Chicago Tribune July 3, 1881 Page 8

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speedy death of the President, rejoicing afterward when the turn came in the tide, and hopes, faint at first and stronger afterward, were held out of his recovery. Not until the latest dispatches were received announcing that there was a chance of his recovery did the eager multitudes disperse. During the day the reporters of the Tribune visited the stores of businessmen and the offices of leading citizens, and caught, fresh from their lips, their expressions as to what they thought of the shocking crime which had plunged the Nation into mourning. Many of them were seen at a time whew it was believed there was no hope of the President's recovery; others when it was believed that he would survive; but one and all, it will be seen, breathed the same spirit of detestation for the deed, of sorrow for his death, should it occur, and of fervent hope that he might be spared to the country.

THE SAENGERFEST.

At a meeting of all the Committees of the "North American Sangerfest Association," held at the office of the Exposition Building yesterday noon, the following resolutions were passed: whereas, The sad news of the murderous assault on our beloved president, James A. Garfield, in the midst of our festive joy, has cast a gloom upon all singers united here in Chicago to celebrate their National Sangerfest: therefore, be it Resolved, By the Sangerfest Association, that it condemns the murderous attack with the greatest indignation. Resolved: That it hereby expresses its most sincere and heartiest wishes for his recovery, and that his precious life may be spared for the welfare of our glorious Nation. LOUIS WAHL. ADOLF SCHOENINGER. JOHN HOFFMAN, EMIL MAUNHARDT, EMIL HOECHSTER, Special Committee.

PROCLAMATION.

CHICAGO, July 3-To the Singing Societies of the North-American Saengerbund: "In view of the terrible event that has filled the Nation with sorrow and consternation, and the fact that the Chief Executive of our country is lying on the point of death, we request the Singing Societies of the North-American Sangerbund to abstain today from all loud expression of festival joy, and especially from making music in the streets. If by 9 a.m. today no change in the condition of the President shall have taken place from the more favorable symptoms telegraphed to us at this hour, the picnic will take place, but all our singing societies are requested to proceed to the grove quietly and not to hurt the feeling of their afflicted fellow-citizens. LOUIS WAHL, JOHN HOFFMAN. ADOLPH SCHOENINGER, EMIL MAUHARDT, EMIL HOECHSTER. Special Committee.

HENRY WATTERSON.

The reporter met Henry Watterson, of the Louisville Courier-Journal, at the Grand Pacific Hotel, and asked him for his views. "I don't think the assassin is crazy," he said, "but a malignant, morbid creature, who has made an effort all through his life to get notoriety, and, failing in that, the terrible faction-fight at Albany suggested to him the idea of killing the President. He is one of those creatures that care nothing about the consequences. Probably he was a miserable devil, and had been all around the world until he had rather despaired of his own life, and killing the President was a sort of suicide. That he was what we understand to be a crazy man, I don't believe. It is fortunate that he was not a man of Southern origin, because there would have been a Stalwart outcry all over the the country against the South. I don't see any reason why, inasmuch as this man has done the deed in the direct interest of the Stalwart wing of the Republicans, we should be in a hurry to assume that nobody is guilty but him. I think in this matter, as in all other matters, the distinguished position of men ought not to give them any rights of assumption whatever; that Arthur and Conkling are just as much open to suspicion as if they were private individuals; and that under similar circumstances private, individuals are always suspected. While l do not charge them or suspect them of anything, still I think the party ought not to be hasty in jumping at the conclusion that they would be served. I think the circumstances of the fight at Albany on both sides- that the vile methods which both factions have shown themselves willing to adopt, stopping little short of murder, not at all stopping short of character—incites the belief that, whether anybody is guilty of complicity with this fellow Guiteau or not, there is not a "Stalwart" at Albany who would not be glad that he has done the job. The effect of Garfield's death will be to reverse the present, situation, and throw Blanie and his friends out, and put Conkling and his friends in. It will be, of course to utterly cast down Gar-field and Blaine interests,—the present conservative interests,—and bring in Conkling and Grant, and Arthur, and that whole set, and, to that extent, injure the country,— seriously injure its credit abroad. There will necessarily be confusion in the mind of Europeans in regard to the assassination, and they will regard it as evidence of discontent of a class of the people with their government; they won't discriminate. The affair itself is of such magnitude that the minds of almost everybody fall into the same general way of thinking. Of course, there cannot be any disinterested man but regards it with horror.

