Sargent, Winthrop, ed.; Franklin, Benjamin; Orme, Robert; Napier, Robert; Croghan, George; Gentleman's Magazine. The History of an Expedition Against Fort Du Quesne, in 1755; Under Major-General Braddock, Generalissimo of H. B. M. Forces in America. Edited from the Original Manuscripts, by Winthrop Sargent, M.A., Member of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania . Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott and Co, 1856. [format: book], [genre: diary; government document; history; letter; narrative; report]. Permission: Schingoethe Center for Native American Cultures, Aurora University
Persistent link to this document: http://lincoln.lib.niu.edu/file.php?file=winthrop.html

Note from page 16: 1. II. Hist, of Eng from Peace of Utrecht, &c, 290. So keenly was their disgrace felt by the English, that Charles Edward himself, then residing at Paris, could not view it without indignation. "If ever I ascend the throne of my ancestors," he exclaimed, "Europe shall see me use my utmost endeavors to force France, in her turn, to send hostages to England."

Note from page 18: 2. "Dominus Rex Christianissimus eodum quae pacis praesentis Ratihabitationes commutabuntur die, Dominae Reginae Magnae Brittaniae literas, tabulasve solenne et authenticas tradendas curabit, quarum vigore, insulam Sancti Christophori, per subditos Britannicos sigillatim dehinc possidendam; Novam Scotiam quoque, sive Acadiam totam, limitibus suis antiquis comprehensam, ut et portus Portus Regii urbem, nunc Annapolin regiam dictam, caeteraque omnia in istis regionibus quae ab iisdem terris et insulis pendent, unacum earundarum insularum, terrarum et locorum dominio, proprietate, possessione, et quocunque jure sive per pacta, sive alio modo quaesito, quod Rex Christianissimus, corona Galliae, aut ejusdem subditi quicunque ad dictas insulas, terras et loca, eorumque incolas, hactenus habuerunt, Reginae Magnae Britanniae, ejusdemque coronae in perpetuum cedi constabit et transferri, prout eadem omnia nunc cedit ac transfert Rex Christianissimus; idque tam amplis modo et formâ ut Regis Christianissimi subditis in dictis maribus, sinubus, aliisque locis ad littora Novae Scotiae, ea nempe quae Eurum respiciunt, intra triginta leucas, incipiendo ab insula, vulgo Sablé dicta, eaque inclusa et Africum versus pergendo omni picatura in posterium interdicatur." Vide also Mem. des Comm. de S. M. T. C, &c.

Note from page 21: 3. That the designs of the French were perfectly comprehended in the English colonies, is abundantly proved by Gov. Shirley's letter to Gov. Hamilton, of March 4th, 1754, printed in the Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania, Vol. VI., p. 16. And see also I. Entick, 105, and The Contest in America between Great Britain and France. (Lond 1757.)

Note from page 24: 4. I. Entick, 126.

Note from page 25: 5. Perhaps the influence with the ministry of John Sargent, Thomas Walpole, and the other associates of the Ohio Company, whose prospects were entirely subverted by the presence of the French, may have contributed more powerfully than any other cause to the expedition against Fort Du Quesne.

Note from page 26: 6. Horace Walpole sneeringly dwells on the methods by which England and France seated themselves in America. "They enslaved, or assisted the wretched nations to butcher one another," says he, "instructed them in the use of fire-arms, brandy, and the New Testament, and at last, by scattered extension of forts and colonies, they have met to quarrel for the boundaries of empires, of which they can neither use nor occupy a twentieth part of the included territory." (I. Mem. Geo. II., 343.) But "we do not massacre," he adds, "we are such good Christians as only to cheat!" (III. Corresp. 136.)

Note from page 27: 7. Minutes of Provincial Council of Pennsylvania, Vol. VI., pp. 4, 8. I. Olden Time, 436. I am happy in joining my testimony with that of Mr. Francis Parkman (Conspiracy of Pontiac, 87.), as to the extreme value of Mr. Craig's labors in regard to the earlier settlements beyond the Alleghanies. So far, in particular, as relates to Western Pennsylvania, his collections are worthy of much praise.

Note from page 28: 8. I. Olden Time, 238, 268, 270, 289. II. Histoire du Canada, par F. X. Garneau, 192. Craig's Hist, of Pittsburg, 20.

Note from page 28: 9. Vide Lord Albemarle's letter to Lord Holdernesse, respecting the case of John Patton, Luke Irwin, and Thomas Bourke. I. Entick, 45. The Marquis de la Jonquière arrived in Canada in August, 1749; and acting under positive instructions from his court, faithfully pursued the policy of his predecessor in regard to shutting out the English from the Ohio. Descended of a Catalonian family, he was born in Languedoc, in 1696; and died at Quebec, May 17th, 1752. He was a man of superb presence and undaunted resolution; but, withal, prone to avarice. His whole career gave abundant evidence of his courage and soldier-like bravery: but the world ridiculed the passion that induced him, on his dying bed, to begrudge the cost of wax candles while his coffers were overflowing with millions of money. He enjoyed little peace towards the conclusion of his life, by occasion of his efforts to suppress the order of Jesuits in his government; and, indeed, this dispute is supposed to have shortened his days. II. Garneau, liv. viii., c. 3.

Note from page 29: 10. Roland-Michel Barrin, Marquis de la Galissonière, and a Lieutenant-General in the French service, was one of the ablest men of his time. As a scholar, a soldier, a statesman, his merit was deservedly esteemed. Born at Rochefort, Nov. 11, 1693, he entered the navy in 1710, in which he served with distinction until he was appointed to Canada. In that colony, his conduct was eminently conducive to the best interests of both the King and his people. The Swedish traveller, Du Kalm, bears abundant testimony to his scientific acquirements; while even his meagre appearance and deformed person added to his influence over the savages. "He must have a mighty soul," they said; "since, with such a base body, our Great Father has sent him such a distance to command us." De la Galissonière did not remain in America long enough to carry out the course he had begun: he returned to France in 1749, where he was placed at the head of the department of nautical charts. He is best known in English history by his affair with the unfortunate Byng, in 1756, which resulted in the judicial murder of that excellent officer, in order thereby to screen the criminal derelictions of his superiors. He died at Nemours, Oct. 26, 1756, full of glory and honour, and loudly regretted by Louis XV., who was so sensible of his worth, that he had reserved for him the baton of a Marshal of France. Biog. Univ. (ed. 1816), Vol. XVI., p. 367.

Note from page 30: 11. Penn. Gaz., No. 1349.

Note from page 31: 12. II. Garneau, liv. viii., c. 3. I have been not a little indebted to this valuable work (2nd ed. Quebec, 1852: three vols. 8vo.), which, indeed, is the best history extant of Canada from the earliest period to the present time. In particular, I have occasionally found notices of the history of individuals that I know not where else to look for. It is to be hoped that the new edition of the Biographie Universelle, now being published at Paris by Didot, will, in respect to the lives of French worthies, at least, be more particular than that which it is designed to supplant. It is unjust to the past age, that the names of such men as Duquesne, Dumas and Contrecoeur, should be consigned to oblivion. Thus we are left in ignorance of the period of Duquesne's death, and of all save a single circumstance in his later career. In 1758, M. Duquesne, being in France, was appointed to the command of all the forces, sea and land, in North America. In March he sailed from Toulon, in command of a small squadron, which, however, was utterly discomfited by the English. His own ship, the Foudroyant, of 84 guns and one thousand men, was engaged, after a long chase in which their comrades had been almost lost sight of, by the Monmouth, Captain Gardiner, of 64 guns and 470 men. Captain Gardiner had served under the murdered Byng in the Mediterranean, and the combat was a compulsory one with him. On the eve of sailing on this cruise, whence he was never to return, he mentioned to his friends that there was something which weighed heavily on his soul; that Lord A— had recently said to him, that he was one of the men who had brought disgrace upon the nation; and he was convinced that in this very voyage he should have an opportunity of testifying to his lordship the rate at which he estimated the national honor. As his ship was going into action, he made a brief address to his crew: "That ship must be taken: she looks to be above our match, but Englishmen are not to mind that; nor will I quit her while this ship can swim, or I have a soul left alive!" Accordingly, he closed with the Foudroyant, and lay on her quarter within pistol-shot for several hours, till her flag came down. Shot through the head, and death inevitable, he still retained comprehension enough to say to his first-lieutenant, that "the last favor he could ask of him was, never to give up the ship!" That gentleman pledged himself that he never would; and nailing the flag to the staff, he stood by it during the contest with a brace of pistols, resolved to slay the first man, friend or foe, who approached to pull it down. A more gallant or hardly-contested sea-fight than that of the Monmouth and Foudroyant was never fought.

Note from page 32: 13. Penn. Gazette, No. 1338. VI. Col. Rec, 129.

Note from page 33: 14. Shortly before quitting his government, Duquesne held a secret conference with the deputies of the Six Nations, at Montreal, in which he reproached them with their willingness to surrender the control of the Ohio to the English rather than to the French. "Are you ignorant," said he, "of the difference between the King of France and the English? Look at the forts which the King has built; you will find that under the very shadow of their walls, the beasts of the forest are hunted and slain; that they are, in fact, fixed in the places most frequented by you merely to gratify more conveniently your necessities. The English, on the contrary, no sooner occupy a post, than the woods fall before their hand — the earth is subjected to cultivation — the game disappears — and your people are speedily reduced to combat with starvation." In this speech, as M. Garneau well observes, the Marquis has accurately stated the progress of the two civilizations.

Note from page 33: 15. II. Sparks's Washington, 434. II. Garneau, 201.

Note from page 34: 16. Governor Shirley of Massachusetts, whose opinion on such points must have weighed greatly with the people, frankly declared, in his letter to Governor Hamilton of Pennsylvania (March 4th, 1754), that the language of King James the First, in the patents of the London and Plymouth Companies, was "the only rule for the English Governors to judge of the limits of the colonies under their respective governments, in all disputes with the French Governors concerning the extent of his Majestie's territories upon this Continent, except in cases where the original limits declared in these Letters Patent may be altered by treaty or other agreement between the two Crowns; and those Patents extend the English territories within the 32d and 48th degrees of northerly latitude, quite across this Continent, viz.: from the Atlantic Ocean to the South Sea; and I can't find that these eastern or western limits have been abridged by any treaty." Vide Penn. Col. Rec., Vol. VI., p. 16. Mr. Shirley had lately been acting at Paris as one of the British Commission to define the boundaries of Acadia and New England.

Note from page 35: 17. II. Sparks's Washington, 436.

Note from page 35: 18. Ibid, 442.

Note from page 37: 19. In 1753, the exports of Canada amounted to but £68,000; its imports were £208,000, of which a great portion was on the government account, and did not enter into the ordinary channels of trade. The exports of the English provinces during the same year were £1,486,000; their imports, £983,000. In 1755, the Canadian imports were 5,203,272 livres; its exports but 1,515,730. And while the population of British America was 1,200,000 souls, that of all Canada, Cape Breton, and Louisiana, could not have exceeded 80,000. The policy of sustaining such a colony at such a cost was thus doubted by the most brilliant if not the profoundest writer of the day. "Le Canada coûtait beaucoup et rapportait très peu. Si la dixième partie de l'argent englouti dans cette colonie avait été employé à défricher nos terres incultes en France, on aurait fait un gain considérable; mais on avait voulu soutenir le Canada, et on à perdu cent années de peines avec tout l'argent prodigués sans retour. Pour comble de malheur on accusait des plus horrible brigandages presque tous ceux qui étaient employés au nom du Roi dans cette malheureuse colonie." — Voltaire.

Note from page 38: 20. Mémoires sur la Dernière Guerre de l' Amérique Septentrionale, par M. Pouchot. (Yverdon, 1781), Vol. I., p. 8. These two volumes contain much curious and authentic information respecting the subject to which they relate. The author was born at Grenoble, in 1712, and at the age of twenty-two was an officer in the regiment of Béam. His talents as an engineer, cultivated under such masters as Vauban and Cohorn, early pointed him out to favourable notice, and in season he acquired a captaincy in that regiment, and was created a knight of St. Louis. He came to America on the breaking out of the war of 1755, and gained much honor by the part he took therein, particularly in the defence of Forts Niagara and Levis, where he was in command. He was slain in Corsica, 8th May, 1769, during the warfare between the French and the natives of the island His memoirs, prepared by himself for publication, did not see the light for several years after his death. They are accompanied with explanatory notes, apparently by a well-informed hand. My opinion of their value is confirmed by that of M. Garneau.

Note from page 39: 21. Schoolcraft: Red Races of America, 134.

Note from page 39: 22. Mr. Wheeler, in his recent History of North Carolina (Vol. I., p. 46), states that in compliance with Gov. Dinwiddie's request, the president of that province "issued his proclamation for the legislature to assemble at Wilmington on the 19th February, 1754; who met and appropriated £1000 to the raising and paying such troops as might be raised to send to the aid of Virginia. Col. James Innes of New Hanover marched at the head of a detachment, and joined the troops raised by Virginia and Maryland. But there being no provision made by Virginia for supplies or conveniences, the expedition was countermanded, and Col. Innes returned with his men to North Carolina." Besides these North Carolina troops, three of the King's Independent Companies, two from New York and one from Carolina, had been ordered to Virginia. As they were paid by the King, but retained in the colonies for local protection, it was usual for the provinces to contribute to their victualling expenses on any extraordinary service in which they might be employed; which Virginia, on this occasion, refused to do. II. Penn. Archives, 169.

Note from page 40: 23. The cannon sent towards the Ohio were four-pounders, selected from thirty pieces presented by the King to his colony of Virginia. They went from Alexandria to Will's Creek, and thence in wagons. Small arms and accoutrements were also provided by Dinwiddie; with thirty tents and six months' provision of flour, pork, and beef. The uniform was a red coat and breeches; and a half-pint of rum per diem was allowed each man. The pay was as follows: To a colonel, 15s. per diem — to a lieutenant-colonel, 12s. 6d; a major, 10s.; a captain, 8s.; a lieutenant, 4s.; an ensign, 3s. The privates received 8d. per diem and a pistole bounty. Vide Dinwiddie's letter, in VI. Penn. Col. Rec., 6.

Note from page 41: 24. VI. Col. Rec., 10. It is possible that the French had some sort of an establishment at Presqu'-Isle so early as 1749; the ruins of the fort of 1753 are still perceptible within the limits of the town of Erie. It was provided with bastions, a well and a ditch; and was the head-quarters of communication between Canada and the Ohio. Thirteen miles distant was the fort de la Rivière aux Boeufs, on the spot where now stands the village of Waterford (Erie county, Penn.). A small lake, and a stream rising from it to fall into French Creek, still preserve the memory of the long-vanished buffalo, which once fed on its fertile meadows. The last post on the route to the Ohio was on the Alleghany at the mouth of French Creek (where now is the village of Franklin), and was called Venango, being a corruption of In-nun-gah, the name by which the Senecas knew the latter stream. Its ruins are still to be seen. It was 400 feet square, with embankments which are yet eight feet in height, and furnished with four bastions, a large block-house, a stockade, and a ditch seven feet deep, and fifteen wide, fed through a subterraneous channel of fifty yards by a neighboring rivulet. See Day's Hist. Col. Penn., 312, 642.

Note from page 41: 25. I. Pouchot, 10.

Note from page 42: 26. On the fall of Fort Necessity, M. le Chevalier de Mercier went back to Canada, whence he was presently sent to France with an account of the campaign on the Ohio. Here his advice was much regarded at Versailles; and in 1755, he returned with Vaudreuil and Dieskau to America. His counsels were received by the latter with implicit faith, and eventually influenced Dieskau to measures which ended in his utter defeat at Lake George, 8th Sept., 1755. In August, 1756, he directed with great skill the works with which M. de Montcalm besieged Oswego, and on the surrender of that place, according to Pouchot, secreted to his own use a large share of the public property. In March, 1757, he was sent by M. de Vaudreuil to demand the surrender of Fort William-Henry, but received a peremptory denial from Major Eyres, its governor. (Vide Pouchot and Mante.) This first architect of Fort Du Quesne seems to have been an accomplished officer, but a leech on the public purse. He was probably one of that large tribe of locusts who went to Canada determined to make a fortune quocunque modo.

Note from page 43: 27. II. Sparks's Washington, 19.

Note from page 43: 28. De Contrecoeur's summons to Ensign Ward is given at large in VI. Penn. Col. Rec., p. 29.

