, was built on the block between Walnut and Market, and Second and Main streets, should always be the most attractive part of the town; for the adjoining block on the east side, was designed, at the laying out of the city, for a public square, and was called La Place d'Armes. The large warehouse of the company was erected near the place, and stood upon the spot occupied by the old market. [21] Human calculations, as regards the future, are ever fallible, and neither the church, the public square, nor the then centre of business, could long render that the most attractive part of the town. The little public square, then fronting on Main street and running to the Mississippi, would be all-sufficient as a park for a little village in its swaddling clothes; but the town has attained a Titan growth never dreamed of by Liguest in his calculations as to its future. Its wide limits demand a more central point of attraction, and already the post office, the index of a central location, is far removed from the street which Liguest thought would ever be to Saint Louis what the Corso is to Rome, and the Boulevard is to Paris.

On August 11, 1767, the town of St. Louis was thrown into a ferment by the arrival of news from New Orleans, of the intention of the Spanish government to take possession of the country, which had been ceded to it under the secret treaty of 1762. It was rumored that a large Spanish force would accompany the Spanish commandant-general to New Orleans, and, if necessary, would enforce, at the point of the bayonet, their authority.

The news, which had convulsed with rage the inhabitants of New Orleans, seriously disturbed the quiet of the people of St. Louis. The whole province of Louisiana had either to become subjected to Spanish laws, or else by force repel any attempt on their part to establish their power. All hopes from the interference of France were futile, and the remonstrance which had been sent to its sovereign, by deputations, had been unavailing. The cession had been made and the faith of the monarch pledged to the performance of the treaty.

It was while the whole province of Louisiana was agitated by the turbid feelings of distraction, that Ulloa, the representative of the sovereign of

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Spain, and holding the office of commandant-general of Louisiana, arrived in New Orleans, and his representative in Upper Louisiana, Rios, was despatched to St. Louis with a body of Spanish troops to exercise the functions which had been delegated to him. He arrived at St. Louis August 11th, 1768. However, when he found that the pulse of the people showed unfavorable symptoms to his authority, he never attempted to exercise the powers with which he was invested, and never came into any collision with the inhabitants, who were wholly governed by the actions of the people of New Orleans, and had determined at that time to resist the Spanish authority.

When Ulloa was compelled to take his departure from New Orleans, he probably sent instructions to Rios to evacuate St. Louis. Whatever cause influenced him to this act, immediately that he became informed of the flight of his superior from New Orleans, he made preparations for his own departure in all haste, for the people were becoming impatient of his presence. He left St. Louis in the summer of 1769, with the few troops under his command, greatly to the relief of the inhabitants, who were kept continually, during his sojourn, in that uneasy state which the expectation of a coming collision always produces.

When the Spanish commandant had departed, a weight of oppression seemed to have been removed from the minds of the people, and their joyful spirits, which for many months had been imprisoned by the restraint put upon them by the peculiar circumstances which surrounded them, again bounded forth into the liberty of enjoyment which was so characteristic of their nature. The ringing laugh, the festive carol, the merry dance, again became the chief elements which formed the happiness of the light-hearted Creoles at that early day. With a smile on their brows, and the warm light of joy flooding their hearts, they sought their common fields, and cultivated the little lots they owned in severally, and which furnished them the little that was required for their subsistence.

What are termed "common fields," was a tract of land comprising a quantity of acres, according to the wants of the inhabitants, in which each inhabitant possessed a portion for the purposes of cultivation. They were enclosed at the joint expense, or rather each one furnished his proportion of labor. The lots were properly marked off, and laws were established in regard to the repairing fences, the time for gathering crops, letting in and turning out the cattle, &c. These lots were obtained by petition and grant, and belonged to the inhabitants as fee simple property, each one having the power to sell, devise, or dispose of the property in any of the forms incident to fee simple possessions.

The French and Spanish, who were founders of new settlements, invariably adopted this system of common fields, which were at some little distance from the town, and which the inhabitants jointly cultivated. It was done for protection, as it was necessary that the inhabitants should all reside in the village, so as to be ready to support each other, in case of attack from the natives; and when engaged in their agricultural occupation, being together, they could the more readily resist any invasion. Such was the theory which generated the institution of "common fields," which gave a certain degree of safety to the inhabitants, and a community of interest which brought them into daily intercourse, and served to cultivate and strengthen the feelings of mutual attachment. If one of their

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number was taken sick, his neighbors would cultivate his little lot, nor register the act in their memories as one of untold self-forgetfulness. Those were the golden days of happiness, and there was something like true affection subsisting among the human family. It was looked upon as a bounden duty, and even a pleasure, to do an act of mutual kindness.