EMERY A. STORRS.

Emery A. Storrs, who threw his whole soul into the last Presidential campaign, and who had formed an affection for the President which apparently nothing could diminish, was found in a most sad and dejected mood at the receipt of the sudden and startling news of what promised to pass into history as a great National tragedy. "The fact that anybody would shoot down so lovable, so genial, so sweet-tempered a man," said he, in response to the reporter's introductory reference to the tragedy, "proclaims the act to be the deed of a crazy, irresponsible, disappointed lunatic. It could not have been the act of any sane man. I have seen a good many men in my time, but I doubt if I ever met one who was so thoroughly lovable, so unaffectedly affectionate, or who so tied one to him, as James A. Garfield. He could never talk to one of his friends without somehow or other putting his arm around him, or otherwise showing that wealth of affection and sweetness which so endeared him to all who knew him. The last time I saw him, I remember, he put both hands on my knees, as we sat chatting together, and spoke as frankly and as kindly as though I had known him all my life, and we had grown up together like two schoolboys. He was a good man, and his death, should it occur will simply be a National calamity. The only mitigating thing about it—and I regard that, as something of a public blessing—is the fact that the assassin could be promptly arrested and his motive traced. It was the act of a crazy, irresponsible, disappointed lunatic.'' "You must have met Guiteau in Washington, suppose?" "Met him? I should say I did. Everybody met him. Of course, I had heard of him here, and I now recollect particularly an editorial in the tribune in which he was set down as a lunatic, as he really was. After losing sight of him in Chicago, I met him last, fall around the Republican National and State Headquarters in New York, where he hung around for weeks. He had written a campaign speech, and got it printed, though he never delivered it. When he appeared in Washington, his only credentials consisted of this one speech— printed but never delivered." "What were, his aspirations in the way of a public position?" "At first he aimed pretty high. In fact, he wanted the Liverpool Consulship, as I understand it. Then, failing in that direction, he aspired to become Consul-General in France. He hung around Washington last winter, during the coldest weather, in the thinnest clothes, with no stockings on and with his toes out of his boots. Wild looking as he was, everybody thought him to be harmless and simply 'off his nut.' For that reason only he was tolerated. In fact, people pitied him. They hadn't the heart to do otherwise. On one occasion he came to me to help him along with his application for this foreign position, but, having known him of old in Chicago, I would have nothing to do with him. His last freak may teach the authorities something about the folly of allowing crazy people to run at large. Such a man ought to have been placed in an asylum long ago." "Have you thought of the political consequences involved in the President's probable death?" "I can't believe the President will die, and won't believe it till I can't believe anything else. The political consequences are plain enough. The Constitution of the United States determines them. Gen. Arthur will become President; but I don't believe that Gen. Arthur, as President, is going to carry out any personal prejudices, because I don't believe he would have any. I very much doubt whether there is a sadder man in the Nation today than Gen. Arthur. Further than this I have not thought of political consequences. At such a time as this. I have no heart for any speculations on the political future."

CONGRESSMAN DAVIS.