Note from page 44: 29. I. Pouchot, 14. Since both the French and the English have published their own stories, it is but fair to give the Indian version of this affair. At a council held at Philadelphia, in December, 1754, Scarroyaddy their leader pointedly dwelt on the efforts Jumonville had previously made to seduce him from the English (whom he was on the way to join), and how he rewarded these insidious overtures by at once informing Washington of their whereabouts, and aiding in the combat by way, as he told Washington, of "a little bloodying the edge of the hatchet." John Davison, the interpreter, who was also in the battle, added that "there were but eight Indians, who did most of the execution that was done. Coll. Washington and the Half-King differed much in judgment, and on the Colonel's refusing to take his advice, the English and Indians separated. Afterwards the Indians discovered the French in an hollow, and hid themselves, lying on their bellies behind a hill; afterwards they discovered Coll. Washington on the opposite side of the hollow in the gray of the morning, and when the English fired, which they did in great confusion, the Indians came out of their cover and closed with the French, and killed them with their tomahawks, on which the French surrendered." VI. Col. Rec., 195.

Note from page 45: 30. Adam Stephen of Virginia, who served with distinction under Braddock and in the war of the Revolution, gives a contemporaneous and interesting notice of this skirmish, which seems to have escaped the notice of the historian. On May 10th, Capt. Stephen was detached with a reconnoitring party towards Fort Du Quesne, whence, his vicinity being discovered, Jumonville was despatched against him. Stephen fell back before his superior foe till he rejoined Washington, who, at 11 o'clock at night, through a heavily-pouring rain, went forth with forty men to the attack. The French were lodged in bark cabins about five miles from Washington's position; but so dark was the night, and so bewildering the storm, that it was not until four the next morning that they drew near the enemy. Here it was found not only that seven men were lost on the journey, but that their pieces and ammunition were so wet as to be in a measure useless. They therefore charged the French with fixed bayonets, receiving their fire as they advanced, and not returning it till they were at close quarters. Stephen adds, that three Indian men and two boys came up with the English during the battle; and that he himself made the first prisoner, capturing the Ensign M. Drouillon, "a pert fellow." Penn. Gaz., No. 1343.

Note from page 47: 31. Oeuvres Comp. de Thomas (par M. Saint-Surin), tom. V., p. 47. Mr. Sparks (II. Writings of Washington, p. 447), has gone at length into the question of the death of Jumonville and has thoroughly cleared up the clouds that in some minds had obscured the morning brightness of Washington's fame. He does not notice, however, M. Pouchot's version of the affair, which is too significant to be passed over here. This writer says that Jumonville was sent with a letter summoning the English commander to retire. Being taken by surprise, and finding the enemy's strength so much superior to his own, he endeavored to show them the despatch of which he was the bearer; but they, unwilling to compromise themselves by a parley, poured in a volley, slaying Jumonville and some others. The remainder were made prisoners. (Pouchot, Vol. I., p. 14.) His editor, it is true, adds a note of dissent to the insinuation that Jumonville had any hostile intentions; but the evidence of a brother officer, whose ideas were derived from personal communications with those who were present at the fort at the time, must be received with some deference. It is a little curious, that while the French made so much capital out of this occurrence, their version of its nature was very little considered in England. M. Thomas, for instance, opens his preface with the declaration that his theme is "l'assassinat de M. de Jumonville en Amérique, et la vengeance de ce meurtre." During fourteen years after the event, its mere mention had not reached the ears of one of the greatest political gossips of the period in London. In July, 1768, Horace Walpole had never heard of it, and was only then in possession of the news, through the intervention of Voltaire, who had made it a subject of national reproach in his letters. (V. Walpole's Correspondence, p. 212, ed. Lond. 1840.) It is due to a French historian, however, to add that there is an impartial account of the affair from the pen of M. Garneau. After considering the statements of either side, he says — "Ibest probable qu'il y a du vrai dans les deux versions; mais que l'attaque fut si précipitée qu'on ne put rien démêler. Washington n'avancait qu'en tremblant tant il avait peur d'être surpris, et il voulait tout prévenir même en courant le risque de combattre des fantômes. Ce n'est que de cette manière qu'on pent expliquer pourquoi Washington avec des forces si supérieures montra une si grande ardeur pour surprendre Jumonville au point du jour comme si c'eût été un ennemi fort à craindre? Au reste la mort de Jumonville n'amena pas la guerre, car déjà elle était résolue, mais elle la précipita." (II. Hist. du Can., 202.) The historical statements of M. Thomas's work are ridiculously false: the only fact it contains is that Jumonville was really dead.

Note from page 49: 32. I. Pouchot, 15.

Note from page 49: 33. The accounts of their number vary from three to nine hundred men, besides Indians. Among the latter were many Delawares and others who had hitherto lived on terms of personal friendship with the English. Vide Min. Penn. Col. Council, Vol. VI., p. 51.

Note from page 51: 34. MS. Gov. Sharpe's Corresp. in Md. Hist. Soc.

Note from page 52: 35. These guns, which were probably merely spiked and abandoned, were in later years bored out or otherwise restored to their former condition. For a long time they lay on the Great Meadows, useless and disregarded. After the Revolution, however, when bands of settlers commenced to travel towards the West, it was a favorite amusement to discharge these cannon: the Meadow being a usual halting-place. They were finally transported to Kentucky by some enterprising pioneers, and their subsequent fate is unknown.

Note from page 52: 36. II. Sparks's Washington, 51, 456. Stobo's Memoirs, 17. Capt. Stephen's letter in Penn. Gaz., No. 1339. Col. Innes to Gov. Hamilton, VI. Col. Rec., 51: where also a correct copy of the capitulation will be found. II. Olden Time, 213.

Note from page 52: 37. Robert Stobo was born at Glasgow, 1727, of respectable parentage, and was settled in Virginia as a merchant when the French troubles began in 1754. Dinwiddie giving him a company in Frey's regiment, he took an active part in Washington's campaign. It is not impossible he was one of "those raw, surly, and tyrannical Scots, several of them mere boys from behind the counters of the factors here," with whom, according to Maury (Huguenot Family, 404), the governor filled the corps. As the stipulations for which he remained a hostage were not complied with, he was, with his brother captain, Van Braam, sent from Du Quesne to Canada, but not before he had contrived to transmit a plan of its works to the English. His letters and drawings being found in Braddock's cabinet, excited no little odium against him. At last he escaped from captivity (whether with or without Van Braam is not certainly known to the writer), and after a series of romantic adventures, reached England. His Memoirs were there published, a reprint of which has lately been given at Pittsburg, by Mr. Neville Craig, to whose notes the preceding remarks are due. The only remaining feature in his story that has been discovered is the fact that on June 5th, 1760, he was made a captain in the 15th Foot (Amherst's Regiment), then serving in America; which position he held as late as 1765. He was an eccentric creature; an acquaintance of David Hume and a friend of Smollett, to whom he is said to have sate for the character of the immortal Lismahago. As for Van Braam, his career is still more obscure. Denounced as a traitor for his agency in the capitulation of Fort Necessity, it must not be forgotten that three weeks before the surrender, Washington (to whom he had served as interpreter on the mission of 1753), pronounced him "an experienced, good officer, and very worthy of the command he has enjoyed:" that he consented to going as a hostage to the French, with the certainty of his fraud being soon discovered by his own party, had he committed one; that he was detained rather as a prisoner than a hostage; and that he risked his life to return to the English. These facts do not exculpate him from the charge of imbecility, but they are inconsistent with the assumption of his deliberate treason. In 1770, too, it would appear that he claimed and obtained his share of the Virginia bounty lands, with Washington as Commissioner; and on 14th June, 1777, was made Major of the Third Battalion of the 60th Foot, or Royal Americans, then stationed in the West Indies.

Note from page 54: 38. The celebrated Seneca chief Thanacrishon (better known as the Half-King), complained bitterly to Conrad Weiser of Washington's conduct. "The Colonel," he said, "was a good-natured man, but had no experience; he took upon him to command the Indians as his slaves, and would have them every day upon the scout, and to attack the enemy by themselves, but would by no means take advice from the Indians. He lay in one place from one full moon to the other, without making any fortifications, except that little thing on the Meadow; whereas, had he taken advice, and built such fortifications as he (the Half-King) advised him, he might easily have beat off the French. But the French in the engagement acted like cowards, and the English like fools." — Enquiry into the Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawanese Indians, &c. (Lond. 1759) p. 80. This volume, whose rarity is greater than even its value and importance, was the work of Charles Thomson, subsequently Secretary of the Congress; but in 1756, when he prepared his material, an usher in the Quaker grammar-school at Philadelphia. He writes in honest but bitter opposition to the Penns, on which account some allowances must be made in perusing his book. This Half-King, who was so free of his censure, was a pretty shrewd fellow. It was he who advised Ensign Ward, when summoned by M. de Contrecoeur to surrender his post, to reply that his rank did not invest him with sufficient power so to do, and to desire a delay until his chief commander might arrive; a suggestion which, though ineffectual in practice, argues considerable astuteness on the part of its proposer. See II. Sparks's Washington, p. 7.

Note from page 55: 39. In 1756, M. de Villiers took an active part in the capture of Oswego. (I. Garneau, 246: I. Pouchot, 71.) Till 1759, he would seem to have still been employed in that region, where he was one of the defenders and probably of the captives of Niagara: after which he is lost sight of. There were six brothers of the Villiers family killed in Canada during this war, fighting for France; each of whom was distinguished by some local surname. The seventh and last, also in the service, appears alone to have escaped. I. Forster's Bossu, 185. From the language of M. Thomas (Jumonv., ch. I.) we are at liberty to conjecture that they were natives of Old France.

Note from page 57: 40. Journal of M. de Villiers: II. Olden Time, 213. Sharp's MS. Corresp. The whole French and Indian loss at Fort Necessity is stated here to have been but one cadet and two privates killed and seventeen dangerously wounded.

Note from page 58: 41. I. Pouchot, 12.

Note from page 58: 42. IV. Mahon's Letters of Chesterfield, 146.

Note from page 58: 43. Penn. Gaz., No. 1344.

Note from page 59: 44. V. Walp. Corresp, 72.

Note from page 59: 45. I. Walpole's Memoirs of George II, 346. Walpole to Sir H. Mann, V. Corresp., 71. And consult II. Sparks's Wash, 40.

Note from page 59: 46. Penn. Gaz., No. 1342.

Note from page 60: 47. Very few colonial governors have obtained the popular verdict in their praise, and certainly Robert Dinwiddie was not one of that scanty number. His disputes with his Assembly in regard to his exaction of fees warranted by law but obsolete in practice, and his difficulties with Washington, have left an unpleasant impression of his character on the American mind. Yet he was an officer not unworthy of commendation. Remarkable integrity and vigilance in other employments, had procured him the government of Virginia; and the records of the day show very clearly how untiring were his efforts to secure the colony from a foreign foe. A Scot by birth, he perhaps retained too many of the prejudices of that people; but he was not without their virtues: and as though in accordance with his armorial device — ubi libertas, ibi patria — he liberally aided in the protection and encouragement of knowledge and education, without which liberty so soon degenerates into license. The library of William and Mary College still preserves the evidences of his generosity; and Dinwiddie County, in the State of Virginia, perpetuates the memory of his name.

Note from page 61: 48. I am aware that Mr. James S. Pringle, in a valuable paper read before the Historical Society of Pennsylvania in May, 1854, states the population of the province, in 1753, to have been but 250,000. Governor Morris, in March, 1755, computes it at the number above mentioned; though probably even his calculation was but conjectural. VI. Col. Rec, 336.

Note from page 63: 49. Register of Conrad Weiser: Penn. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. I., p. 5.

Note from page 65: 50. Hopkins's Mem. of Housatannuk Inds., p. 90. Thomson's Alienation, etc., p. 56.

Note from page 66: 51. Thomson, p. 13.

Note from page 66: 52. See the Governor's message in 1744: "I cannot but be apprehensive that the Indian trade, as it is now carried on, will involve us in some fatal quarrel with the Indians. Our traders, in defiance of the law, carry spirituous liquors among them, and take the advantage of their inordinate appetite for it to cheat them of their skins and their wampum, which is their money, and often to debauch their wives into the bargain. Is it to be wondered at then if, when they recover from their drunken fit, they should take some severe revenges?" — Votes of Penn. Assembly, Vol. III., p. 555. These traders generally consisted, according to the report of the same legislature, in 1754, of the vilest of their own inhabitants, or of transported convicts from Great Britain and Ireland.

Note from page 68: 53. Thomson, pp. 34 et seq. 70.

Note from page 70: 54. Thomson, p. 45.

Note from page 70: 55. Ibid, p. 19.

Note from page 71: 56. "The turkey-pea has a single stalk, grows to a height of eight or ten inches, and bears a small pod. It is found in rich, loose soils; appears among the first plants in the spring, and produces on the root small tubers of the size of a hazel-nut, on which the turkeys feed. The Indians are fond of, and collect them in considerable quantities." — Hunter 425.

Note from page 73: 57. There is not the least exaggeration in this sketch; every statement in it is literally true. Vide Weiser's Narrative of a journey in 1737, published in I. Coll. Penn. Hist. Soc, 17. In the revelation referred to, God declared to the Indians: You inquire after the cause why game has become scarce. I will tell you. You hill it for the sake of the shins, which you give for strong liquor, and drown your senses and kill one another, and carry on a dreadful debauchery. Therefore have I driven the wild animals out of the country, for they are mine. If you will do good and cease from your sins, I will bring them back. If not, I will destroy you from off the earth. Weiser asked if they put faith in this vision. "They answered, yes; some believed it would happen so: others also believed it, but gave themselves no concern about it. Time will show, said they, what is to happen to us. Rum will kill us, and leave the land clear for the Europeans without strife or purchase."

Note from page 79: 58. Ante sinistra cavâ monuisset ab ilice cornix. — Virgil. The reader will call to mind Tully's veneration for the same omen. Non temere est quod corvus cantat mihi nunc ab laeva manu. — Cic. de Divin. 1.

Note from page 80: 59. I cite almost the very words of the intelligent and pious Joseph Doddridge, D.D.; a backwoodsman by birth, who lived and died among the people he taught. His Notes of the Settlement, etc., of the Western Parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania (Wellsburgh, Va., 1824), is one of the most interesting works we have upon the subject, and will be often referred to in this volume.

Note from page 80: 60. Conrad Weiser, Coll. Penn. Hist. Soc., Vol. I., p. 3. Doddridge, pp. 23, 152, 166, &c.

Note from page 81: 61. Sparks's Franklin, Vol. VII., p. 71. In 1755, Franklin energetically addressed the British public in favor of excluding any more Germans from the colonies. "Since detachments of English from Britain sent to America," said he, "will have their places at home so soon supplied, and increase so largely here, why should the Palatine boors be suffered to swarm into our settlements, and by herding together establish their language and manners, to the exclusion of ours?" XXV. Gent. Mag., 485. That the intelligent and educated portion of the German population did not clearly comprehend and honestly conform to the requirements of their novel condition, is not insinuated: yet, even in 1754, when Henry Muhlenberg and a number of the most influential and respected Germans in the province (men of pure hearts, unblemished lives, and pious souls), addressed themselves to Gov. Morris, loyally pledging their fidelity to the King, they admit that there were "a few ignorant, unmannerly people lately come amongst us," who entertained contrary sentiments. II. Penn. Arch., 201.

Note from page 83: 62. A deadening, in the rustic patois of Pennsylvania, signifies the effect produced on the trees by girdling, or cutting a ring about their trunks. The bark being thus completely severed, the sap ceases to communicate, and the tree loses all its foliage and soon dies. A clearing, according to the same authority, denotes a spot where the forest is cut down, and nothing but the stumps remain. The ghastly aspect of the former process would doubtless render it objectionable to the eyes of a landscape gardener; but none such were probably to be found in the backwoods; and the facility with which a tract could thus be prepared for agricultural purposes, was no small inducement to the settler. A good woodsman will soon deaden a number of acres, which by the next seed-time will be ready for cultivation.

Note from page 90: 63. Doddridge, from whom the above sketch is faithfully drawn, gives a singular description of the garb which the young men sometimes assumed in times of Indian excitement. It consisted simply of a pair of moccasins, leggins that reached to the thigh, and a breech-cloth twisted through a belt so as to suffer a skirt some eight or nine inches broad to fall down before and behind. The body, embarrassed by perhaps as scanty clothing as has been worn since the days of Adam, was thus perfectly free for action. "The young warrior," continues the worthy divine, "instead of being abashed by this nudity, was proud of his Indian-like dress. In some few instances, I have seen them go into places of public worship in this dress. Their appearance, however, did not add much to the devotion of the young ladies."

Note from page 91: 64. Votes of Penn. Assembly, Vol. Ill., p. 555. Thomson, pp. 55, 25.

Note from page 92: 65. Thomson, p. 73.

Note from page 93: 66. The two Ohio journals of Post exhibit very strongly this feature of Indian character. In the one, just such a scene as is above described was enacted; poor Post himself being compelled to bear the odium of his employer's meanness. But by and by the tide changed; the stock at the fort perhaps ran low, and the bribes of the English told powerfully on the savages; and Post made a second journey to endeavor to detach them from the service of the enemy. Then he found the tables turned; nor could even the presence of the French captain restrain the expressions of contempt with which the chieftains spoke of him. "He has boasted much of his fighting," said they; "now let us see his fighting. We have often ventured our lives for him, and had scarcely a loaf of bread when we came to him, and now he thinks we should jump to serve him." It must not be forgotten that it was to the presents and kind words of the Quakers, who first set on foot these negotiations, that the merit of prevailing upon the Indians to leave unopposed General Forbes's route to Fort Du Quesne, and the consequent fall of that important post, are justly due.