The first common fields were established in what was called La Grande Prairie, small at first in its dimensions, but increased in size as the inhabitants multiplied, until they extended, during the Spanish domination, over many hundreds of acres. These common fields were known by various names, such as La prairie des Noyers, La prairie de cul de Sac, La Petite prairie, La prairie Catalan, and La Grande Prairie. [22] In 1775 all of these prairies were fenced in as common fields, and extended as far as the common fields of Carondelet, when that village became founded.

In 1769 an event occurred which created in the village a sensation of pleasure and curiosity. It was the arrival of Pontiac, the great Ottawa chieftain, to see his former friend and acquaintance, St. Ange de Bellerive. The fame of Pontiac was as familiar at that time as "household words," from the Mississippi to the Atlantic. It was he who caused so many different tribes of Indians dwelling hundreds of miles asunder, occupying a territory extending from the Mississippi to the Alleghany, and from the lakes to the Ohio, to unite in a great confederacy against the English, and resist their power; it was he who matured the plan and appointed the time for the different attacks to be made upon the forts and settlements, and through his agency more than two thousand of the English had been "sent to their final account" by the rifle or tomahawk of the savage. He had won the friendship and esteem of the chivalrous Moutcalm; had played a conspicuous part in the ambuscade where Braddock fell; had planned the massacre at Michilmackinac; and had it not been for the interposition of an accident, would have massacred the whole of the English garrison at Detroit. [23] From these incidents, a halo of romance encircled his name, and when it became known to the inhabitants of St. Louis that Pontiac had arrived, there was an unusual excitement in the village, and all were on tip-toe of desire to get a sight of the great chieftain.

St. Ange de Bellerive, at that time, resided in the house of Madame Chouteau, which was then upon the square opposite the St. Louis Republican office, between Main and Second, and Market and Chesnut, or else he resided in the house of Laclede Liguest, situated in the adjoining square where Barnum's St. Louis hotel stands. [24] Wherever he resided, he gave a most cordial reception to Pontiac, who became his guest for

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some days, and was caressed and fêted by the principal inhabitants of the village.

Since his ambitious plans had all miscarried, he had sought as a relief the Lethean howl of intoxication, that he might forget the past, where his once bright hopes were buried, and that his sensibilities might be unaffected by the contemplation of the future. He was still Pontiac, but "how fallen!" and the people of St. Louis would look in his bloated countenance in vain for that sublimity of expression which they thought had radiated the countenance of one whose life had given such evidence of intellect and chivalrous devotion to his country and people. However morally he may have fallen, yet his fame lived, and he was the lion of the little village, and attracted all eyes toward him.

A few days after his arrival he expressed a wish to go to Cahokia, across the river, where many of the old French settlers had invited him, and contemplated a general merry-making. St. Ange de Bellerive, and his other friends of St. Louis, strongly attempted to dissuade him from crossing the river, as the English laws were in force in that country, and an English trader resided there, who had much wealth and influence, who had sworn vengeance against the life of the chieftain for some real or imaginary wrong. All the dissuasions of his friends were fruitless, and Pontiac, dressed in a complete uniform which he had received from the unfortunate Montcalm, and attended by a few followers, went across to Cahokia. His friends never saw him again alive, for when he had drunk deep, and his faculties were rendered obtuse and inactive, as he was wandering in the woods about the village, he was tomahawked by a Kaskaskia Indian, who had been bribed by the English trader, whose name was Williamson, to kill the great chieftain, and the price of the assassination was a barrel of whiskey.

When St. Ange de Bellerive heard that Pontiac was slain, he ordered his body to be brought to St. Louis, and, amid the general lamentation of the inhabitants, he had it buried near the only fortification of the city with all the honors of war. [25] It will not be too much digression from our main history to state here that the fate of Pontiac was well avenged. The great chieftain had been regarded by the different Indian tribes with a pride and affection which bordered on divinity. When the circumstances of his death became known among them, there was an universal howl of vengeance. The warriors were quickly assembled, and with the war-whoop thrilling upon their lips, and all of the savage instincts in full sweep of vengeance, they assailed the different tribes of the Illinois Indians, and, in an universal carnage, almost destroyed their existence. [26] The Ottawa chieftain died not unavenged; but the white men, intent upon lucre and other selfish considerations, reared no slab with its epitaph to mark the spot where he was buried and to perpetuate his memory. Houses are built over his grave, and there are but few who know that his remains have their resting place in St. Louis.

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During the same year that was fraught with the fate of Pontiac, news came from New Orleans which sent a thrill of terror into the hearts of the inhabitants, and made them tremble in the anticipation of the future. The Spanish government had again sent a representative to New Orleans to take possession of a country which it thought — and that too with justice — it had been too long defrauded from occupying. It had awaited in vain for the people to become reconciled to the treaty made by their sovereign, and then determined to effect by force that which could not be gotten by conciliation.