"This news is simply appalling," said Congressman Davis. "It is too horrible, I can't believe President Garfield is to die." "Did you meet this man Guiteau at Washington?" asked the reporter. "Yes; he came to me, among others, and asked me to sign his application for some sort of an appointment,- one in the Consular service, I believe. I had heard of him before, of his antics in Chicago, of his being kicked out of every hotel here as a disreputable deadbeat, and of course refused to give him an endorsement. What on earth he should want to kill so lovable a man as Garfield for, I can't imagine. He must have been insane. There is no other way of accounting for it." "What will be the political consequences of the President's assassination in case he should die?" "In the first place, of course, Vice-president Arthur would become the Chief Magistrate of the Nation. This would follow immediately. There would be no interim. As soon as noticed by the Secretary of State of the President's death, Gen. Arthur would appear and take the oath of office. In the meantime, however, we are without an organization in Congress. Arthur failed to vacate the chair before the Senate adjourned, as has been the custom from the organization of the Government, and, as a result, no President pro tem. was elected to fill the vacancy caused by the possible death of the Vice-president during the recess. Nor have we a Speaker of the House. In short, Arthur would be the only living representative of the Executive Department of the Government in case of President Garfield's death. If Arthur should die, or prove the victim of some other assassin's bullet, where would we be? Or suppose the Senate should organize by the election of a Democratic President pro tem. In case Arthur should die, or put out of the way, we would have a Democratic President." "But is there any danger of that?" "Well, the Senate is a tie, provided Mahone continues to act with the Republicans, and David Davis with the Democrats, and provided the new York Legislature elects two Republicans. Arthur would no longer have the casting vote. In case of a tie. If Mahone should go to tho other side, and Davis remain with the Democrats, a Republican organization is, of course, out of the question. All this is on the supposition that Conkling and Platt are replaced by two other Republicans before the Senate meets. Even then, with Mahone and Davis on the Democratic side, it would stand thirty-nine Democrats to thirty-seven Republicans." "In case of a failure to elect a New York, or of a difficulty to get in after being elected, won't it look a good deal as if Conkling and Platt made the biggest mistake of their lives in resigning?" "It certainly would. The fact is, they had no business to resign. The Senate was Republican, with Arthur's vote to break the tie, and Conk-ling and Platt stepped right out, and turned the body over to the Democrats. The people will now clearly see that what might have occurred has occurred, —no organization of the Senate, and no power to make that organization Republican. Even if Conkling and Platt were replaced by two Republicans, and Mahone, were still with us, the Senate would be a tie, and unless the tie were broken, an organization would be impossible. It was a mistake to resign, and, in the second place, it was a mistake, to postpone the organization of the Senate until such organization became impossible." "Do you think there will be an extra session immediately should the President die?" "I think it very important for the country and for the party to have an organization in each House, and to have it soon, and without an extra session that is impossible." "In case the Democrats should have the power to elect a President pro tem. Whom do you regard as likely to secure the place?" "It wouldn't be the strangest event in the world if David Davis were to receive enough votes from both sides to elect him in preference to an out and-out Bourbon. The question would then arise as to whether the Illinois Legislature should not be called together to elect his successor. Judge Davis' election, would create a vacancy, in my opinion, and the State would lose one vote in the senate. Or course, Judge Davis may not be the coming man, though more surprising things than that have happened, and may happen again." "Should Arthur accede to the Presidency, do you think there would be a general decapitation among the present Administration officials?" "I think, we should have a new Cabinet in just about fifteen minutes after he took his seat. It might be longer than that, but not much." After a pause, the Congressman reverted to the one saddening, all-consuming intelligence of the President's assassination "Why should anybody but a fanatical fool want to harm so noble, so honest a man? Isn't the country prosperous? The people of the country, with almost perfect unanimity, believed he was trying to do what he honestly felt was right, if the leaders would only let him do it, and the people would have sustained him through it all, no matter whether his course seemed, to hurt one man, personally, or another. He took the broad ground 'I am going to fo this because it is right,' and it isn't for any one man to set himself up and say that he knows better than the President and his Cabinet. But, as I said before, I can't believe President Garfield is going to die, and I won't until I am forced to it."

SENATOR LOGAN.

A representative of the Tribune found Senator Logan early in the afternoon much cast down by the appalling news, and too much shocked by its awful suddenness to permit of his entering upon a discussion of the political issues involved, in case the President should die, or to do anything but express his most profound regrets at what then promised to be so tragic a taking-off. Once, when some one in the party of friends with whom he was conversing read from one of the dispatches Guiteau;s reported statement as to having the cause of the Stalwarts at heart, the General looked up with an expression of ineffable disgust at what he evidently considered the remark of a very crazy man, even if the reported remark were true, and then quietly resumed his former dejected and almost stunned appearance.

HENRY VILLARD.