Note from page 94: 67. Commissioners from all the New England colonies, from New York, Pennsylvania and Delaware, and Maryland, were in attendance; and Virginia and Carolina desired to be considered as present. II. Doc. Hist. N. Y., 330.

Note from page 94: 68. VI. Col. Rec., 14. And see the proceedings of this conference, as preserved in the Johnson MSS., and published under the care of Dr. O'Callaghan in the second volume of the Documentary History of New York, p. 325.

Note from page 95: 69. II. Doc. Hist. N. Y., p. 338.

Note from page 96: 70. Thomson, 77.

Note from page 97: 71. Thomson, 84. Heckewelder's Hist. Account of Indian Nations, 301. The latter author would lead us to suppose that the Wyoming chief never actually took up arms; but Thomson, who knew him well, is explicit on this point; and in the political tract called the Plaindealer, No. III. (Phil., 1764), p. 14, is an undeniable instance of his prowess against the settlers of Northampton County. A memoir of Tadeuskund, the last sagamore of the Lenape, who remained east of the Alleghanies, whose consequence was so great as to win him the title of the "King of the Delawares," is given in Heckewelder, ut sup. He was burned in his lodge, in the spring of 1763. In the language of Uncas, that grandest of Cooper's portraitures, "he lingered to die by the rivers of his nation, whose streams fell into the sea. His eyes were on the rising, not on the setting sun."

Note from page 97: 72. I. Bull. Hist. Soc. Penn., No. 3. The Rev. John Ettwein was a Moravian missionary for many years among the savages. He died a bishop of that church, at Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, in 1802, in the 73d year of his age. Rev. David Zeisberger was a devout brother of the same order, who went hand and soul with Heckewelder in his heroic labors.

Note from page 98: 73. The true title of the gallant tribe whom we call the Delawares was Lenni Lenape — "original people" — for they claimed to be of the pure, unmixed race, with which the earth was first populated, and would proudly boast, "We are the grandfathers of nations." The river whose banks was their chosen seat they named the Lenapewihittuck, or, "the rapid stream of the Lenape." And when the English renominated it in honor of Lord De la Warre, the people, with whose name its own was previously wedded, were still continued in the same connection. Heckewelder gives a most interesting account of the history of the Lenape.

Note from page 99: 74. Thomson, 87.

Note from page 101: 75. Thomson, p. 142.

Note from page 101: 76. "D—n you," said Shamokin Daniel, a Delaware warrior on the Ohio, to the English, "why don't you and the French fight on the sea? You come here only to cheat the poor Indians and take their lands from them!" There was more of truth than of elegance in this pithy address, but it was echoed by his fellows: "The French say they are come only to defend us and our lands from the English, and the English say the same thing about the French; but the land is ours and not theirs." Thomson, 152.

Note from page 103: 77. I. Walpole's Memoirs of George II., 343.

Note from page 104: 78. When General Ligonier hinted some defence to him for Annapolis, he replied with his evasive, lisping hum — "Annapolis, Annapolis! Oh! yes, Annapolis must he defended; to be sure, Annapolis should he defended — where is Annapolis?" (I. Walpole's Geo. II., 344). "He was generally laughed at," says Smollett, "as an ape in politics, whose office and influence served only to render his folly the more notorious." At the beginning of the war, he was once thrown into a vast fright by a story that 30,000 French had marched from Acadia to Cape Breton. "Where did they find transports?" was asked. "Transports!" cried he; "I tell you they marched by land." "By land to the island of Cape Breton!" "What, is Cape Breton an island? Are you sure of that?" And away he posted, with an "Egad! I will go directly, and tell the king that Cape Breton is an island!" The weaknesses of this man afforded an endless theme to the sarcasm of Smollett's muse. In another place, his manner of farewell to a general departing for America is exquisitely satired; "Pray, when does your Excellency sail? For God's sake have a care of your health, and eat stewed prunes on the passage — next to your own precious health, pray, your Excellency, take care of the Five Nations — our good friends, the Five Nations — the Toryrories, the Maccolmacks, the Out-of-the-ways, the Crickets, and the Kickshaws. Let 'em have plenty of blankets, and stinkibus, and wampum; and your Excellency won't fail to scour the kettle, and boil the chain, and bury the tree, and plant the hatchet, ha!" In Bubb Dodington's Diary (181-4), will be found other instances of the Duke's silliness.

Note from page 105: 79. "It is His Majesty's command, that in case the subjects of any foreign prince should presume to make any encroachments in the limits of His Majesty's dominions, or to erect forts on his Majesty's lands, or to commit any other act of hostility; and should, upon a requisition made to them to desist from such proceedings, persist in them, they should draw forth the armed force of their provinces, and use their best endeavors to repel force by force." I. Entick, 111.

Note from page 106: 80. Horatio Gates, afterwards so distinguished in American history, is said to have been the son of a respectable victualler in Kensington, and the godson of Horace Walpole. This latter circumstance may account for Walpole's knowledge of the details of the interview with Newcastle, which he certainly did not arrive at through the minister. Gates was born in 1728. Soon after his return to England from Nova Scotia, he must have gone back to America; since we find him in command of the King's New York Independent Company under Braddock. It is believed these companies were formed of the regiments disbanded in 1748-9. Those stationed in Carolina were the remains of Oglethorpe's old regiment (Penn. Gaz., No. 1338); and it may be noticed here that while a part of his former command was thus posted in his vicinity, others followed Oglethorpe to his new colony, and became founders of the State of Georgia. The Independents do not seem to have had any field-officers; consequently, promotion must soon have lifted Gates from this sphere, since we find him, in 1759, acting as aide, with the rank of major, to Hopson, or his successor, Barrington, at the reduction of Martinico. In July, 1760, he was brigade-major, under Monckton, at Fort Pitt. (III. Shippen MSS., 392.)

Note from page 107: 81. This grade (which, however, was local, and confined to the West Indies) Sharpe received July 5th, 1754. He held it so late as 1778.

Note from page 108: 82. The governor, with his son, Captain Dobbs, had arrived at Hampton Roads, Oct. 1, 1754, in the Garland, after a stormy trip, in which the ship lost her main and mizzen-masts. They brought with them, also, £10,000 in specie for Virginia.

Note from page 109: 83. I. Walp. Geo. II., 347. MS. Sharpe's Corresp. VI. Col. Rec., 405, 177. Though Sharpe's views in regard to the campaign seem to have been very sagacious, yet it appears clearly, from this correspondence, that it was to his and Dinwiddie's suggestions that the royal order settling the comparative rank of provincial and regular officers was attributable — a step fraught with dangerous consequences to the best interests of the crown

Note from page 110: 84. Penn. Gaz., No. 1341.

Note from page 111: 85. Letter to Sir H. Mann, Oct. 6, 1754. III. Walp. Corresp. (ed. Lond., 1840) 70.

Note from page 111: 86. Univ. Mag., 1755.

Note from page 113: 87. A place in Covent Garden Market, well known to houseless bards.

Note from page 114: 88. I. Sparks's Franklin, 160. VI. Col. Rec., 404. And Franklin's notion is followed by Lord Mahon. (IV. Hist. Eng., 69.)

Note from page 114: 89. I. Entick, 143.

Note from page 115: 90. Goldsmith's Misc. Works, (ed. Prior, Lond. 1837), 294.

Note from page 116: 91. The name, certainly, does not seem to appear at all in the Rotuli Hiberniae, published by the Record Commission.

Note from page 116: 92. Vide Appendix, No. V. The words Broad and Oak are of direct Saxon derivation.

Note from page 116: 93. There was a Sergeant Braddock in General Forbes's army in 1758, and the name occasionally occurs among the lists of London bankrupts and traders that adorn the columns of Sylvanus Urban. But at present the Post-Office Directory shows that there is not one of that name resident in the ‘royal city.’ A highly respectable family in New Jersey, however, still bear, as I am told, the name of Braddock; and it likewise occurs in the Philadelphia and Pittsburg directories.

Note from page 117: 94. Gent. Mag. 1707-10. II. MacKinnon's Hist. Coldstreams; 453, 454, 464. III. Goldsmith's Misc. Works (Prior's ed., Lond. 1837), 294.

Note from page 117: 95. I. Gent. Mag. (1731), 397. This seems to have been the fashionable place of sepulture for strangers: the reader will recollect Sir Lucius and his "I'm told there is very snug lying in the Abbey."

Note from page 119: 96. III. Walp. Corresp., 142. Walpole tells us, that before making away with herself, she wrote, with her diamond, these lines (from Garth's Dispensary, Canto III.) upon her window-pane:

Note from page 119: 97. XXXII. Gent. Mag., 542. To tie one's self up from play, was a cant phrase for incurring some obligation which should act as a restraint upon gambling. Thus, there was an instance of the Duke of Bolton receiving a hundred guineas from Beau Nash on a contract to repay £10,000 if he should ever lose as much at one sitting; and the duke actually soon found occasion, at Newmarket, to comply with his bargain. (III. Goldsmith's Misc. Works., 281.)

Note from page 120: 98. III. Walp. Corresp., 142.

Note from page 120: 99. A. I. sc 6.

Note from page 121: 100. III. Walp. Corresp., 142.

Note from page 122: 101. Origin and History of the Coldstream Guards, by Col. Daniel MacKinnon. (Lond., 1833.) Vol. II., p. 473.

Note from page 122: 102. II. MacKinnon's Coldstreams, 456, 472.

Note from page 122: 103. IV. Gent. Mag., 628. II. MacKinnon, 476.

Note from page 122: 104. II. MacKinnon, 456.

Note from page 122: 105. XIII. Gent. Mag., 219. II. MacKinnon, 477.

Note from page 123: 106. This was particularly the case in 1746, when no less than twenty-six privates of the Life Guards were commissioned as lieutenants or ensigns in other regiments, many of them on American stations. It is believed that the famous geographer Thomas Hutchins, the historian of Bouquet's expedition, on this occasion received his first commission as ensign in the King's South Carolina Independent Company. Hist. Rec. of the Life Guards (Lond. 1835), p. 154. These Records of the British Army, which have been more than once referred to, were commenced twenty years since by command of William IV., and are intended to comprise a particular history of every regiment. The few volumes hitherto published are as elegant as useful; and it is to be regretted that so laudable an enterprise should progress so slowly.

Note from page 123: 107. Witness the case of poor Dick Ivy, in Smollett's inimitable tale; the poet whom not "disappointment, nor even damnation," could drive to despair. And yet he could not make his quarters good in the milk-woman's cellar in Petty France, but "was dislodged and driven up-stairs into the kennel by a corporal in the Second Regiment of Foot-Guards."

Note from page 124: 108. II. MacKinnon, 341.

Note from page 124: 109. It is believed that the only occasions upon which any considerable portion of this regiment was ever forced to ground its arms or surrender its colours were at Ostend, in 1745, and at Yorktown, in 1781: on this last occasion the Guards either had no regimental flag, or it was secreted and never delivered.

Note from page 124: 110. In 1720, the King fixed the price of a Lieutenant-Colonelcy in the Coldstreams at £5000; a Major's commission cost £3600; a Captain's £2400; a Captain-Lieutenant's £1500; a Lieutenant's £900; an Ensign's £450. In 1766, these rates were about doubled; and at present the Lieutenant-Colonelcy is worth £9000, and an Ensigncy £1200. (I. MacKinnon, 347.) The purchaser, however, must pass a previous examination to prove his competency, and the money, it is believed, goes to the retiring officer.

Note from page 126: 111. Perhaps history does not afford a more striking instance of undaunted courage, joined with the perfection of discipline, than was displayed by the Guards on this memorable day. They were ordered to attack the French Guards and the Swiss; who, in perfect confidence, awaited the onset. The English advanced, composed and steady as though on parade. As they drew near, their officers, armed with nothing but a light rattan, raised their hats to their adversaries, who politely returned the salute. "Gentlemen of the French Guards," cried Captain Lord Charles Hay, "fire, if you please." "Pardon, Monsieur!" replied they; "the French Guards never fire first: pray fire yourselves!" The order was given, and the French ranks were mowed down as ripe grain falls beneath the sickle. The English behaved throughout the conflict with the same steadiness; their officers in the heat of the fight with their canes turning the men's muskets to the right or the left as they seemed to require. (Voltaire: Précis du Siècle de Louis XV., c. xv.) After nearly fifty years' service in such a regiment, no wonder that Braddock had formed exalted ideas of discipline.

Note from page 126: 112. XV. Gent. Mag., 333. I. MacKinnon, 373, II. ib. 473.

Note from page 126: 113. XV. Gent. Mag., 668. II. MacKinnon, 473.

Note from page 126: 114. I. MacKinnon, 373.

Note from page 127: 115. I. MacKinnon, 381.

Note from page 127: 116. Ibid, cc. 24, 25.

Note from page 128: 117. XXIII. Gent. Mag., 53. II. Mackinnon, 473.

Note from page 128: 118. Walpole erroneously asserts (III. Corresp., 145) that he had been Governor of Gibraltar; "where, with all his brutality, he made himself adored, and where scarce any governor was endured before." But this is so far from being true, that it does not appear that between 1749 and 1753 he ever officially even acted as commandant in the governor's absence (Drinkwater's Gibraltar, 23). He surely was never governor: martinet as he was, however, it is well to note this evidence of his popularity with his men.

Note from page 128: 119. XXIV. Gent Mag., 191.

Note from page 128: 120. Ibid, 530.

Note from page 130: 121. I. Walpole's Mem. Geo. II., 382.

Note from page 130: 122. Historical Memoirs of the late Duke of Cumberland, (Lond., 1767), 463.

Note from page 131: 123. I. Walp. Mem. Geo. II., 390. Mems. of Cumberland, 496.

Note from page 132: 124. I. Entick, 114. Smollett (Adv. of an Atom), says that Braddock was "an obscure officer, without conduct or experience, whom Cumberland selected for this service; not that he supposed him possessed of superior merit, but because no officer of distinction cared to engage in such a disagreeable expedition." He further intimates, too, an invincible aversion on the part of the Duke and his royal father to the employment of Indian allies as scouts. But it is the satirist, not the historian, who speaks: the whole volume is one continued tirade against every person in power during the Seven Years' War, from Pitt and Mansfield to Frederick of Prussia and the Empress-Queen.

Note from page 132: 125. See Appendix, No. I.

Note from page 132: 126. Penn. Gaz., No. 1365.

Note from page 134: 127. Penn. Gazette, No. 1360, No. 1362.

Note from page 135: 128. Penn. Gaz., No 1362.

Note from page 135: 129. Ibid, No. 1367.

Note from page 135: 130. Ibid No. 1360.

Note from page 136: 131. A matross is an artillery soldier of a rank inferior to the bombardier or gunner.

Note from page 136: 132. VI. Penn. Col. Rec., 303.

Note from page 136: 133. II. Penn. Gaz., No. 1360, No. 1369.

Note from page 136: 134. II. Penn. Archives, 293.

Note from page 136: 135. Ibid, 300.

Note from page 137: 136. Penn. Gaz., No. 1362.

Note from page 137: 137. The Hon. Augustus, second son of William Anne Keppel, 2d Earl of Albemarle, was born April 2d, 1725. He entered the navy as a midshipman at an early date, and received his first wound at the capture of Paita. He met with rapid promotion, and at Goree and in the battle off Belleisle distinguished himself for good conduct. In 1762, he was a commodore in the fleet sent out under Sir George Pocock to the Havannah. In consequence of grave charges brought against him by Sir Hugh Palliser, he was court-martialled for his conduct in the sea-fight near Ushant on the 27th of June, 1778; but was most honorably acquitted, while his accuser became the object of general opprobrium. So strong was the sympathy with Keppel, that Parliament went to the unusual length of voting him its thanks. He had already (1763) been appointed Groom of the Bedchamber to the King; an office which he vacated in 1766. In 1782, he was made First Lord of the Admiralty and in April of the same year, advanced to the peerage under the title of Viscount Keppel of Elvedon, in the County of Suffolk. He died in 1786, when his title became extinct.

Note from page 138: 138. Penn. Gaz., No. 1368.

Note from page 138: 139. III. Walp. Corresp., 88.

