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Distinctions in society will always exist under every Just government.
Equality of talents, of education, or of wealth, can not be produced by hu-
man institutions. In the full enjoyment of the gifts of heaven and the
fruits of superior industry, economy, and virtue, every man is equally entitled
to protection by law. But when the laws undertake to add to these natural
and just advantages, artificial distinctions, to grant titles, gratuities, and ex-
clusive privileges, to make the rich richer and the potent more powerful,
the humble members of society, the farmers, mechanics, and laborers, who
have neither the time nor the means of securing like favors to themselves,
have a right to complain of the injustice of their government There are
no necessary evils in government. Its evils exist only in its abuses. If it
would confine itself to equal protection, and, as heaven does its rains,
shower its favors alike on the high and the low, the rich and the poor, it
would be an unqualified blessing. In the act before me, there seems to
be a wide and unnecessary departure from these just principles.

~nor is our government to be maintained, or our Union preserved, by
invasion of the rights and powers of the several States. In thus attempt-
ing to make our general government strong, we make it weak. Its true
strength consists in leaving individuals and States, as much as possible, to
themselves; in making itself felt, not in its power, but in ita beneficence,
not in its control, but in its protection, not in binding the States more
closely to the center, but leaving each to move unobstructed in its propor
orbit. Experience should teach us wisdom. Most of the difficulties
government now encounters, and most of the dangers which impend
our Union, have sprung from an abandonment of the legitimate obiects f I
government by our national legislation, and the adoption of such princini
as are eubodied in this act. Many of our rich men have not been
tent with equal protection and equal benefits, but have besouo-hf m (a
make them richer by act of Congress. By attempting to gratify their de-
sires, we have, in the results of our legislation, arrayed section against sen.
tion, interest against interest, and man against man, in a fearful commotion
which threatens to shake the foundations of our Union. It is time to
pause in our career, to review our principles, and, if possible, revive that
devoted patriotism and spirit of compromise which distinguished the saireg
of the '•evolution, and the fathers of our Union. If we can not at once
in justice to the interests vested under improvident legislation, make our
government what it ought to be, we can, at least, take a stand against all
new grants of monopolies and exclusive privileges, against any prostitution
of our government to the advancement of the few at the expense of the
many, and in favor of compromise and gradual reform in our code of
laws and system of political economy." I have now done my duty to my country. If sustained by my fel-
low-citizens, I shall be grateful and happy; if not, I shall find, in the mo-
tives which impel me, ample grounds for contentment and peace. In the
difficulties which surround us, and the dangers which threaten our institu-
tions, there is cause for neither dismay nor alarm. For relief and deliv-
erance let us firmly rely on that kind Providence which, I am sure, watchea
with peculiar care over the destinies of our Republic and on the intelli.
gence and wisdom of our countrymen. Through His abundant goodness,
and their patriotic devotion, our liberty and Union will be preserved.