Mr. Henry J. Villard, the President of the Northern Pacific Railroad, was at the Palmer yesterday en route for a tour of inspection over his various lines of roads built and projected. He was asked by a tribune reporter what he thought the probable effect of the death of the President would have on railways and other' securities. "I don't know as it will, have any," said Mr. Villard. "I don't see why it should. The death of the President can't stop our production. It can't stop our railway, building. It can't stop our mills. I think that everything will go on as it has done." "But abroad," spoke in the reporter. "It is true," said Mr. Villard, "a great many of our securities are held abroad. It is according to how they may take it over there. They may send back their American securities, and then they will drop, a little, of course, but I don't think that will amount to much. I was between Europe and America,when Lincoln was assassinated. You noticed that our bonds did not drop perceptibly, but abroad they dropped 20 per cent. But there was reason for that then. They thought then over there that the death of the President meant the breaking up of the Union. It, is different now. The assassination of Mr. Garfield has no political significance at all. It was the freak of a crazy man, and therefore there will be no trouble." "But Northern Pacific dropped today,' said the reporter. "Yes," said Mr. Villard, "one or two points, but that's nothing. The idea always is to sell stocks whenever there is an excitement. To sell short is what the operators try to do. When the stock is thrown so heavily on the market of course there will be a break. But that don't last. No, sir, I am satisfied that there will be no panic in the stock market. Besides that, Mr. Arthur, if he takes the chair as President, will be conservative. He is a first-class business man, who is pledged to do what is right. Besides that, he could not affect stocks very much, because Congress has settled the funding question. Our currency is both stable and elastic, and I don't believe that the present financial policy of the Government will be changed. You can say for me that I do not believe that the business interests will seriously suffer as a result of the assassination It is sad and revolting, but that is all that one can say, about it."

SENATOR KELLOGG.

United States Senator William Pitt Kellogg, of Louisiana, arrived in the city yesterday, and at the Grand Pacific Hotel where a Tribune reporter found him immediately upon his arrival. He said: "It is shocking! It is too bad! I could hardly believe it, when I heard of it. It will kill poor Mrs. Garfield and the General's mother. Do you know," said the Senator, "that this assassination, has set to thinking very seriously on the complications which may arise should the, President die. What would be our status in case of the death of Mr. Arthur also? If President Garfield dies the Vice-president, Mr. Chester A. Arthur, will succeed him, as a matter of course. But then, granting that New York sends back two Republican United States Senators, the parties become a tie. When Mr. Arthur presided he had the casting vote, but with him gone the majority is gone. Unusual as it may seem, the Senate adjourned without electing a President pro tem. He would act succeed to the office of President in case of the death of the Vice-president, but it leaves the United States Senate unorganized, and virtually unprepared for the emergency which has so suddenly and unexpectedly arisen. The Speaker of the National House of Representatives would succeed to the Executive Chair in case of the death of the Vice-president now. But we have no Speaker of the House now. The House expired by limitation on the 4th of March last, and a new Congress takes its place this fall. The Speaker's term of office expired with the House. He is no more, and thus

EXTRA.

6 O'Clock A.M.

SLEEPING.

The Doctors So Hopeful as to Stop Issuing Bulletins.

Thirteen Men Have Lived with Bullets in Their Livers.

James A. Garfield Has a Living Chance to Be the Fourteenth.

Painful Scenes Through the Long Night-The Various Alarms.

The President's Heroic Conduct at All Times, at Worst and Best.

Arrival of the Poor Little Wife, Just up from Typhoid Fever.

 Poor Blaine Entirely Overcome with Grief—-Garfield's Love for Him.

Garfield, the Hero, Awoke at 4 a. m. and Told a Little Story.

1 A.M.

EXECUTIVE MANSION l:15 a. m.—The following bulletin has just been issued:"1 a. m. The improvement in the President's condition, which began early in the evening, has steadily continued up to this hour. His temperature and respiration are now normal, and his pulse has fallen to 120. The attending physicians regard all his symptoms as favorable, and a more hopeful feeling prevails. D.W. Bliss, M.D. All the members of the Cabinet remain at the Executive Mansion throughout the night. The 1 o'clock bulletin is regarded as very encouraging. The improvement noticed about 9 and maintained as mentioned to night is still manifest. The President is dozing quietly, with a stronger and more natural respiration, and shows no symptoms of suffering acute pain or the wounding of a vital part. The doctors now begin to say that, if the present wound will heal without calling too severely on the patient the worst is past. Still his condition is regarded as very critical. The White House at this hour is very dark, and still the Cabinet are gathered in their room, but no one is in the sufferer's chamber but Dr. Gibbs, and his son. Mrs. Garfield and her children are sleeping after the fatigues and excitement of the day. Crowds still hang about the entrances of the grounds to get the latest news from those who have access to those inside.

2:45 A. M.

Special Dispatch to the Chicago Tribune.