Note from page 139: 140. Not even the Victory, where Nelson died, was a more famous and favorite ship among British sailors than the old Centurion. In 1740, it was as her captain that Anson led his little squadron on their venturous voyage to "put a girdle round about the earth." In 1749, we find Keppel in command. In 1755, when he hoisted his broad pennant as commodore of the Virginia fleet, William Mantell, Esq., was his captain. Towards the end of July, the Centurion, along with the Nightingale and the Syren, Captain Proby, sailed from Hampton Roads northwardly; and on the 4th of September, she was with Boscawen's fleet (Penn. Gaz., Nos. 1389, 1393). Though rated as of 400 men and 60 guns, she mounted now but 54. In 1759, she covered Wolfe's landing at Quebec; and it is a little odd, that at the moment the two future circumnavigators, Cook and Bougainville, armed on opposite sides, were present with the ship whose fame rested on its having performed the same feat. When she at last was broken up, her figurehead — a lion, so exquisitely carved in wood as to suggest the workmanship of Gibbons himself — was preserved to delight the eyes of the Greenwich pensioners. It is still preserved at their Hospital.

The Hon. Samuel Barrington, Captain of the Norwich, was the 5th son of John, first Viscount Barrington. He was born in 1729, and died an admiral of the white, and lieutenant-general of the marines, 6th August, 1800. His second-lieutenant on this Virginia voyage was the celebrated Adam Duncan of Lundie, who had sailed with Keppel in the Centurion as a midshipmen since 1749. The Commodore, recognizing his merit, made a special point of obtaining his promotion on this occasion. In later years, the great victory of Camperdown, which gave Duncan a peerage, testified to the wisdom of Keppel's judgment.

Note from page 140: 141. Penn. Gaz., No. 1368.

Note from page 140: 142. Ibid, 1360.

Note from page 140: 143. Ibid, No. 1371.

Note from page 141: 144. Penn. Gaz., No. 1370.

Note from page 141: 145. VI. Col. Rec., 286.

Note from page 142: 146. Braddock's Despatches, in II. Olden Time, 227. II. Sparks's Washington, 68. II. Penn. Arch., 286.

Note from page 143: 147. III. Walp. Corr., 110. Maury's Huguenot Fam., 391.

Note from page 143: 148. VI. Col. Rec., 332.

Note from page 144: 149. These were the troops so anxiously looked for by Washington at Fort Necessity, in July, 1754.

Note from page 145: 150. VI. Col. Rec, 299, 300. Penn. Gaz., Nos. 1372, 1365, 1364.

Note from page 145: 151. In October, 1754, Sir Thomas Robinson advised the Governor of Pennsylvania of the King's wish that he should have at least 3000 men enlisted from whom to fill up the ranks of the 44th and 48th regiments, as well as of Shirley's and Pepperell's. The mandate, however, had no legal force, and was never in the least degree complied with. See VI. Col. Rec., 200.

Note from page 145: 152. VI. Col. Rec., 423.

Note from page 146: 153. VI. Col. Rec., 301, 337. When the prospect of a war between the two countries was imminent, and the French in Canada were anxious to lay in a store of provisions, the commercial colonies of New York, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts hastened to supply them. Within three months of the first battle, no less than forty English vessels lay at one time in the harbor of Louisbourg. It is proper to say that Pennsylvania was not otherwise engaged in this traffic than in selling flour to the merchants of other colonies, who pursued it until stopped by the stringent enactments of their own legislatures.

Note from page 146: 154. VI. Col. Rec., 318.

Note from page 147: 155. VI. Col. Rec., 319, 323.

Note from page 147: 156. VI. Col. Rec., 297. II. Penn. Arch., 253. This flour was bought with part of the £5000 presently to be spoken of.

Note from page 148: 157. Braddock's Letter of 28th Feb., 1755. VI. Col. Rec., 307.

Note from page 150: 158. VI. Col. Rec., 192, 233. XXV. Gent. Mag., 230, 243. There had been a general though a ridiculously absurd suspicion in Virginia, as well as Pennsylvania, that the story of French encroachments, etc., in the West was all a bugbear, gotten up by the Ohio Company in order to procure its occupation by the British, and so facilitate its own settlement. Thus Washington, who was interested in that concern, wrote, in 1757, to Lord Loudoun:

"It was not ascertained until too late that the French were on the Ohio; or rather, that we could be persuaded they came there with a design to invade His Majesty's dominions. Nay, after I was sent out in December, 1753, and brought undoubted testimony, even from themselves, of their avowed design, it was yet thought a fiction, and a scheme to promote the interest of a private company, even by some who had a concern in the government." — II. Sparks's Washington, 218.

Note from page 151: 159. Allusion is here made to the Paxton riots, when a murderous array of frontiers-men marched on Philadelphia, threatening to repeat there the crimes they had already been guilty of at Lancaster. These shocking scenes would never have occurred, had the Ohio Indians been enlisted in time in the English interest.

Note from page 152: 160. Sparks's Wash., 289. XXVI. Gent. Mag., 83. VI. C. R., 337.

Note from page 153: 161. II. Olden Time, 225, 232, 235. Before blaming in toto coelo the rash judgment that dictated these intemperate counsels, it will be well to recollect that others besides Braddock (whether justly or not), were incensed beyond bounds by the conduct of Pennsylvania: "A people," said Washington, "who ought rather to be chastised for their insensibility to danger, and disregard of their sovereign's expectations." I. Sparks's Wash., 78. The suggestion of taxing America by Britain is perhaps one of the earliest on record.

Note from page 154: 162. XXV. Gent. Mag., 308. II. Olden Time, 226.

Note from page 156: 163. II. Sparks's Washington, 68 et seq.

Note from page 157: 164. Letter to W. Fairfax. II. Sp. Wash., 177.

Note from page 158: 165. II. Sparks's Washington, 97, 162, 229.

Note from page 158: 166. I. Walp. Mem. Geo. II., 347.

Note from page 159: 167. Shippen MSS., Vol. I. He threatened them "that instead of marching to the Ohio, he would in nine days march his army into Cumberland County (Penn.) to cut the Roads, press Horses, Wagons, etc.; that he would not suffer a Soldier to handle an Axe, but by Fire and Sword, oblige the Inhabitants to do it, and take away every Man that refused to the Ohio, as he had, yesterday, some of the Virginians; that he would kill all kind of Cattle and carry away the Horses, burn the Houses, etc.; and that if the French defeated them by the Delays of this Province he would with his Sword drawn pass through the Province and treat the Inhabitants as a parcel of Traitors to his Master; that he would to-morrow write to England by a Man-of-war; shake Mr. Penn's proprietaryship; and represent Pennsylvania as a disaffected province: that he would not stop to impress our Assembly; his hands were not tyed, and that We should find: ordering Us to take these Precautions and instantly publish them to our Governor and Assembly, telling Us he did not value anything they did or resolved, seeing they were dilatory and retarded the March of the Troops, and — an — (as he phrased it) on this occasion; and told Us to go to the General, if We pleased, who would give us ten bad Words for one that he had given. * * * He would do our Duty himself and never trust to Us; but we should dearly pay for it. To every sentence he solemnly swore, and desired we might believe him to be in earnest." The Shippen MSS. (consisting of the original papers, &c, of Edward and Joseph Shippen, Col. James Burd, and other members of a family that during the last century occupied a most distinguished position in Pennsylvania) are in the library of the Hist. Soc. of Penn. They contain a store of valuable information respecting the early history of the State, and an interesting correspondence with many of the chief characters in America.

Note from page 160: 168. II. Penn. Arch., 317.

Note from page 160: 169. Penn. Gaz., No. 1397.

Note from page 161: 170. Shippen MSS. passim. II. Penn. Arch., 320, 345, 357, 363, 373. VI. Col. Rec., 433, 460, 466, 476.

Note from page 162: 171. Lewis Evans's Second Essay (Phil. 1756), p. 7. XXV. Gent. Mag., 378, 388. Hanbury was probably the person alluded to.

Note from page 163: 172. II. Olden Time, 237. I. Sparks's Franklin, 183. VII. ib., 96. II. Penn. Archives, 295.

Note from page 166: 173. "I can but honor Franklin for ye last clause of his Advertisement." — W. Shirley to Morris. II. Penn. Arch. 311. Gov. Morris was instructed by the Crown to aid the army in impressing wagons, etc., if necessary: and we find his warrant for that purpose issued to the Sheriff of Philadelphia, in September, 1755. (Ib. 432.) And see VI. Col. Rec., 203

Note from page 167: 174. VII. Sparks's Franklin, 94, 138. See also Bouquet's testimony to his services on this occasion; ib. 262. As for the Earl of Loudoun, nothing could be juster than the comparison of his lordship to the figure of St. George over the door of a country inn, always on horseback, yet never going on!

Note from page 168: 175. Thus Shirley, passing through New York, was encountered by a turnout of the militia and a display of enthusiastic gentry, with whom he drank loyal healths and success to the King's arms; while "the doors, windows, balconies, and tops of the houses, being particularly decorated with red cloaks, &c, added," says the old chronicler, "no small beauty to the fame and diversion of the time." Penn. Gaz., No. 1376.

Note from page 168: 176. Penn. Gaz., No. 1377. The mail-rider started from Philadelphia every Thursday morning after the 15th of May, 1755.

Note from page 172: 177. II. Penn. Arch., 290, 308, 316, 318, 321. VI. Col. Rec., 375, 397, 460. II. Olden Time, 238. I. Sparks's Franklin, 189. And see Appendix, No. III. Full details of the conduct and position of the Indians who withdrew from the Ohio to Pennsylvania may be found in II. P. A., 259. VI. C. E., 130, 134, 140, 146, et seq. 189, 218, 257, 353, 398, 443.

Note from page 172: 178. It is said that Braddock gave great offence to his Indians by forbidding them to take scalps, when, in fact, he published a reward of £5 to every soldier as well as Indian of his command for each scalp of an enemy. The sole authority for the story appears to have been John Shiekalamy, father of Logan, whose speech is celebrated by Mr. Jefferson; an influential but discontented Delaware, who, early in July, 1755, reported this tale among his kindred, and shortly after took up arms for the French. Penn. Gaz., No. 1385.

Note from page 173: 179. VI. C. R., 397, 589. II. P. A., 319.

Note from page 173: 180. This chieftain, who played so active a part in Braddock's campaign, was an Oneida Indian, and one of the mixed band of various tribes of the Six Nations who lived, in 1754, near the Ohio. These people were used to choose from their number a ruler; and such for a time was Thanacharisson, the Half-King, who died at Aughquick in October, 1754, leaving his family very destitute. (VI. Col. Rec., 159, 184, 193. II. Penn. Arch., 178, 219.) In the Washington papers, and in the ensuing Journals, he is known by the name of Monacatootha, and it is well to note here that the two appellations apply to the same individual. (II. P. A., 114). As early as 1748, however, and almost universally in Pennsylvania, he was called Scarroyaddy, or perhaps more correctly, Skirooniatta. (II. P. A., 15. VI. C. E., 616.) In the winter of 1754-5, he was sent by his people to Onondaga, to obtain the views of the confederates on the expected troubles, and was about this time selected to succeed the Half-King. His services under Braddock were fully acknowledged at Philadelphia in August, 1755: "You fought under General Braddock," said Gov. Morris, "and behaved with spirit and valor during the engagement. We should be wanting to ourselves not to make you our hearty acknowledgments for your fidelity and assistance. We see you consider yourselves as our flesh and blood, and fight for us as if we were of your own kindred." (VI. C. R., 524.) He ever continued a staunch ally to the English. In Sept. 1755, he headed a war-party from Shamokin against the French (VI. C. R., 616), and indeed the records of the period abound in evidences of his usefulness, being constantly employed in the quest of intelligence upon various missions, or the pursuit of the foe. In the last object, he must have been tolerably successful. In the Gent. Mag. for Sept. 1756 (Vol. XXVI., 414), is a fac-simile of his hieroglyphical memoirs, drawn by himself; by which it appears he had theretofore slain with his own hands no less than seven, and captured eleven warriors; and had been present in thirty-one combats, the majority of which were doubtless of a very trifling nature. On his breast was tattooed a figure of a tomahawk, and that of a bow and arrow on each cheek. It will be seen how unluckily his son was killed during Braddock's march. In Dec. 1754, he had a wife and seven children with him at Aughquick (II. P. A. 218), so there was still left him a numerous posterity. It only remains to add that he was not free from the inevitable failing of his race, and on occasion would, as Burns has it, be "fou for weeks thegither." (VII. C. R., 87.)

Note from page 175: 181. VI. C. R., 343, 781. II. P. A. 318.

Note from page 176: 182. "Certainly," says Mr. Secretary Peters, on the 12th May, 1755, "some general meeting was necessary and expected by the Indians, that both they and we might see what number were for and what against the French encroachments; and in case it should have appeared a majority was on the side of the French, then it might have been prudent to have tried to bring the Indians over to a general neutrality — and it is the opinion of Mr. Weiser, our Indian interpreter, and my own, that this could have been effected, and would have saved the General an immense trouble, and the Crown an heavy expense." (II. P. A., 308.) Nor was this fact unperceived at the camp. On the 21st of May, Mr. W. Shirley thus writes: "I am not greatly acquainted myself with Indian Affairs, tho' enough to see that better measures with regard to 'em might and ought to have been taken; at least to the Southwd. * * * Upon our Arrival at this Fort, we found Indian Affairs so ignorantly conducted by Col. Innes, to whom they were committed, that Novices as we were, we have taken 'em into our Managemt." (Ib. 321.)

Note from page 177: 183. VI. Col. Rec., 397, 636. I. Sp. Fr., 188. "Colonel Dunbar writes in his letter of May the 13th concerning the present of Refreshments and carriage horses sent up for the subalterns: ‘I am desired by all the gentlemen who the committee have been so good as to think of in so genteel a manner, to return them their hearty thanks;’ and again, on the 21st of May — ‘Your kind present is now all arrived, and shall be equally divided to-morrow between Sir Peter Halket's subalterns and mine, which I apprehend will be agreeable to the Committee's intent. This I have made known to the officers of both Regiments, who unanimously desire me to return the generous Benefactors their most hearty thanks, to which be pleased to add mine, etc.;" and Sir Peter Halket, in his of the 23d of May, says, "The Officers of my Regiment are most sensible of the Favors conferred on the subalterns by your Assembly, who have made them so well-timed and handsome a present. At their request and Desire I return their thanks, and to the acknowledgments of the Officers beg leave to add mine, which you, I hope, will do me the favor for the whole to offer to the Assembly, and to assure them that we shall on every occasion do them the Justice due for so seasonable and well-judged an act of generosity.’" — Assembly's Address, 29th Sept. 1755.

Note from page 178: 184. VI. Col. Rec., 408, 414. Penn. Gaz., No. 1380.

Note from page 180: 185. VI. Col. Rec, 383, 401, 408, 415, 430.

Note from page 181: 186. VI. Col. Rec., 20.

Note from page 181: 187. Penn. Gaz., No. 1367. II. Garneau, 201. VI. Col. Rec., 32.

Note from page 181: 188. II. Garneau, 201, 202. VI. Col. Rec., 33, 37, 51.

Note from page 182: 189. In a former note, reference to Mr. Lyman C. Draper's notices of Stobo and Van Braam (I. Olden Time, 369.) was unfortunately omitted. The curious reader may consult them with advantage. A copy of Stobo's drawing was probably made in the provinces before Braddock's departure, since we find an engraved plan of Fort Du Quesne published and for sale at London in August, 1755, immediately on the tidings of Braddock's misadventure. (XXV. Gent. Mag., 383.) It has vainly been sought to procure a copy of this engraving.

Note from page 183: 190. II. Garneau, 216. Bouquet in I. O. T., 184.

Note from page 185: 191. In 1776, a slight inequality of the ground, a few graves, and the traces of its fosse above denoted the site of the fort: in 1831, a boat-yard was placed on the very spot: and at this day not a vestige of old Fort Du Quesne is visible save the lately-exposed magazine. (V. Haz. Reg., 191, VIII. ib. 192.

Note from page 186: 192. VIII. Hazard's Penn. Reg., 318. Stobo's Letters, VI. Col. Rec., 141, 161.

Note from page 186: 193. II. P A., 172, 177, 264. The Caghnawagas, according to Colden, were deserters from the Six Nations, who, settling in Canada under the auspices of that government, had, through continual accessions and their own natural increase, grown in time to become a powerful and warlike people.

Note from page 187: 194. "An experienced and courageous soldier," says Garneau, II., 216.

Note from page 188: 195. VI. C. R., 162, 181. II. P. A., 213, 288. Penn. Gaz., Nos. 1379, 1383. VIII. Haz. Penn. Reg., 319.

Note from page 188: 196. II. P. A., 288. And see Appendix, No. IV.

Note from page 190: 197. The high idea entertained of this officer's capacity may be seen in the rate at which the French paid his services. They gave him a salary of 12,000 livres as major-general; of 25,000 more as commander of the American expedition; and a retiring pension of 4000. Penn. Gaz., No. 1385.

Note from page 190: 198. I. Pouchot, 25. M. Garneau fixes the date at the end of April; but Pouchot's journal of the voyage is so minute and interesting, that I prefer relying upon his statements.

Note from page 191: 199. The Entreprenant was finally destroyed by the English at the capture of Louisbourg, 1758. Mante, 135.