Don Alexander O'Reilly was appointed commandant-general of Louisiana, and was sent with three thousand soldiers to enforce his authority. When these facts became known to the inhabitants of New Orleans, there were the same manifestations of resistance as when Ulloa attempted to take possession. In the case of O'Reilly, they assembled in vast numbers, determined upon disputing his landing, and were only kept from carrying their designs into execution by the persuasions of the magistrates and the chief inhabitants, who saw that all attempts to resist such a force would be useless. However, the Spanish commandant-general landed amid threats and execrations.

O'Reilly well knew that all the elements were ripe for a spirit of revolt, and he resorted to one of those acts of cruel policy which had frequently been resorted to before to quell incipient rebellion, by an execution of some of the principal men, which would strike terror in the hearts of the others and awe them into subjection. Twelve of the leading citizens of New Orleans were arrested, of whom five were shot, six condemned to linger out a suffering existence in the loathsome dungeons of Cuba, and one died by violence. This summary proceeding had its effect and chilled the inhabitants into submission.

All of the Americans have been universal in their condemnation of O'Reilly, declaring that his act was an outrage upon humanity, unjustifiable and uncalled for by the occasion, and naturally proceeding from the bloody instincts always so predominant in a tyrant nature. Nearly a century has now passed since that unhappy event, and we can look upon it in a manner different to what they did fifty years ago, when the circumstance was comparatively fresh in the minds of the people, when the relatives of the victims were still murmuring against the decree, and keeping in agitation the public feeling by continual complaints. Without justifying the act of O'Reilly, we only say, that for far less opposition to power, the sword has been used more freely, and history has recorded many bloodier pages. He saw all the incipient movements of open rebellion around him, and may have honestly thought that the act was required by administrative policy, as an evidence that he possessed the iron hand of power, and as a preventive of open rebellion.

The Spanish power was completely established by O'Reilly in New Orleans, and after things had somewhat settled into a system, Piernas was dispatched to St. Louis as lientenant-governor of Upper Louisiana. He arrived in St. Louis in the early part of 1770, and quickly received possession of the country from M. St. Ange de Bellerive, the commandant at the post. [27]

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The people of St. Louis, seeing that New Orleans had submitted to the Spanish power, had made up their minds, previous to the arrival of Piernas, quietly to surrender to that government, to which their monarch had transferred them in the secret treaty of 1762. There was a universal regret, and tears streamed from the eyes of many when they saw the French flag, which had long waved over the town, removed from its position, and its place supplied by a foreign banner. It was a day of regret and gloom, and the future was threatening and lowering; happily the signs proved fallacious, for the new laws to which they were subjected proved to be fraught with more content and happiness to the people, than the code of their own country which they abandoned with so much reluctance.

It was in this year, 1770, in which ceased the French domination, when there was a great festival among the inhabitants of St. Louis, on the occasion of the consecration of their little log church, which was built according to the custom of the French, the logs being placed in a vertical position, and the interstices filled with mortar. It was built on the same block where the cathedral now stands, though located nearly at the corner of Second and Market. It was an occasion of much solemnity; the inhabitants turned out en masse, and filled to overflowing the little building. It was the 24th of June, 1770, that this interesting event took place, which had been looked forward to with hope and anxiety by the people, who, though jovial, unlettered, and accustomed to the roughness

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of pioneer life, yet were strict in the observance of the forms of religion, which, by the devoted and self-sacrificing French missionaries, had not only been kept in view before the inhabitants of every hamlet, but had been practised far in the wilderness, to turn the savages from their erratic faith, and induce them to worship in a Christian manner the only true God of the universe.

At this period Father Gibault owned the inhabitants of St. Louis as his little flock, and when he saw them gathered in the fold of the church, where he could more effectually teach and guard them in his spiritual capacity, he must have tested that ambrosial happiness which can only be partaken of by the pure and holy. He said mass and administered the Eucharist, and chanted the Te Deum and the De Profundis with a heart overflowing with gratitude. At the laying out of the village, Liguest reserved the block of ground for a church, and when the benediction had been pronounced, and the people dismissed to their homes, there was a universal satisfaction that the church had at length been completed.

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Edwards, Richard; Hopewell, M.; Ashley, William; Barry, James G.; Belt and Priest; Casey, John; Hall, W.; Labaum, Louis A.; Leduc, Mary Philip; Lisa, Manuel; O'Fallon, Benjamin; Piernas; Port Folio; Risley, W.; Stoddard, Amos; Williams, Henry W.; Yore, John E. Edwards's Great West and Her Commercial Metropolis, Embracing a General View of the West, and a Complete History of St. Louis, from the Landing of Ligueste, in 1764, to the Present Time; with Portraits and Biographies of Some of the Old Settlers, and Many of the Most Prominent Buisiness Men . St. Louis: Office of Edwards's Monthly, A Journal of Progress, 1860. [format: book], [genre: biography; history; letter; narrative]. Permission: St. Louis Mercantile Library
Persistent link to this document: http://lincoln.lib.niu.edu/file.php?file=edwards.html
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