Washington, D. C., July 3-2:45 a. m.—A visit to the White House at this hour does not show any marked change. The physician in charge, Dr. Bliss, said: "There has been a constant improvement since 7 o'clock. His condition is more favorable." "Is he going to recover?" was asked. The physician stopped, and very gravely said: "We will pull him through if it is possible to do it. What is now to be greatly feared is the secondary condition." The Doctor, on the whole, seemed hopeful, but not confident. These hopes did not seem to be shared by the Cabinet, which was present in the anteroom. One of the Cabinet officers was, at this hour, overcome with grief. There has been a difference off opinion among the physicians as to the propriety of immediately probing for the wound. Some insisted that ether should be administered and the wound probed.

THE PHYSICIAN IN CHARGE SAID "NO."

The ball, he said, had done its work. The wound should not be disturbed. Opportunity must be given for the President to recover from the shock. "The bullet has done its work. There must be no more bleeding." This was the decision of the physician in charge. The medical men all say that it will not now be possible to predict, the final result until about twenty-four hours from the time of the shooting. After that all the conditions of inflammation and congestion set in. The natural functions of the body are now suspended. The urine has been removed by artificial means. The President at this hour is awake and anxious,

3 A. M.

Special Dispatch to The Chicago Tribune.

WASHINGTON, D.C. July 3- 3 a.m.-The bulletin issued from the White House at 2:45 differs in no essential particular from the last dispatch, except in the fact that the President has taken some light nourishment, which is the first that he has eaten since the shooting. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, DC, July 3—3 a. m.—The attending physicians feel so hopeful now that another bulletin will not be issued until 7 a. m.

4 A.M.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, DC July 3-4 a. m.—The President has just awakened greatly refreshed, and has not vomited since 1 a. m., having taken milk and lime-water, on each occasion, frequently asking for it. Pulse 130, fuller, and with decidedly more character. Temperature, 98 2-10; respiration, 18. The patient is decidedly more cheerful, and has amused himself and watchers by telling a laughable incident of his early life. DR. BLISS.

THE WOUND.

Special Dispatch to The Chicago Tribune.

Washington, D. C.,July 2.—The physicians have been able to trace the course of the ball. It entered in the back above the kidneys, passed downward, then penetrated one of the lobes of the liver, and is either imbedded in the liver or is lodged in the interior wall of the abdomen. The army surgeons present at the White House say that there are thirteen cases in the medical books of the world of persons who have lived with a ball in the liver. If this bullet is imbedded in his liver, Gen. Garfield will be the fourteenth of these phenomenal cases. If the ball has passed clear through and lodged in one of the abdominal walls it can be removed. The surgeons do not find any indications or incisive congealations of blood about the liver.

THE COURSE OF THE BALL

is confirmed by the independent observations of two surgeons who made examinations without any conference with each other and compared notes afterwards. Their tracing exactly agreed. Dr. Bliss says that Mrs. Garfield too preserves the same remarkable composure. He received her when she left the President's room after that interview with her supposed dying husband, the nature of which is known only to God and those two. He said she came out remarkably composed, calm, pale, teariess, statuesque and requested the Doctor to give her every minute detail of the President's wound. She listened calmly to him for twenty minutes, when he described in detail all the physical conditions of the case, or the effects or different symptoms, and the single possible hope that there might be. She listened to him without flinching, without a tear, without a moan or a complaint, and requested that

EVERYTHING POSSIBLE BE DONE TO SAVE HIM.

Among the papers found on the person of Guiteau, which the District authorities are endeavoring to keep secret, is a letter addressed, to Gen. Cheater A. Arthur as the President of the United States. It considers him as the President by his (Gruiteau's) act, and gives him advice as to the construction of his, Cabinet. The Cabinet proposed by Guiteau is as follows: Rosoe Conkling, Secretary of State; Levi P. Morton, Secretary of the Treasury; John A. Logan, Secretary of War; Emery A. Storrs, Attorney-General; James to be retained as Postmaster-General. The positions of Secretary of the Navy and Secretary of the lnterior he says are of no consequence. Guiteau adds that the system of prohibiting appointment, of more than one Cabinet officer from a State.

HAD BETTER BE ABOLISHED.

Dr. Bliss says to night, and all the physicians concur in this statement, that "James A. Garfield is the bravest man on earth." None of the old army surgeons who were present and who have seen so much of the dead and dying in the hospitals in the War ever encountered a case of so much pluck. Knowing every moment of his danger with his mind as clear as a bell, on the very summit of human ambition. President Garfield, knowing that he was looking right into the jaws of death has never for a moment faltered, and has never relaxed a muscle at the thought of the dangerous possibilities of the situation, but on the contrary, has given cheer and encouragement to the stricken friends around him.