Note from page 192: 200. Capt. Richard Howe, afterwards the celebrated Admiral Earl Howe, chiefly distinguished himself in this action.

Note from page 193: 201. I. Pouchot, 29. II. Garneau, 215. VI. Col. Rec., 411-12. Penn. Gaz., No. 1379.

Note from page 193: 202. Penn. Gaz., Nos. 1394, 1396. XXV. Gent. Mag., 332. One of these inquisitive but unfortunate gentry had in his pocket a list of all the cannon cast at Quebec or imported thither since 1752, and of all the chief houses, the forts, magazines, etc., not only there, but on either side of the St. Lawrence to Montreal. Another was supplied with draughts of the batteries. These two were on the point of departure when they were suddenly arrested and hanged.

Note from page 194: 203. II. Olden Time, 541.

Note from page 194: 204. He purchased this coach from Governor Sharpe, and left it at Cumberland during the rest of the march. Orme's Letter to Sharpe. (Sharpe's MS. Corresp. in Maryland Hist. Soc.)

Note from page 195: 205. Cumberland is now a thriving town with about 7000 inhabitants. It is 179 miles west by north from Baltimore.

Note from page 195: 206. II. Olden Time, 227.

Note from page 196: 207. The employment of seamen on this service seems to have caused a little natural surprise to those unacquainted with the circumstances of the case (II. O. T. 229); yet it was not a thing of unusual occurrence in America during this war. At Martinico and at Quebec they were employed to pull the guns. "An hundred or two of them, with ropes and pulleys, will do more than all your dray-horses in London." At Quebec, when Wolfe passed along the lines ere

Note from page 197: 208. IV. Haz. Penn. Reg., 389, 390, 416. V. Ibid, 191.

Note from page 198: 209. In 1847, Mr. T. C. Atkinson, of Cumberland, Maryland, being employed upon a railroad survey through this region, traced Braddock's route with great accuracy by means of the indications still remaining on the ground; and under his supervision, an excellent map was prepared by Mr. Middleton. This plan was subsequently engraved for the Olden Time (Vol. II., p. 539), where it appears with a very valuable explanatory paper by Mr. Atkinson. It is to the politeness of Mr. Craig that we are indebted for the original plate from which the impression that accompanies this volume is taken.

Note from page 198: 210. Entertaining some doubts of the result so confidently anticipated by the General, Franklin had remarked to him, "To be sure, sir, if you arrive well before Du Quesne with these fine troops, so well provided with artillery, the fort, though completely fortified and assisted with a very strong garrison, can probably make but a short resistance. The only danger I apprehend of obstruction to your march is from the ambuscades of the Indians; who, by constant practice, are dexterous in laying and executing them; and the slender line, near four miles long, which your army must make, may expose it to be attacked by surprise in its flanks, and to be cut, like a thread, into several pieces, which, from their distance, cannot come up in time to support each other." He smiled at Franklin's ignorance, and replied, "These savages may indeed be a formidable enemy to your raw American militia; but upon the King's regular and disciplined troops, sir, it is impossible they should make any impression." I. Sparks's Franklin, 190.

Note from page 199: 211. II. P. A., 348. VI. C. R., 426, 430.

Note from page 201: 212. II. Sp. Wash., 79, 81. Consult, also, Mr. Atkinson's paper in II. O. T., 540.

Note from page 202: 213. Penn. Gaz., No. 1392.

Note from page 203: 214. II. Sp. Wash., 81, 83. Penn. Gaz., No. 1387. VI. C. R., 477. Sharpe (MS. Corresp.) says, "I think the General had with him 52 carriages; the artillery and 18 wagon-loads of amunition included." This nearly tallies with the above statement; the 20 gun-carriages, 13 caissons, and 17 wagons, making just 50.

Note from page 204: 215. See Captain Orme's Journal.

Note from page 205: 216. VI. C. R., 423.

Note from page 206: 217. I. O. T., 74. VI. C. R., 467. Penn. Gaz., Nos. 1386, 1387. A batman is an officer's servant. IX. Notes and Queries, 530.

Note from page 206: 218. Probably a salt lick or spring on a branch of Jacob's creek caused this double nomenclature, which has led to some little confusion; there being another stream called Indian Lick falling into the Youghiogeny. Orme styles it Salt Lick Creek; but Scull's large map (Lond. 1775), gives both titles.

Note from page 207: 219. VI. C. R., 477, 489. II. Sp. Wash., 83. Instead of proper draught-horses, all sorts of broken-down hacks, and spavined, wind-galled ponies, were shamelessly palmed off upon the army by contractors who knew its condition was such that nothing could be rejected. Besides, there were (if not now, at least at a later period), scoundrels base enough to hang around Dunbar's camp, stealing every horse that was left to graze in the woods without a guard. Above three hundred were thus made away with. (VI. C. R., 547.)

Note from page 208: 220. Addison: The Campaign.

Note from page 211: 221. Sharpe's MS. Corr. Review of Military Operations in North America, etc., (Phil. 1757), p. 51.

Note from page 212: 222. II. Olden Time, 466.

Note from page 215: 223. I. Entick, 145.

Note from page 218: 224. "My feelings were heightened by the warm and glowing narration of that day's events by Dr. Walker, who was an eye-witness. He pointed out the ford where the army crossed the Monongahela (below Turtle Creek 800 yards). A finer sight could not have been beheld; the shining barrels of the muskets, the excellent order of the men, the cleanliness of their apparel, the joy depicted on every face at being so near Fort Du Quesne — the highest object of their wishes. The music reechoed through the mountains. How brilliant the morning; how melancholy the evening!" — Judge Yeates' Visit to Braddock's Field in 1776; VI. Haz. Reg., 104.

Note from page 219: 225. II. Sp. Wash., 470. XVI. Haz. Reg., 97.

Note from page 219: 226. The frontispiece of this volume gives an exact view of the battle-ground at this day. It is taken from the opposite side of the Monongahela. The crossing is just above the upper part of the stream visible in the engraving. The house and grove in the centre of the piece occupy very nearly the precise spot where was fought the hottest part of the action.

Note from page 220: 227. A close personal examination of these localities during the summer of 1854, has confirmed in my mind the conclusion long since arrived at by Mr. Sparks.

Note from page 221: 228. Mante, 27.

Note from page 222: 229. XVI. Haz. Penn. Reg., 100.

Note from page 222: 230. "Went to Lorette, an English village about eight miles from Quebec. Saw the Indians at mass, and heard them sing psalms tolerably well — a dance. Got well acquainted with Athanase, who was commander of the Indians who defeated General Braddock in 1755 — a very sensible fellow." MS. Journal of an English Gentleman on a Tour through Canada in 1765; cited in Parkman, 97.

Note from page 223: 231. Another French account estimates the French and Canadians as 250, and the savages as 641: a third, at 233 whites and 600 Indians. See Appendix, No. IV. The English rated their numbers from as high as 1500 regulars and 600 Canadians besides savages (XXV. Gent. Mag., 379), to as low as 400 men, all told. (I. Sp. Franklin, 191. Drake's Indian Captivities, 183); and Washington himself could not have believed they exceeded 300. (II. Sp. Wash., 87).

Note from page 224: 232. For his conduct on the 9th of July, M. Dumas was early in the subsequent year promoted to succeed M. de Contrecoeur in the command of Fort Du Quesne. Here he proved himself an active and vigilant officer, his war-parties ravaging Pennsylvania, and penetrating to within twenty leagues of its metropolis. A copy of instructions signed by him, on 23d March, 1756, was found in the pocket of the Sieur Donville, who, being sent to surprise the English at Fort Cumberland, got the worst of it and lost his own scalp. This letter concludes in a spirit of humanity honorable to its writer. (II. P. A., 600.) In the spring of 1759, the king created him a major-general and inspector of the troops of the marine, who seem to have constituted the bulk of the usual Canadian army. At the siege of Quebec and during the rest of the war he was actively employed. In July, 1759, he commanded in the unlucky coup des écoliers, where 1500 men, partly composed of lads from the schools, in endeavoring to destroy Monckton's battery, became so bewildered in the darkness as to mistake friend for foe, and nearly destroyed each other. We may presume he fought not where Montcalm fell on the Heights of Abraham; since, after the surrender of the capital he held Jacques Cartier with 600 men by order of M. de Levis. And when that general besieged Murray in Quebec, in 1760, Dumas was in command of the lines from Jacques Cartier to Pointe-aux-Trembles. At last, the capitulation of Montreal gave Canada to the English, and Dumas passed with his comrades in arms to France. Here I do not doubt he was visited by the same persecutions that waited alike on almost every man who had been in a Canadian public employ — on the peculating Bigot and the upright Vaudreuil. Ultimately, however, and after 1763, he was made a brigadier and appointed to the government of the Isles of France and of Bourbon. (I. Pouchot, 41, 84. II. Garneau, liv. ix., x., xi. I. O. T., 75.) Thus much may be positively stated of Dumas. To the romantic story of his persecution by Contrecoeur we cannot attach implicit faith. It says that jealousy of his success induced Contrecoeur to send Dumas home on a charge of purloining the public stores; that he was tried and cashiered, and retired in disgrace to Provence; that during the revolutionary war Washington informed Lafayette of these circumstances, whose influence speedily brought Dumas in triumph to Paris to receive the grade of a general officer. (XVI. Haz. Reg., 99. II. O. T., 475.) Since Pouchot deliberately insinuates (Vol. I., p. 84), that Dumas was inclined to such practices, we may conclude it not unlikely that on his return to France his conduct was severely scrutinized; but much of the rest of the anecdote is palpably false. It is believed by many that Alexandre Dumas, the famous novelist, is a son of this general; but this view is not confirmed by the Mémoires of the former. He says that his father, Thomas-Alexandre Davy de la Pailleterie, a general of the Republic, was born at St. Domingo in 1762, son of Marie-Alexandre-Antoine Davy, marquis de la Pailleterie (born 1710, died 1786), a colonel of artillery, and Marie Tessette-Dumas of St. Domingo. It is said this last was a quadroon. Independent of the impossibility of the general, and the improbability of the colonel, being the Dumas of Braddock's defeat, it is hardly likely that no reference to the fact, were it so, would be found in the highly-colored pages of our autobiographer. There was a Comte Mathieu Dumas, a French general who served with Rochambeau in America, but he certainly was not this man. Indeed, the name is so common in France that there may well have been several bearing it occupying high ranks in the army at the same time. Had we a series of the Almanach Royale to refer to, the point might be settled.

Note from page 225: 233. Pouchot is clear on this point. (Vol. I., p. 38.)

Note from page 227: 234. This is very improbable, however.

Note from page 227: 235. Sharpe's MS. Corresp.

Note from page 228: 236. "None of the English that were engaged saw more than 100, and many of the Officers as well as Men who were the whole time of its Continuance in the Heat of the Action, will not assert that they saw an Enemy." Sharpe's MS. Corresp.

Note from page 229: 237. Penn. Gaz. No. 1393.

Note from page 229: 238. Phoed. Fab., liii.

Note from page 229: 239. "The yell of the Indians is fresh on my ear, and the terrific sound will haunt me until the hour of my dissolution. I cannot describe the horrors of that scene. No pencil could do it, or no painter delineate it so as to convey to you with accuracy our unhappy situation." Capt. Leslie's Letter, 30th July, 1755. V. Haz. Reg., 191.

Note from page 230: 240. VI. Haz. Reg., 104.

Note from page 230: 241. "The Enemy kept behind Trees and Loggs of Wood, and cut down our Troops as fast as they cou'd advance. The Soldiers then insisted much to be allowed to take to the Trees, which the General denied and stormed much, calling them Cowards, and even went so far as to strike them with his own Sword for attempting the Trees." Burd to Morris; VI. C R., 501.

Note from page 232: 242. III. Walp. Corresp., 144. II. Garneau, 227.

Note from page 235: 243. Sharpe's MS. Corresp. VI. C. R., 501. Penn. Gaz., No. 1392. The people nick-named this man "Dunbar the tardy." I. Watson's Annals, 100. What provisions belonging to the army remained in Morris's hands were afterwards applied to its uses or sold by him on its account. II. P. A., 469.

Note from page 236: 244. So says Mr. Custis, in his Life of Martha Washington. Howe (Hist. Coll. Virg., 184), recites the death in Augusta County, in Feb. 1844, of the slave Gilbert, aged 112 years, whom he represents to have been Washington's attendant not only at Braddock's but at Cornwallis's defeat; and Washington himself (II. Sparks, 84), seems to refer to one John Alton as his servant on this occasion.

Note from page 237: 245. I. Sp. Franklin, 193.

Note from page 238: 246. Penn. Gaz., Nos. 1381, 1392.

Note from page 239: 247. "Two 12-pounder cannon," says Burd, "six 4-pounders, four cohorns, and two Hortts, with all the shells, &c." VI. C. R., 501. There is a discrepancy between this statement and that of the park which the General set forth with.

Note from page 239: 248. I. Pouchot, 43. VI. C. R., 514. Sharpe's MS. Corresp. II. O. T., 140.

Note from page 240: 249. Daniel Morgan was born in Pennsylvania, and was serving as an overseer in Virginia shortly before Braddock's arrival. Though then a lawless, dissipated character, he was the possessor of a wagon and a team of horses, with which he engaged in the expedition. Being on an occasion behind time with his wagon, he was sharply reprimanded by an officer. He replied probably with insolence, and the officer drew his sword upon him. Morgan fell on him with his whip, knocked the weapon from his hand, and beat him severely. For this offence he was sentenced to receive 500 lashes, but fainting beneath the cat, 50 were remitted. According to his own story, his adversary subsequently perceived that the original fault was his own, and made the amende honorable to the wagoner. In the battle, or on some occasion of the campaign, he was shot in the back of the neck, the ball passing through his mouth and teeth. It is a little odd that Morgan, who afterwards rose to the rank of General in the army of the Revolution was, under the command of Gates, one of the most active opponents of Burgoyne at Saratoga, in 1778. (Howe's Hist. Coll. Virg., 515.) As for Dr. Hugh Mercer (the same that died so gloriously at Princeton, in 1777), he is constantly said to have been engaged in Braddock's campaign. He certainly played an active part in Pennsylvania during the remainder of the war.

Note from page 241: 250. Drake, 262.

Note from page 242: 251. II. Sp. Wash., 91, 476.

Note from page 243: 252. Mante, 28; where it is said that in 1772 Mr. Farrel was a captain in the 62nd Foot. I take him, however, to be the same Thomas Farrel who, on March 15th, 1763, was appointed to a captaincy in the 65th Foot. (Army Reg. for 1765, p. 120.) In 1763, Captain John Treby still held his rank in the 44th. (Army. Reg. 1763, p. 98.) About the close of the century, we find "a Colonel Treby" apparently a man of fashion in Wiltshire. Chafin's Cranbourne Chase, 18.

Note from page 243: 253. Capt. Matthew Leslie's Letter of 30th of July, 1754. V. Haz. Reg., 191, where Conyngham's convalescence is indicated. In 1763 there was no one of this name in either the 44th or 48th regiment; but in 1765 a John Conynghame appears as Lieutenant-Colonel of the 29th Foot (date of commission, 13th Feb., 1762), and a John Conyngham as captain in the 7th Foot: (date of commission, 15th Oct. 1759.) Army Reg. 1765 pp. 60, 82.

Note from page 244: 254. II. Sp. Wash., 475. Of course Mr. Sparks would not be justified in omitting a mere allusion to a matter so confidently asserted by our local historians. But the occurrence is pointed out here to show how widely error may be diffused.

Note from page 245: 255. XXV. Gent. Mag., 380.

Note from page 246: 256. At the time, I did not believe in the truth of a word of this story.

Note from page 246: 257. Day's Hist. Coll. Penn., 335. Here occurs, too, another inconsistency. In 1794, says the writer in the Intelligencer, Fausett declared himself to be in his 70th year. In January, 1828, he died at the Laurel Hill, aged 114 years, says a clerical contributor to the Christian Advocate, who has done much to extend the belief of the truth of the tradition. It is not doubted that the reverend annotator believed all that he recited to have been a fact; but it is impossible for a man who was but 70 years old in 1794 to have attained 114 by 1828. The age of 97, as given by Hazard (I. Penn. Reg., 49), is patriarchal enough, and far more probable; but it is equally irreconcilable with Fausett's own statement.

Note from page 247: 258. Penn. Gaz., No. 1394.

Note from page 248: 259. II. Watson's Annals Phil. 140.

Note from page 249: 260. Butler had another story, to the effect that he was sentinel before Braddock's tent one day when Washington approached. Instead of coming to the tent diagonally, as any one else would have done, he came marching down in a decided and — according to Butler's representation of the performance — in an exaggerated military step, and perfectly straight line. When parallel with the tent, he suddenly faced about, marched to its door, and informed Braddock that unless he procured a greater number of Indians and threw them out as scouts, the army would certainly be cut to pieces. This advice Braddock disdainfully repulsed. Now, setting aside the improbability of this dramatic tale, let us simply point out the fact that the sentries for the General's tent were taken exclusively from the two regiments. Therefore Butler could not have been in the position he alleges. But the anecdote may be worthy of preservation, as showing a possible sentiment in the ranks that Braddock held Washington's advice as naught.

Note from page 251: 261. I. Watson's Ann., 602. II. ib., 141. Watson's MSS. in Penn. Hist. Soc., 63. It is not pleasant to thus doubt the genuineness of some of the stores garnered up by this worthy and laborious collector; but to ignore them entirely, or to admit them as true, would be equally repugnant to our convictions. It may be noted here, that as Braddock had no notion of reaching Du Quesne before the 11th, his alleged invocation was, to say the least, an oath of supererogation. It is odd that Ormsby puts the same expression into Forbes's mouth: "he would sleep the next night in the Fort or in hell!" II. O. T., 2.

Note from page 252: 262. II. Watson, 142.

Note from page 254: 263. II. P. A., 383. VI. C. R., 496.

Note from page 257: 264. In March, 1756, the artillery (including the howitzers and mortars), captured here was sent to Niagara, and afterwards to Frontenac; and served the French a useful part in the war. In August, 1756, Montcalm opened his lines against Fort Ontario with a part of it. I. Pouchot, 43, 67. Penn. Gaz., Nos. 1389, 1393. I. Entick, 475. VI. C. R., 603.

Note from page 257: 265. VI. C. R., 615. These may have been the Chaounaons or Shawanoes.

Note from page 258: 266. VII. C. R., 342.

Note from page 258: 267. Penn. Gaz., No. 1389.

Note from page 260: 268. Smith's Narrative, in Drake, 184. When we contrast the excesses permitted to the savages in this war by Frenchmen of all ranks, from Contrecoeur to St. Véran, with the conduct of the English leaders, humanity rejoices with national pride. Of 870 Indians in Amherst's army, 700 withdrew in one body at the capture of Fort Levi in 1760. They insisted on their right to massacre the captured Frenchmen; but Sir Jeffrey sternly warned them that the first blow struck in this design should be the signal for his falling on them with his whole army. Even victory was too dear a purchase to a man of honor at such a rate. (Mante, 306.) But though no punishment in kind was inflicted by Amherst, the French Indians escaped not unscathed during the war. The destruction of Kittaning; the invasion of the Muskingum; the fall of Pontiac; — involved not only the loss of much life, but of national pride; and other scourges than the sword wasted their borders. Within a year the Abenakis, so active against Braddock, were visited with the small-pox, and nearly entirely extirpated. (II. Garn., 252.)

Note from page 261: 269. Mr. Headley (XLIV. Graham's Mag., 255), gives a picturesque sketch of Braddock's interment by torch-light, and adds that the services for the burial of the dead were read by Washington; but the Journal is distinct that he was buried the next morning. It is probable, however, that the services of the church were recited; and since the chaplain was wounded, it is not improbable that Washington, the only active member of his family, paid this sad duty to his chief.

Note from page 261: 270. Until the opening of the National Road, Braddock's was a thoroughfare between Baltimore and the Ohio. About 1823, while working on it, some laborers exposed his remains, still distinguishable by their "military trappings." "One and another took several of the most prominent bones, and the others were reinterred under the tree on the hill, near the National Road. Mr. Stewart of Uniontown (father of the Hon. Andrew Stewart), afterwards collected the scattered bones from the individuals who had taken them, and sent them, it is believed, to Peale's Museum in Philadelphia." Day's Penn., 334. I have essayed without success to trace further particulars of this disgraceful tale.

Note from page 262: 271. VI. C. R., 502.

Note from page 262: 272. II. P. A., 387. "What Dishonor," writes Shirley, "is thereby reflected on the British Army! Mr. Dunbarr has ever been esteem'd an exceeding good Officer, but nobody here can guess at ye Reason of his Retreat in the Circumstances he was in, and some severe Reflections are thrown out upon his Conduct; Some would have him sent with 500 Men to bring back what he bury'd with 1500."

Note from page 262: 273. "I looked grave," he writes, "and said it would, I thought, be time enough to prepare the rejoicing when we knew we should have occasion to rejoice. They seemed surprised that I did not immediately comply with their proposal. ‘Why, the d—l!" said one of them, "you surely don't suppose that the fort will not be taken?’ ‘ I don't know that it will not be taken; but I know that the events of war are subject to great uncertainty’" I. Sp. Fr., 194.

Note from page 263: 274. VI. C. R., 480.

Note from page 263: 275. Ibid, 481.

Note from page 264: 276. VI. C. R., 496, 515, 521, 602. II. P. A., 395.

Note from page 265: 277. VI. C. R., 559.

Note from page 265: 278. II. P. A., 530. VI. C. R., 602.

Note from page 265: 279. See Gov. Morris's proclamation of 6th Sept., 1755 (Penn. Gaz., No. 1394), where a guinea a head is offered for their capture. In the long list of names, it may be noticed that of the 74 deserters from the 44th, seventy-one were American recruits; three only having come with it from Ireland. So of the 48th, whose 46 deserters consisted of forty-three enlistments and but three Irish drafts. The three Independents had fifty-five deserters In the same journal (No. 193) we find Capt. Adam Stephen advertising four deserters from his command at Cumberland.

Note from page 266: 280. VI. C. R., 596. "I find, also," continues Morris, "that the scheme is to loiter as much time and make as many difficulties as possible, that these troops may not move from this place (Philadelphia), or, if that cannot be done, then, that they may go no further than Albany this season."

Note from page 266: 281. VI. C. R., 533, 604. Society Hill was mainly comprehended within Second and Front, and Union and Pine Streets; but its slopes probably extended to Fourth and to Cedar Streets. It was then a considerable elevation, mostly unoccupied and unenclosed, and used for public purposes by the citizens. Here was the provincial flag-staff, when, so early as 1730, the Assembly ordered the royal standard to be displayed on Sundays and holidays; and here Whitfield, with an eloquent vociferation, discovered to the rapt multitude that Tillotson was no "Christian believer." A water-battery (perhaps the earliest fortification here) was erected beneath its bank by Franklin's famous "Association;" and whenever a salute was to be fired, this hill was the chosen spot. The erection of the market-house in Second Street at last caused this district to be built up and the hill to be cut down and graded; and probably there are now comparatively few residents of Southwark who dream of its ancient elevation. Dunbar's troops were encamped on the west of Fourth, between Pine and Cedar Streets. I. Watson, 329, &c.

Note from page 267: 282. I. Watson, 285. When, during the revolution, each other religious society in Philadelphia had given to the Whigs the use of a church for their quarters or hospitals, the late Col. Biddle (father of Thomas Biddle, Esq.,) was deputed to select a Quaker meeting-house for the like purpose. Col. Biddle was himself a Friend, though, in girding on the sword and becoming a man of war, he had greatly scandalized his brethren. He could therefore say to his ancient associates, "We only ask you to treat the Continentals as you did Braddock's soldiers after their defeat: give them a flannel jacket apiece and an apple-pie dinner!"

Note from page 267: 283. Penn. Gaz., Nos. 1397, 1399.

Note from page 267: 284. Thomas Dunbar had been Lieutenant-Colonel of the 18th (Royal Irish) Foot; and, 29th April, 1752, was named Colonel of the 48th. In Nov. 1755, his regiment was given to another; he being sent into honorable retiracy as Lieutenant-Governor of the city and garrison of Gibraltar, with a salary of £730, which post he filled so late as 1765. Though he was never again actively, or even independently, employed, he was made a major-general Jan. 18th, 1758; and a Lieutenant-General December 18th, 1760. He was dead before 1778.

Note from page 268: 285. II. P. A., 450.

Note from page 268: 286. VI. C. R., 602, 614. Penn. Gaz., No. 1403.

Note from page 269: 287. I. Pouchot, 37.

Note from page 269: 288. Ibid, 84. II. Garneau, 240, 253.

Note from page 269: 289. VI. C. R., 602.

Note from page 270: 290. VII. C. R., 28. II. Garneau, 259

Note from page 271: 291. Garneau, 287. Smith's Narr., 233. Mante, 157.

Note from page 272: 292. Wm. Butler (before cited), says it was green turned up with buff. II. Watson, 139.

Note from page 272: 293. Nothing could surpass the horror of the Highlanders at the barbarous customs of Indian battle, or their rage at the well-comprehended insults which were offered to themselves. At Grant's defeat, a flying Scot reported the fate of his comrades. "They were a' beaten," he said, "and he had seen Donald M'Donald up to his hunkers in mud, and a' the skeen aff his bead!" (Howe's Virg., 205.)

Note from page 274: 294. I. O. T., 181; II. ib., 2. It is sad to relate that after Grant's defeat M. de Ligneris was so base as to deliver up five of the prisoners to be burned at the stake on the parade-ground of the fort by his confederate savages. The remainder were tomahawked in cold blood. What countless scenes of like barbarity were enacted here during the war cannot be computed. The narrative would defile a full page in History: but happily for human nature, the memory of these infamies lies buried with their perpetrators.

Note from page 275: 295. I. O. T., 183, 189.

Note from page 276: 296. Galt's Life of West, p. 65. The unknown and innumerable cruelties of the French savages, as has already been mentioned, can never be demonstrated; and imagination itself can but faintly picture their horrors.

Note from page 277: 297. The wood-cut upon page 280 of this volume gives a very accurate representation of this tree. The original drawing was made, during the summer of 1854, by that skilful artist, Mr. Weber: by whom it was presented to the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.

Note from page 278: 298. De Hass: Hist. Western Virg., 129.

Note from page 278: 299. Galt's West. VI. Haz. Reg., 104. In 1854 I was accompanied to this spot by a garrulous old man alleging himself the son of one of the party who buried the Halkets. He was possessed with the vulgar idea that there was considerable treasure upon the bodies, and only needed a little countenancing to explore the ground. It is hoped that the discouragement he received will preserve this grave from such an unhallowed violation as attended Braddook's. It is singular what an infatuation on this subject obtains in the common mind. The accidental discovery by an Irish laborer on a railway cutting of twenty golden guineas among a mass of bones sufficed to set in a ferment the souls of many of the lower classes about Braddock's Field. If these may be relied on, it would seem that a little harvest of dollars was once fished from the river where they had laid since his defeat, by a neighboring farmer. But probably the tale is entirely the creature of a clumsy imagination. There have, however, been found other and more interesting relics of the French occupation of Du Quesne. Some of their artillery they appear to have sunk in the Ohio, when they evacuated the fort: and M'Kee's Rocks, just below the mouth of Chartier's Creek, is pointed out as the particular spot. One of their gun-carriages was not long since discovered here; and in the siege of Fort Henry (Wheeling), in 1782, by the British and Indians, the defendants found their account in the possession of a cannon similarly obtained. De Hass, 47, 266.

Note from page 283: 300. Robert Orme, the author of this Journal, entered the army as an ensign in the 35th Foot. On 16th Sept. 1745, he exchanged into the Coldstreams, of which he became a lieutenant, April 24,1751. He was never raised to a captaincy, though always spoken of as such. (II. MacKinnon, 484.) He probably obtained leave of absence to accompany General Braddock, with whom he was a great favorite. He was an honest and capable man, says Shirley (VI. C. R., 404), and it was fortunate that the General was so much under his influence. He brought letters of introduction from Thomas Penn to Gov. Morris (II. P. A., 195), and seems to have made a most favorable impression on all whom he encountered. Two months after the battle we find him a guest of Morris's, and nearly recovered of his wound. "Captain Orme is going to England," writes he to Gen. Shirley on Sept. 5th, 1755 (II. P. A., 400), "and will put the affair of the western campaign in a true light, and greatly different from what it has been represented to be; and you know his situation and abilities gave him great opportunities of knowing everything that passed in the army or in the colony, relative to military matters, and I am sure he will be of great use to the Ministry in the measures that may be concerted for the future safety and defence of these provinces." * * "The opportunities which Mr. Orme will have with the Duke, and all the King's ministers, upon his return, of explaining American affairs, makes it quite necessary that you should agree in general in your representations, that both may have the greater weight; and my friendship for you obliges me to hint this matter for your consideration, that you may in your letters to the Ministry refer to him, and give him an opportunity of enforcing what you may write; the substance of which you will, I believe, think it necessary to communicate to him." Orme went from Philadelphia to New York, whence, or from Boston, he embarked for England. In Oct. 1756, he resigned his commission in the Guards (probably on occasion of his marriage), and retired into a private life. It seems that Orme was as bold in the boudoir as on the battle-field, and had already before going to America, "made some noise in London by an affair of gallantry." On his return, a mutual attachment sprung up between himself and the Hon. Audrey Townshend, only daughter of Charles, 3d Viscount and the celebrated Audrey (Harrison), Lady Townshend. The lady had no little motive of interest in one who had gone through an American campaign; for of her brothers, one, Lieut.-Col. Roger Townshend, was slain in this very war at Ticonderoga (July 25, 1759); and another, George (the first Marquess), succeeded to Wolfe's command at the capture of Quebec. However, much to the displeasure of her family, who had destined her for Lord George Lenox, she was married to Capt. Orme, and went to reside at Hartford, Eng. Nothing further can be traced of Captain Orme, save that he died in Feb. 1781. It is more than likely, however, that he belonged to the family of that Robert Orme whose name seems through continued generations to be identified with that of the East India Company. (III. Walp. Corr., 115, 144 II. Collins' Peerage, 473.)

Note from page 285: 301. St. Clair remained for a long time in service in America. On the 20th March, 1756, he was made a Lieut.-Col. of the 60th; in Jan. 1758, the local rank of Colonel in America was bestowed on him; and on Feb. 19th, 1762, he was made a full Colonel. He is said to have dwelt near Tarbet, in Argyleshire. At the defeat he "was shot through the body, under the right pap," (Sharpe's MS. Corr.), but soon recovered.

Note from page 287: 302. Mr. Gist, son of Washington's guide in 1753.

Note from page 287: 303. The Six Nations, who were not on friendly terms with these Southern Indians, alleged that their refusal to assist Braddock was based on their reluctance to be brought in contact with the Catawbas and Cherokees. II. Doc. Hist. N. Y., 393.

Note from page 289: 304. Robert-Hunter, second son of Governor Lewis Morris of Morrisania, after twenty years of public service in the council and as Chief Justice of New Jersey, was appointed Deputy Governor of Pennsylvania: a post he filled during two stormy years. I do not learn that he left any descendants; but the line was continued through those of his elder brother, Lewis; one of whom married the celebrated Duchess Dowager of Gordon; and others established some of the more distinguished families in America.

A character of Mr. Delancy is given in the "Review of Military Operations in North America;" and of Shirley, in I. Entick, 371.

Note from page 290: 305. "The Conduct of Major General Shirley," etc., (Lond., 1758,) which was perhaps prepared from materials furnished by himself, states that these two regiments were the 50th and 51st. But the Army lists do not indicate that Shirley or Pepperell were ever colonels of these regiments. Shirley was indeed of the rank of a colonel in the line since August 31, 1745; but I cannot learn of what regiment he was an actual leader. On 26th February, 1755, he was made a major-general; and on 30th January, 1759, a lieutenant-general. The uniform of the 50th, hereabove alluded to, was red faced with red, with white linings and white lace, which soiled so readily as to give the regiment the sobriquet of "the dirty half-hundred." That of the 51st differed but in having white buttons in lieu of white linings.

Note from page 290: 306. Under convoy of the Syren, Captain Proby, a transport, with the clothing, etc., of Shirley's regiment on board, sailed from Hampton Roads about March 10th; arriving at Boston in four days. Pepperell's clothing did not follow till about the 20th. Penn. Gaz., No. 1371.

Note from page 291: 307. In the Scottish campaign of 1746. It may be noticed that these regiments were of the youngest in the service: only dating from 1741. The 49th was at this time the single regiment junior to the 48th. The uniform of the 44th was red faced with yellow; that of the 48th, red faced with buff.

Note from page 294: 308. Sir Peter Halkett of Pitferran, Fifeshire, a baronet of Nova Scotia, was the son of Sir Peter Wedderburne of Gosford, who, marrying the heiress of the ancient family of Halkett, assumed her name. In 1734, he sate in the Commons for Dunfermline, and was Lieutenant-Colonel of the 44th at Sir John Cope's defeat in 1745. Being released on his parole by Charles Edward, he was ordered by Cumberland to rejoin his regiment and serve again against the Jacobites. With great propriety, he refused such a dishonorable duty, saying that "His Royal Highness was master of his commission, but not of his honor." The King approved of Sir Peter's course, and he retained his rank. On the 26th Feb., 1751, he succeeded to the colonelcy of his regiment. He was married to the Lady Amelia Stewart, second daughter of Francis, 8th Earl of Moray, by whom he had three sons: Sir Peter, his successor, who would also appear to have been in the army; Francis, major in the Black Watch; and James, a subaltern in his own regiment, who died with him on the 9th July, 1755. (Burke's Peerage, etc.) High and generous talents seem to have been hereditary in Sir Peter's family. His father's sister, Mrs. Elizabeth Wardlaw (whom Dr. Percy thought he had sufficiently introduced to the public when he announced her as the aunt of the officer "killed in America, along with General Braddock"), was the authoress of what Coleridge would have styled "the grand old ballad" of Hardiknute.