RUMORS OF ACONSPIRACY.

Special Dispatch to The Chicago Tribune. WASHINGTON, DC July 3.-This morning the theoryprevails that Guiteau, if he is responsible for anything, is alone responsible for the attempted murder of the President. This afternoon, when the president was reported to be rapidly sinking, be sent for his private secretary and directed that a commission be made out to Walter Blailne, private secretary of the Secretary of State, to be Third Assistant Secretary of State, vice Payson, promoted to Denmark. The President afterward sent for falter Blaine and handed him the commission, saying: "I do not do this for your father's sake, but I do it for your sake. You are worthy of it."

MRS. GARFIELD'S ARRIVAL.

Special Dispatch to The Chicago Tribune

Washington, DC, July 2.—The green lawn extended from the Presidential mansion to the monument over which a half-dozen tame rab-ribs were playing. The foliage of the trees, fresh from the heavy rains, was glistening in the sun. The sky even was cloudless. There was spread out from that south balcony a picture of National beauty and peace, yet be-neath these trees and over that grass sentries were walking. The horses drawing the Presidential carriage rushed panting and foaming to the steps. Attorney-General MacVeagh lifted Mrs. Garfield from her carriage Young James Garfield, with his father's own fortitude, took his mother's arm as soon as she had touched the ground, embraced her, supported her up by the winding steps, speaking to her such words of cheer as the terrible facts could permit. The Garfield girls were assisted by others. Mrs. Garfield still showed

TRACES OF HER LATE ILLNESS.

As her boy kissed her the tears seemed starting to her eyes, but the strong will, a wife's devotion, a consciousness of the necessity of being brave to meet her husband, all seemed to give her superhuman strength. Up these long winding steps she walked, outwardly calm, quickly asking questions in an almost gasping breath, but with a painful, terrible, anxious look upon that wan saddened face that no one who witnessed it will ever forget. She was immediately taken within the President's chamber. Meanwhile the President had heard the grating of the wheels upon the ground, and said to Postmaster-General James, who was holding his hand: "she has come. I would like to see her alone," Mrs. garfield entered. A the persons left the chamber, and man and wife, in what was thought to be the death-chamber, were left alone. Mrs. Garfield could remain there but a few minutes. Her exhausted nature asserted itself.

FOR SEVEN LONG HOURS

that had seemed to her an eternity she had been hastening to Washington, unable to receive nourishment, sufferings such agony as only those who love can know. She grew faint. The President noticed it and insisted that she should go downstairs for supper. Mrs. Garfield consented, and, escorted by Col. Rockwell, she went to the family dining-room at about 7:50 p.m. The party had hardly commenced theirs meal when a messenger ran hastily down the private stairs and into the dining-room without ceremony, announcing that the surgeon had said that the President was dying rapidly, and that they must come quickly. The party rose at once and went to Gen. Garfield's room, where they found that, while he was sinking rapidly, he had yet his full consciousness, as he had all day, but he seemed to be rapidly nearing death. At 8 o'clock he was still lower in condition, and a few moments later still, his pulse beat at the rate of 153 a minute. The anxious group of physicians looked every minute, every second, to see the sufferer breathe his last. This low condition continued for some time without change, circumstances which astonished the surgeons, and, as the condition continued until toward 9 o'clock, they became hopeful. At 10 o'clock the pulse had gradually receded to 128 beats per minute, and at last for the first time since the shooting, the President fell into

AN EASY SLEEP.

At l0:15 the pulse was at 121, and was so much stronger that his attendants declared it to represent a reduction of at least ten less than at 10 p. m. The temperature of the body was also much reduced, and it then became evident to most skeptical of his medical attendants that the wonderful physique and nerve power of the President might possibly bring him out of the valley. of the shadow of death. At 10:15 p. m. the President's private secretary, after consultation with the Cabinet, came down the stairway of the first doorway to the first floor, and directed, at 11 p. m., that the door should be closed and locked, and that no person should be admitted whatever. Prior to this he had directed that no cards should be sent to Col. Rockewell or to Dr. Bliss, any other of the surgeons attending. All were too much exhausted.

Special Dispatch to The Chicago Tribune.