Note from page 296: 309. Spontoons; or a sort of half-pikes, carried by infantry officers.

Note from page 297: 310. Being (?).

Note from page 297: 311. They arrived there the afternoon of April 3d. (Penn. Gaz., No. 1373.)

Note from page 297: 312. Immoderate (?).

Note from page 297: 313. With him, on Monday morning, went Dinwiddie and Keppel, Orme and W. Shirley. (Penn. Gaz., No. 1373.)

Note from page 298: 314. Probably Andrew Lewis of Augusta Co., appointed Captain of the Virginia troops, March 18th, 1754, whose five brothers were enlisted in his company. It would seem that he rejoined the main army and was with the working-party at the opening of the action. This was the respectable Brigadier General Lewis, whom Washington at the commencement of the Revolution had fixed upon as the foremost soldier in all America. (Howe's Virg., 204. Sharpe's MS. Corr.)

Note from page 298: 315. Thomas Gage was the 2nd son of Thomas, 8th Baronet and 1st Viscount Gage. His family, though noble, was poor. His father once remarking in a political dispute that he always gave his sons their own way: — "Yes," said Winnington, "but that is the only thing you ever do give them!" Gage rose to high rank in the army, and was long employed and conspicuous in American affairs. He married Margaret, daughter of Peter Kemble, Esq., of the Coldspring (N. Y.), family of that name, and their son subsequently succeeded his uncle in the peerage. Gen. Gage died in 1788.

Note from page 300: 316. The minutes of this Council are in II. Doc. Hist. N. Y., 376 VI. C. R., 365.

Note from page 301: 317. For the details of Johnson's employments, see the Johnson MSS., II. Doc. Hist. N. Y.

Note from page 301: 318. "The scheme for a naval armament at Oswego was first proposed by the Honorable Thomas Pownall to the Congress of Commissioners of the several colonies, met at Albany in June, 1754. Copies were sent to England, and taken by the Commissioners for the perusal of their respective governments." Lewis Evans' Essays, No. II. (Phil. 1756), 17. The vessels were not finished till Sept. 1755, and cost £22,000.

Note from page 302: 319. When ho had captured Du Quesne, Braddock proposed to march thence to Niagara, reducing all the French posts on his way. A garrison of at least 200 of the Maryland and Virginia provincials was to be left at the fort, and anticipating that should the enemy evacuate it at his approach, they would destroy as much as they could of its defences, he designed that the provinces most concerned in the business should furnish its provisions and artillery. He certainly would not be able to spare any from his own train. Morris anticipated from the first that the furnishing of cannon and stores of war would be repugnant to ‘the non-resisting principles of his Quaking Assembly;’ and he came to no understanding with them on this point. Virginia sent ten ship-cannon, mounted on trucks, with all the appurtenances, by way of Rock Creek and Conococheague, to Will's Creek; thence, when the time arrived, to be transported to Fort Du Quesne. (VI. C. R., 400, 409, 413, 405, 465. II. P. A., 347.) The general anticipated an easy though an important capture, and already looked forward after all his victories, to spending a merry Christmas with Morris at Philadelphia. (VI. C. R., 400.)

Note from page 302: 320. This was the remaining Independent Company of New York.

Note from page 303: 321. This is but one of the many testimonials to Braddock's character for public honesty and truthfulness borne by the records of the time.

Note from page 308: 322. In Jan. 1756, Governor Morris, under the instructions of General Shirley, appointed a commission to audit, settle and adjust the claims of Franklin and others upon the Crown for the hire of these waggons and horses. In conjunction with Robert Leake, Esq., the King's Commissary General, the board sate ten days in Lancaster to decide upon the accounts of the Pennsylvania creditors, and then met in Philadelphia and passed upon those from Maryland and Virginia. By their action, a saving of seven thousand pounds accrued to the Government. II. P. A., 583, 598, 638.

Note from page 309: 323. These were the Aughquick Indians brought by George Croghan, whom Braddock formally commissioned their captain for the campaign. Having been long settled as a trader among the savages, he had acquired the languages of several of their nations, and possessed great influence over them. By occasion of the war, he was unable to collect a great number of debts due to him by the Indians, and became bankrupt. But the Pennsylvania Assembly considering his value on the frontier, passed an act granting him a freedom from arrest for ten years; and he was soon made a captain in the service of the colony. In 1756, he went to Onondaga, and probably died in New York, as his will (dated 12th June, 1782) is recorded in the Court of Appeals at Albany. He is styled as "late of Passyunk, Pa.;" and appears to have left but one child, Susannah, who married Lieutenant Augustine Prevost. (II. P. A., 689. IV. Doc. Hist., N. Y. 420.)

Note from page 310: 324. None who left ever returned. Of the eight who remained one was Scarroyaddy (or Monacatootha), already noticed; another was his son, killed on the march. The names of the remainder we find in the proceedings of a Council at Philadelphia on the 15th of August, 1755, where, after condoling with Scarroyaddy on his loss, Morris thanks individually and by name all the savages who fought with Braddock: viz., Cashuwayon, Froson, Kahuktodon, Attscheehokatha, Kash-wugh-daniunto, and Dyoquario; all Iroquois. (VI. C. R., 524. Du Simitiere MSS.) Doubtless these were their formal and genuine names; but they were known to the whites by other titles, and nothing was more usual than for an Indian to have two names; so that it is now perhaps impossible to identify them all. I take it, however, that Kash-wughdanionto was the Belt of Wampum (VII. C. R., 6); a Seneca, who had contended with Scarroyaddy for the succession to the Half-King. Cashuwayon, we are fortunately able to say with certainty, was the well-known Captain Newcastle. In January 1756, one Thomas Graeme being adopted by the Indians, he received Newcastle's old name; the warrior thenceforth being called Ah Knoyis (VII. C. R., 6). He died at Philadelphia, of small-pox, during the same year. Perhaps Aroas (or Silver-Heels), a Seneca; Iagrea, Scarroyaddy's son-in-law; and the Mohawks Esras and Moses (or the Song), his wife's brothers, may have been of the others. This last was one of Stobo's messengers from Du Quesne. An inventory of the morrice-bells, tobacco, knives, cloths, powder, etc., presented to these savages by Morris in August, 1755, may be found in VI. C. R., 566. They were all constant and active allies of the English; but it is not within the compass of this design to dilate upon their exploits.

Note from page 312: 325. Son of the Governor of the colony.

Note from page 313: 326. These men were Colonel Thomas and Captain Michael Cresap. See Mr. Brantz Mayer's paper, read before Md. Hist. Soc., May, 1851.

Note from page 314: 327. Perhaps Paris, who commanded at the defeat of Donville in 1756.

Note from page 316: 328. The union of the Youghiogeny proper, the Laurel Hill Creek, and Castleman's River, in Somerset County, is commonly called the Turkey Foot, or the Crow Foot of the Youghiogeny.

Note from page 317: 329. Ralph Burton, lieutenant-colonel of the 48th, seems to have been a favorite of Braddock's. In January, 1748, he received the local rank of a colonel in North America, and commanded the right wing at the capture of Quebec. After its fall, he was made governor of the department of Trois-Rivières. (II. Garneau, 374, 380.) He was a colonel in the line, December 10, 1760, and of the 3d Foot (Buffs), 22d Nov., 1764. He was created major-general 10th July, 1762.

Note from page 317: 330. On 7th March, 1751, Russel Chapman was appointed major of the 44th, and on 20th March, 1756, was gazetted lieutenant-colonel of the 62d regiment.

Note from page 317: 331. All I can learn of this officer is that he marched with Dunbar to Philadelphia, and that his name was William Sparkes. (VI. C. R., 594.)

Note from page 322: 332. The following sketch of the character and condition of the army at this moment will not be out of place here. I cite from W. Shirley's Letter to Gov. Morris, dated at Fort Cumberland, 23rd May, 1755. (VI. C. R., 404.) "It is a joke to suppose that secondary Officers can make amends for the defects of the First. The main spring must be the mover; others in many cases can do no more than follow and correct a little its motions. As to them, I don't think we have much to boast. Some are insolent and ignorant; others capable, but rather aiming at showing their own abilities than making a proper use of them. I have a very great love for my friend Orme, and think it uncommonly fortunate for our Leader that he is under the influence of so honest and capable a man, but I wish, for the sake of the Publick, he had some more experience of business, particularly in America. As to myself, I came out of England expecting that I might be taught the business of a military secretary, but I am already convinced of my mistake. I would willingly hope my time may not be quite lost to me. You will think me out of humor. I own I am so. I am greatly disgusted at seeing an Expedition (as it is called), so ill-concerted originally in England and so ill-appointed, so improperly conducted in America; and so much fatigue and expense incurred for a purpose which, if attended with success, might better have been left alone. I speak with regard to our particular share. However, so much experience I have had of the injudiciousness of public opinion, that I have no little expectation, when we return to England, of being received with great applause. I am likewise further chagrined at seeing the prospect of affairs in America which, when we were at Alexandria I looked upon to be very great and promising, through delays and disappointments which might have been prevented, grown cloudy and in danger of ending in little or nothing." The writer was destined never to enjoy his country's predicted applause. He was shot through the head at the first fire on the fatal 9th of July, just six weeks after the date of this letter.

Note from page 324: 333. A howitzer is a short gun for throwing shells, and is mounted on a field carriage. It differs from a mortar mainly in having its trunnions in the middle.

Note from page 325: 334. Pepperell's regiment was not more than half-filled when, on the 26th May, he wrote from New York to his old friend Gov. Morris, asking per mission for his recruiting officers to ‘raise a hundred or two of brave men’ in Pennsylvania. (II. P. A., 329.) It has already been observed how many hundreds from this province were enlisted in the northern campaigns of the war. The New Jersey troops alluded to in the text were commanded by Colonel Peter Schuyler, of whose family was Philip Schuyler of the Revolution. John Belcher was governor of this latter colony.

Note from page 325: 335. See VI. C. R., 426, 429.

Note from page 325: 336. See VI. C. R., 400, 413. This threat was considered a mere bravado.

Note from page 327: 337. Capt. John Rutherford was stationed at Will's Creek in March, 1755; an interesting letter from him will be found in II. P. A., 277. At the end of the year, he held the rank of major under Shirley at New York. (VII. C. R., 23.)

Note from page 327: 338. William Poison was probably a Soot who had been concerned in the rebellion of 1745; since, early in 1755, he writes to James Burd complaining bitterly of a report that assigned him in that affair "such a low station as I detest as much as the author of such a falsehood." (I. Shippen MSS. 18.) In 1754, he served under Washington, and received the thanks of the Virginia Burgesses and Governor for his good conduct. His captaincy in the Virginia services dated from 21st July, 1754. (Sharpe's MS. Corr.) Being killed in 1755, an annual pension of £26 was bestowed by Virginia upon his widow. (VII. Sp. Wash., 87.) I believe, too, a lieutenant's commission in the 60th, of which Gage was commandant and Gates major, was given to his son John on 5th May, 1756. (II. Sp. Wash., 127.) He was made captain June 16th, 1773, which rank he held in 1778.

Note from page 328: 339. William, Chevalier de Peyronie, was a French Protestant, settled in Virginia, and highly esteemed. At Fort Necessity he was an ensign under Washington, whose warm favor he enjoyed. Being desperately wounded in that action, he obtained leave to wait upon the Assembly to petition for some recompense for his personal losses of clothes, &c. On 30th Aug., 1754, the Burgesses voted him their thanks, and especially desired the Governor to promote him; and he accordingly received a captain's commission to date from 25th August, 1754. He died unmarried. (II. Sp. Wash. Sharpe's MS. Corr.)

Note from page 328: 340. Thomas Waggener (Capt. Virg. troops, July 20th, 1754), was a lieutenant in the campaign of 1754, and was slightly wounded at Jumonville's defeat. He had previously served under Gov. Shirley, in the projected Canada expedition of 1746. At Fort Necessity he was a lieutenant, and was one of those thanked by the Virginia legislature. His gallant conduct in Braddock's campaign has been noticed: it may be added, that so late as 1757, he continued actively engaged in the war. (II. Sp. Wash. II Belknap's Hist. N. H. Sharpe's MS. Corr.)

Note from page 328: 341. Ely Dagworthy had held the King's commission in the previous French war, and was engaged in Shirley's Canada design. For this reason, he esteemed himself superior to any mere provincial officer, though he was himself considered in that very light by Braddock, insomuch as he had no other command than that of a Maryland company. In the fall of 1756, his impudent assumptions of superiority to Washington were summarily put down by Gen. Shirley (II. Sp. Wash.); and not long after he seems to have obtained one of the lieutenancies in the 44th, made vacant by the action of 9th July. His commission dated from 15th July, 1755. In 1765, he had risen no higher.

Note from page 328: 342. Paul Demerie, who was killed by the Cherokees in 1760, during the Indian war of South Carolina. I. Ramsay's S. C., 182.

Note from page 329: 343. I do not know if this was George or John Mercer. Both were at Fort Necessity, and thanked by the Burgesses: the former was a Virginia captain, June 4th, 1754, and in 1760, agent of the Ohio Company at London. The latter was a lieutenant, 21st July, 1754, and Washington's aid in 1756; in which year he was killed by the enemy.

Note from page 329: 344. Adam Stephen was, in 1754, perhaps the senior captain in Frey's regiment. He rose to be colonel of the Virginia troops, and was a general officer in the Revolution.

Note from page 329: 345. Peter Hogg was a captain, March 9th, 1754; and so late as the end of 1757 was still in the Virginia service. Being detached on the march, he and his command escaped the dangers of the 9th of July.

Note from page 329: 346. Probably Thomas Cocke, commissioned as captain in the Virginia troops, Dec. 13th, 1754.

Note from page 332: 347. They were, however, sent to Philadelphia. II. P. A., 348.

Note from page 335: 348. Mr. Atkinson (II. O. T., 542) very justly points out the error of not passing this mountain by the spur since adopted for the National Road.

Note from page 335: 349. The route this day lay through the region of dense pine forests, called the Shades of Death.

Note from page 337: 350. Castleman's River: the ford is called the Little Crossings.

Note from page 340: 351. The Rivière aux Boeufs, or French Creek, is here signified.

Note from page 340: 352. This was at the Great Crossings. "The route thence to the Great Meadows or Fort Necessity was well chosen, though over a mountainous tract, conforming very nearly to the ground now occupied by the National Road, and keeping on the dividing ridge between the waters flowing into the Youghiogeny on the one hand, and the Cheat River on the other." II. O. T., 543.

Note from page 342: 353. A mile west of the Great Meadows Braddock must have passed over the very spot destined for his grave. The Mount Braddock farm occupies a portion of the route.

Note from page 344: 354. From the Great Meadows, the route had diverged in a north-westwardly direction, to gain a pass through Laurel Hill; it then struck the river at Stewart's Crossing, half a mile below Connellsville. See II. O. T., 543.

Note from page 346: 355. Now known as Jacob's Creek.

Note from page 349: 356. "From the crossing of Jacob's Creek, which was at the point where Welchhanse's Mill now stands, about 1 1/2 miles below Mount Pleasant, thy route stretched off to the north, crossing the Mount Pleasant turnpike near the village of the same name, and thence, by a more westerly course, passing the Great Sewickley near Painter's Salt Works, thence south and west of the post-office of Madison and Jacksonville, it reached the Brush Fork of Turtle Creek." II. O. T., 544.

Note from page 352: 357. Abandoning thus the passage of the Brush Fork of Turtle Creek, Braddock here turned into the valley of Long Run, near where now is Stewartsville, and encamped on the 8th July at two miles distance from the Monongahela. On the 9th, he followed the valley of Crooked Run to the river.

Note from page 358: 358. The pardon seems to have made little impression on this fellow. He had been enlisted by Captain Poison, at Shippensburg, and was drafted into Captain Mercer's company of the 48th. Deserting a second time from Dunbar's camp, he was not retaken on 6th Sept., 1755. Penn. Gaz., No. 1394.

Note from page 358: 359. William McLeod was made a captain of the Royal Regiment of Artillery, Oct. 21st, 1758, which position he held in 1763. In 1765, his name does not appear on the register.