WASHlNGTON. D. C., July 3.—The longest hours will have their ending, and at 6:30 p.m. the operator reported that the train that was bringing Mrs. Garfield was within the city limits, and she might soon be expected at the White House. The cheerful news was carried to the President, who thanked God for it and said: "I shall live to see her." At fifteen minutes before 7 the President's carriage was seen approaching the White House from the back way through that Guiteau was one of a band of conspirators was widespread. It arose from the report, which now is learned to have been incorrect, that Guiteau, after having shot the President said, "I am a Stalwart. I have made Arthur President." The police officers who arrested him, and who heard the shout, say that that is not the true story. However, there are others who claim to know that persons prior to the assassination have said that the President would not leave the city today. A gentleman called upon the Attorney-General, for instance, this afternoon, and swore to the following statement: That at the Pennsylvania depot office yesterday he heard a strange looking person inquire what time the President's train would leave today, and, being informed, said, "He may not go. We shall give him a rush." A great many similar stories have been brought to the detectives and the legal offices this afternoon and tonight.

ALL THE DETECTIVES IN THE CITY

and the secret service offices in Government employ have been at work following every possible thread. No trace of any conspiracy has yet been discovered, and the mpression tonight the agricultural and monument grounds, being driven at great speed, and taking this secluded road to avoid a crowd. There was no escort, either of military or police. Besides the President's carriage there was one containing Col. Corbiu and Maj. Swayne the latter who had escorted Mrs. Garfield on the back steps of the White House, at which the carriage stopped. There had been waiting quietly, silently patiently for hours a fine, manly looking lad of 13 years. The visitors to the White House wondered what the boy was doing there. It was young James Garfield, who was waiting to greet and cheer his mother at the end of the saddest, journey that poor woman ever undertook in her life.

BULLY FOR BROOKS.

Special Dispatch to The Chicago Tribune.

Washington, D. C., June 3.—The medical men are taking a good deal of encouragement tonight from the fact that Chief Brooks, of the Secret Service, is reported, to have a bullet in his liver. He is a very hearty man.

A STRONG GOVERNMENT.

Special Dispatch to The, Chicago Tribune.

washington, D. C., July 2.-"This shows the strength of Democracy," said one who had traveled in the East. "See these excited people; they voted for Garfield. They feel the wound. They are part of the Government. How different in the despotic East. I was in Tokio when Okubo was assassinated. He, like Garfield, fell at the hands of political fanatics who justified their bloody deed on the score of political necessity. It was a stormy day, and few were out. The spot the tragedy was visited by some. There were little gathering of citizens here and there, and a group of reckless students ran through the corridors of their building shouting,'Now we are free! now we are free! But the citizens in general showed a great indifference. They looked at it thus: Okubo governed the Government. Somebody wanted a quick change. They have got it. It makes no difference to us. We are merely the people. Our taxes will be collected, we presume, as usual. It makes me proud of my country to see the difference, and makes me believe that what are called strong-governments are the weakest, and weak governments the strongest."

ARTHUR AND CONKLING.

Special Dispatch to The Chicago Tribune.

NEW YORK, July 2.—Gen. Arthur stooped at the Fifth Avenue Hotel in the morning soon after his arrival in this city, prior to going to his home on Lexington avenue. For, an hour or more before noon he was in consultation with ex-Senater Conkling in the apartments of the latter. Numerous cards were sent to the General and ex -Senator, but they declined to see the greater number of the visitors. Both said, that they had been so much shocked upon receipt of the terrible intelligence that they had no disposition to talk with any one. Ex-Senator Conkling was disinclined to express his feeling's to the newspaper representatives who called, and said that he felt very bad. His countenance plainly showed that he was sorely distressed. Gen. Arthur and the ex-Senator

EAGERLY, SEIZED THE TELEGRAPHIC DISPATCHES

which were brought to them. When Gen. Arthur went to his residence he asked his servants to see that he was not disturbed. In the evening he sat in the front parlor reading the newspaper reports from Washington. He said to a reporter: " What can I say ? What is there to be said by me? I am overwhelmed with grief over the awful news." It was asked whether he would go to Washington, and at first said that he did not know what he should do. A few minutes later he said that in all probability he would not start for Washington until officially notified of the President's death.

HORROR AND INDIGNATION.

Special Dispatch to The Chicago Tribune.

New York, July 2.—The word assassination is seen and heard everywhere. "Is the President dead?" was the question on every one's lips through the day, and on to the moment when the latest news could be obtained. Politics and politicians are words used with loathing, and any one claiming to be a Stalwart just now would scarcely escape lynching on the spot. The public feeling is most intense. Excited crowds throng the newspaper bulletin-boards and eagerly discuss the news. An immense crowd is gathered in front of the Herald, office, where half-hour bulletins are exhibited under the blaze of an electric light. An evening paper, in its o'clock edition, printed a dispatch headed "The President Dead," adding that Mrs. Garfield did not arrive in time to be at his deathbed. It was

A PIECE OF SHARP PRACTICE,

resulting in an immense sale of the paper. The report of the President's death was read amid breathless silence by groups of men and women lining the streets, and the news of Mrs. Gar-field's absence from her husband's deathbed evoked the deepest sympathy for her in her great sorrow. Fortunately those who were down town were enabled to read the exact truth on the bulletins, and the fact that the President was alive, although rapidly sinking, seemed to remove a great weight from the public mind. In the early part of the day business was for a time suspended downtown. It seemed impossible for any one to grasp the news. Opinions differed as to the cause of the assassination It was not generally believed that Guiteau was insane. Some inclined to see in the tragedy

A DEEP POLITICAL PLOT,

and argued that prominent statesmen would be found at the bottom of the affair. A prominent Democrat declared that Guiteau had been egged on to do the bloody deed. He condemned it as a political misfortune. The horrible news, he said, would echo through the civilized world, blasting the reputation of the American Republic. Senator Robertson's remark that "we might as well live in Russia if public officers are to be assassinated. for doing their duty" finds a ready response among the intelligent citizens. The scene of excitement here has not been paralleled since the murder of President Lincoln. Were the assassin in New York he would have short shrift. On every hand murmurs of speedy retribution are heard. The crowds, too, have their phases. As they come together, or get near enough to read the bulletins sharp glances and angry words succeed each other for a whlle,and then a settled gloom is plainly noticeable. The crowds stand for hours

PATIENTLY WAITING FOR EVERY SCRAP OF INTELLIGENCE.

On the corners of Wall, Broad, William, and New streets, men were gathered in groups asking each other and every passing acquaintance for "the latest news." Without exception, the indignation and condemnation against the assassin and his crime were freely uttered. Men knew no politics in such a discussion. Democrats and Republicans were all men, and, for once at least, united in a common belief and sentiment. Every man asked of every other man, "What does it mean?" "Is there anything political in it?" "Are we living in a South American republic?" "Is this Nihilism in the United States?" Some men took a gloomy view of the situation, and appeared to see in it all sorts of

DISASTER TO OUR GOVERNMENT,

but by far the greater number thought and said that the people were superior, to any shock which might suddenly fall against those who were chosen to rule. The City-Hall was almost entirely deserted by the local politicians. Among those who were in the hall the feeling of regret and indignation at the dastardly shooting of the President was universal and outspoken, without reference to political parties or factions. With out exception every one condemned the deed is the moat vigorous words, and that this regret and condemnation sprang from a genuine and deep sorrow no one who heard it expressed could doubt. Mayor Grace was deeply affected when the news first reached his office, and very soon afterward he adjourned the trial of the Police Commissioners, which was in progress at the time. The Mayor said, later in the day that the tragedy in Washington had

SHOCKED AND GRIEVED HIM.

It was but a step from the disgraceful political exhibitions recently enacted in Albany to the fearful tragedy now enacted in Washington and, while he did not connect this deed with politics, yet it seemed as it the whole political system of the country was rotten as it had never been before. The shooting of President Garfield was a terrible calamity to the country. It came upon the Nation in the midst of unexampled prosperity. In such times men seemed to have no thought of the gratitude they owe Almighty God for the prosperity of the Nation, and now came the awful event at Washington. It should wake up the Nation to a true sense of its dependence upon the Almighty.

HALIFAX.

Special Dispatch to the Chicago Tribune.

HALIFAX, July 2.— The report of the attempt to assassinate President Garfield created intense excitement here. The telegraph and American Consul's offices were besieged with inquiries for particulars of the sad affair, and it has been the topic of conversation all day.

WYOMING.

CHEYENNE, Why., July 2.—Out of respect to the assassination of President Garfield, the fire department has postponed for thirty days the grand firemen's tournament and parade. Teams were to come from several States and Territories and the grandest exercises in the history of the city were anticipated. Intense sorrow prevails.

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