Note from page 359: 360. [I do not know who was the author of this Journal: possibly he may have been of the family of Capt. Hewitt. He was clearly one of the naval officers detached for this service by Com. Keppel, whom sickness detained at Fort Cumberland during the expedition. There are two documents from which the ensuing pages are printed. The first, which is the text followed here, appears to have been a revised copy of the second. It is in the possession of the Rev. Francis-Orpen Morris, Nunburnholme Rectory, Yorkshire, to whose father it was given by Capt, Hewitt. The other and perhaps the original journal is written in a looser and less particular style, and in point of extent is inferior to its companion. It is preserved in the library at Woolwich. What passages of this latter document have seemed to the Editor to differ from the former in any degree save of a clerical error, are appended by way of notes; which are distinguished from his own by alphabetical instead of numeral references, and by being enclosed within brackets. For the rest, so far as the lesser MS. goes, its language is so similar to that of the greater as would render its publication here a mere repetition. It is proper to add that in the summer of 1854 (and since the advertisement of this volume), the Journal in the possession of the Rev. Mr. Morris was published in pamphlet form by him for a charitable end: (Lond. Groombridge & Sons, 8vo, pp. 10).]

Note from page 360: 361. Lieut. Matthew Leslie of the 44th: promoted to a captaincy, 29 Sept. 1760.

Note from page 361: 362. In the Army Register for 1765, Thomas Hobson ranks as a lieutenant of the 44th from 5 Nov. 1755. This and other instances authorize us to suppose that the above list was made rather from memory than authentic records.

Note from page 361: 363. John Beckwith: major of the 54th, 18 July, 1758: lieut.-col. in the line, 13 Jan. 1762.

Note from page 361: 364. Thomas Falconer: captain of the 44th, 5 Nov. 1755.

Note from page 361: 365. For an anecdote of Capt. Dunbar, see XVIII. Sparks's Am. Biog., 11.

Note from page 361: 365. This may be a mistake. In 1765, James Allen was a lieut. of the 44th; and though his commission dates but from 9 Nov. 1755, it is as old as those of many others who were in the action.

Note from page 361: 367. Robert Lock: lieut. of 44th, 27 June, 1755, which rank he held ten years after.

Note from page 361: 368. Daniel Disney: capt. in the line, 4 Oct. 1760; of the 44th, 22 Sept. 1764; major in the line, 7 Aug. 1776; of the 38th (which regiment he accompanied to America), 10 March, 1777.

Note from page 361: 369. Primrose Kennedy: lieut. of the 44th, 6th June, 1757; capt. 15 May, 1772. In 1778, he seems to have been with his regiment in America.

Note from page 361: 370. George Penington: a lieut. of the 44th, 6 June, 1755. When he arrived at Philadelphia, after the fight, he sought out the residence of Edward Penington, a leading merchant there, with whom he claimed kindred and resided until his regiment marched for Albany. He was probably of the Dysart family.

Note from page 362: 371. Robert Rosa: lieut-col. in the line, 6 Jan. 1762; of 48th, 2 Sept. 1762.

Note from page 362: 372. Henry Gladwyn, who achieved great distinction in the remainder of the war, was made lt.-col. 17 Sept. 1763, and Deputy Adjutant General in America. His gallant defence of Detroit against Pontiac and his leaguering hordes is familiar to the reader in the pages of Parkman. He was made a colonel, 49 Aug. 1777; and maj.-gen. Nov. 26. 1782.

Note from page 362: 373. William Edmestone: capt. in the 48th, 23 March, 1758; lt.-col. in the line, 29 Aug., 1777; and in Oct. 1777, was major of the 48th, and a prisoner of war at Easton, Pa.

Note from page 362: 374. John Montresor: lt. in the 48th, 4 July, 1755.

Note from page 362: 375. Among the officers of the 48th who were left with Dunbar, and therefore do not find a place in this list, were Capts. Gabriel Christie (afterwards lt.-col. of the 60th in 1775), Mercer, Morris, and Boyer; Capt. Lieut. Morris, and Lts. Savage, Caulder, and Hart. (Penn. Gaz., No. 1394.)

Note from page 363: 376. Robert Stewart; commissioned 1 Nov. 1754. Of his 29 light horse, 25 were killed in the action. See Penn. Gaz., No. 1391: where it is justly observed that "the Virginia officers and troops behaved like men and died like soldiers!"

Note from page 363: 377. John Hamilton: commissioned Nov. 2, 1754.

Note from page 363: 378. Henry Woodward: commissioned Dec. 13, 1754.

Note from page 363: 379. John Wright: commissioned Nov. 18, 1754.

Note from page 363: 380. Ensign Carolus Gustavus de Spiltdorph: commissioned July 21, 1754. I follow Washington's orthography, under whom he served in 1754. He was the officer selected to escort to Virginia the prisoners captured in Jumonville's affair.

Note from page 363: 381. Ensign Walter Stewart: commissioned Aug. 25, 1754. I apprehend him to have been the same who was an additional lieutenant in the 44th during the war, retiring on half-pay in 1763; and who afterwards was conspicuous in our Army of the Revolution.

Note from page 363: 382. Ensign Edmond Waggener: commissioned Jan. 1, 1755.

Note from page 363: 383. If this was Lt. John M'Neill (Nov. 1, 1754), or Ensign Hector M'Neill (Dec. 12, 1754), I do not know.

Note from page 364: 384. Thomas Orde in 1759 became lt.-col. of the R. R. of Artillery. He was an excellent officer, and stood high in Cumberland's esteem, by whom he was especially selected for this service. Landing in Newfoundland, he hastened to take command of Braddock's artillery, arriving from New York at Philadelphia, June 7, 1755. (II. P. A., 346.) He was accompanied by 13 non-commissioned officers; and was in such an enfeebled condition as to render his joining the army a work of much difficulty. The Assembly's committee not feeling themselves called upon to provide conveniences for his journey, Mr. Morris was compelled to procure him a horse and chaise at his own cost; at the same time issuing a warrant of impressment for waggons for the rest of the party. (Ib. 356, 358. VI. C. R., 417.) Capt. Orde took a conspicuous part in his line of service during the rest of the war.

Note from page 364: 385. Sir Fr. Ja. Buchanan: capt. 1 Jan. 1759.

Note from page 364: 386. Patrick Mackellar: Sub-Director and Major of Engineers, 4 Jan. 1758; Director and lt.-col. 2 Feb. 1775; col. in the line, 29 Aug. 1777.

Note from page 364: 387. Adam Williamson: Engineer Extraordinary and capt. lieut. 4 Jan. 1758.

Note from page 364: 388. Harry Gordon: Engineer in Ordinary and captain, 4 Jan. 1758; lt.-col. in the line, 29 Aug. 1777.

Note from page 365: 389. Mr. Morris prints this name Flayer.

Note from page 365: 390. These were the 45th and 47th reg'ts. The late venerable Bishop White well remembered the corpse of one of Braddock's officers being brought to Philadelphia after the battle, where it lay in state for some days at the old Norris or Penn House at the corner of Second St. and Norris's Alley.

Note from page 366: 392. (b.) [Extracts from a Journal of the Proceedings of the Detachment of Seamen, ordered by Commodore Kepple, to assist on the late Expedition to the Ohio, with an impartial Account of the late Action on the Banks of the Monongohela the 9th of July, 1755; as related by some of the Principal Officers that day in the Field, from the 10th April, 1755, to the 18th August, when the Detachment of Seamen embarked on board His Majesty's ship Guarland at Hampton in Virginia.]

Note from page 369: 393. Roger Morris, descended from one of the most ancient families in Britain, was born 28 Jan., 1727. At an early age adopting the profession of arms, he obtained a captaincy in the 17th Foot when but 17 years old. After Braddock's defeat, he continued to serve with reputation in America; and married, 19 Jan., 1758, Mary, daughter of Frederick Philipse, of New York; a great heiress, who is said to have been unsuccessfully wooed by Washington, and whose character is beautifully drawn by Cooper in the heroine of "The Spy." It affords a curious speculation to consider how circumstances might have moulded the future career of the Father of his Country had his lot been linked with that of Mary Philipse instead of Martha Custis. The landed possessions of the Philipse family were enormous, embracing much of the site of the city of New York, and covering an area twice as great as all Yorkshire. Morris continued to reside in New York, where be occupied a seat in the Council, till the breaking out of the Revolution. Adhering to the Crown, his estates and those of his wife were confiscated, and he returned to England. By a marriage contract, however, Mrs. Morris's property had been settled on her children, and these being omitted in the act of confiscation, the ministry conceived their rights remained unaffected. Therefore but £17,000 were granted from the treasury to Mr. Morris in satisfaction of his life-interest. After the peace, it was found impracticable to reinstate the children in their possessions, and in 1809 their claims were purchased by the late Mr. John Jacob Astor for £20,000. The estimated value of the property in question was then nearly £1,000,000; at this day, the sum would be incalculable. On 19 May, 1760, Morris was made Lieutenant-Colonel of the 47th Foot, and died 13 Sept., 1794. His widow, who was born 5 July, 1730, survived to 18 July, 1825. Their only surviving son was the late Admiral Henry Gage Morris, R. N., of Keldgate House, Yorkshire. Colonel Morris is sometimes confounded with his cousin, Lieutenant-Colonel Roger Morris, of the Coldstreams, an intimate of the Duke of York, under whose command he fell in Holland

Note from page 371: 394. [May 2nd: — Halted, and sent the horses to grass.]

Note from page 371: 395. [May 5th: — Marched to Mr. Henry Enock's, a place called the forks of Cape Capon. * * *

May 6th. Halted, as was the Custom to do so every third day. The Officers, for passing away the time, made Horse Races, and agreed that no Horse should run over 11 Hands and to carry 14 Stone.]

Note from page 372: 396. I take this person to be the same alluded to in the following paragraph:
"There has a strange affair happened in Virginia: one Cox, which, you may remember by the Gazettes, behaved gallantly against the Indians some time ago, and another person, thinking their services not taken proper notice of, dressed themselves up like Indians and attacked a house a few miles from Winchester. The in-dwellers were so fortunate as to escape, altho' Cox and his partner fired on them several times. An Officer, being informed that the house was attacked by the Indians, sent a detachment to pursue the Enemy, who, finding tracks, pursued by them until they came near the place where the fellows, Cox and the other, were sitting by a fire; fired on them — killed Cox on the spot and wounded the other so mortally that he had scarce time before his departure to disclose who they were." David Jameson to Lieutenant-Colonel Burd. Philadelphia, April 25, 1758. (Shippen MSS.)

Note from page 372: 397. [There lives Colonel Cressop, a Rattle Snake Colonel and a D—d Rascal.]

Note from page 376: 398. This day's journal in the lesser MS. concludes here thus: [The Americans and Seamen exercising.]

Note from page 376: 399. The TAY WA' EGUN (struck-sound-instrument) is a tambourine, or one-headed drum, and is made by adjusting a skin to one end of the section of a moderate sized hollow tree. When a heavier sound is required, a tree of larger circumference is chosen, and both ends covered with skins. — The SHESHEGWON, or Rattle, is constructed in various ways, according to the purpose or means of the maker. Sometimes it is mads of animal bladder, from which the name is derived; sometimes of a wild gourd; in others, by attaching the dried hoofs of the deer to a stick. This instrument is employed both to mark time, and to produce variety in sound." (Schoolcraft; Red Race of America, 223.)

Note from page 377: 400. The chaplain of the 44th was Mr. Philip Hughes: that of the 48th I do not know. One of these gentlemen marched with the expedition, and was wounded at the defeat.

Note from page 378: 401. [Monicatoha their Mentor.]

Note from page 378: 402. [Jerry Smith and Charles.]

Note from page 379: 403. [Arrived 80 Waggons from Pennsylvania with Stores; and 11 likewise from Philadelphia, with Liquors, Tea, Sugar, Coffee, etc., to the Amount of £400, with 20 Horses, as presents to the Officers of the 2 Regiments.]

Note from page 379: 404. [A Troop of Light-Horse and 2 Companies of Sir P. Halket's Regiment, under the command of Major Chapman, came in from Winchester.]

Note from page 380: 405. [— formings.]

Note from page 380: 406. 2 New York, 1 Independant Carolina Companies of 100 men, * * * 1 Company of Artillery of 60.]

Note from page 381: 407. [— and 6 seamen with some Indians were ordered to clear the Roads for them.]

Note from page 381: 408. [— Mr. Engineer Gordon.]

Note from page 381: 409. [1 Midshipman and 20 men cleared 3/4 of a Mile.]

Note from page 382: 410. The long and fatal delay of the English at Fort Cumberland was undoubtedly produced, in great part, by the necessities of the case: but a different view of the matter was taken by some of the subordinates of the army. Thus Captain Rutherford, after pointing ont the success which crowned Halket's command of the encampment at that place, pictures Braddock arriving there to waste the precious moments like a second Hannibal at Capua. According to his letter (Philadelphia Evening Bulletin, Sept 19th, 1849), the General there "spent a month idly with his women and feasting." It will be noticed that the writer was a professed supporter of the inefficient Dunbar, and that the whole burthen of his strain is the laudation of that incompetent man and depreciation of Braddock. The measures adopted by the General upon the suggestion of Washington appear to have elicited his warmest indignation

Note from page 384: 411. [About 7 o'clock, some Indians Rushed out of the Bushes, but did no Execution. The party went on and secured both Passes of the River; and at 11 the Main Body began to cross, with Colours flying, Drums beating, and Fifes playing the Grenadiers' March, and soon formed: when they thought that the French would not Attack them, as they might have done it with such Advantage in crossing the Monongohela.]

Note from page 385: 412. [The first fire the Enemy gave was in front, and they likewise galled the Picquets in flank, so that in a few minutes the Grenadiers were nearly cut in pieces, and drove into the greatest confusion, as was Captain Polson's company of Carpenters.]

Note from page 386: 413. [It was in an open Road that the Main Body were drawn up, but the Trees were excessive thick around them, and the Enemy had possession of a Hill to the Right, which consequently was of great advantage to them. Many officers declare that they never saw above 5 of the Enemy at one time during the whole affair. Our soldiers were encouraged to make many attempts by the Officers (who behaved Gloriously), to take the Hill, but they had been so intimidated before by seeing their comrades scalped in their sight, and such numbers falling, that as they advanced up towards the Hill, and their Officers being pict off, which was generally the case; they turned to the Right About, and retired down the Hill. When the General perceived and was convinced that the soldiers would not fight in a regular manner without Officers, he divided them into small parties and endeavoured to surround the Enemy, but by this time the major part of the Officers were either killed or wounded, and in short the soldiers were totally deaf to the commands and persuasions of the few Officers that were left unhurt. The General had 4 Horses shot under him before he was wounded, which was towards the latter part of the Action, when he was put into a Waggon with great difficulty, as he was very solicitous for being left in the Field.]

Note from page 387: 414. According to Geo. Croghan, the grenadiers delivered their fire at 200 yards distance, completely throwing it away. (Chas. Swayne's letter in Phila. Evening Bulletin, Sept. 19th, 1849.) The same authority estimates the French in the action at 300, ‘clad in stuffs;’ besides the naked Indians. 400 Onondagos, he says, came into the fort the day before; and there were also ‘100 Delawares, 60 Wiandots, 40 Puywaws, 300 Pawwaws, the Shawnees who lived about Logtown, and some of all other tribes.’ In conclusion, a curious anecdote of Braddock is given: when Croghan approached him, after he was wounded, the General sought to possess himself of the former's pistols, with a view to self-destruction. The story is given here for what it is worth.

Note from page 387: 415. [Mr. Engineer Gordon was the first Man that saw the Enemy, being in the Front of the Carpenters, marking and picketing the Roads for them and he declared when he first discovered them, that they were on the Run, which plainly shows they were just come from Fort Du Quesne, and that their principle Intention was to secure the pass of Monongohela River, but the Officer who was their leader, dressed like an Indian, with a gorget on, waved his hat by way of signal to disperse to the Right and Left, forming a half Moon.

Note from page 388: 416. [Sir P. Halket's were 69, and only 13 came out of the Field.]

Note from page 388: 417. [The Seamen had 11 killed and wounded out of 33.]

Note from page 389: 418. [4 six pounders, 2 twelve-pounders, 3 howitzers, 8 cohorns.]

Note from page 389: 419. Probably a clerical error for £10,000.

Note from page 389: 420. [On the 21st, the wounded officers and soldiers were brought in.]

Note from page 389: 421. [30th July. Orders were given for the Army to march the 2nd August.

1st August. Colonel Dunbar received a letter from Commodore Kepple to send the Seamen to Hampton, and accordingly the 2nd, they marched with the Army, and on the 3rd August left them.

August 5th. Arrived at Winchester.

August 11th. Marched into Fredericksburgh, and hired a Vessel to carry the Seamen to Hampton where they embarked on board His Majesty's ship Guarland the 18th August, 1755.]

Note from page 409: 422. Embusquer?

Note from page 410: 423. Epouvantés?

Note from page 410: 424. Une?

Note from page 411: 425. Votre?

Note from page 411: 426. L'affaire?

Note from page 411: 427. La?

Note from page 411: 428. Arbres?

Note from page 415: 429. His officers.

Note from page 415: 430. Brad in old Saxon-English in the same as Broad, and Brad-oke the same as Broad-oak.

Note from page 415: 431. The Ohio.